The Capability to Integrate into the Labour Market: Examining the Experiences of Forced Migrants in Finland

Abstract

Finland has experienced several waves of forced migration since gaining independence. Despite the country’s robust efforts to promote integration through official programmes, the entry of forced migrants into the labour market has not been successful compared to other migrant groups and the local Finnish population. While most research has examined the capabilities of forced migrants to integrate into the labour market, exploring relevant barriers from the perspectives of employers and integration counsellors, there has been limited attention to examining these individuals’ capabilities through the lens of their own lived experiences. This study addresses that gap by employing the capability approach as a theoretical framework, drawing on the experiences of 50 participants. The study reveals that forced migrants lack the capabilities to integrate into the labour market due to the constraining impact of various social conversion factors, including approaches, attitudes and practices, manifested through (a) a passive, one-size-fits-all labour market integration approach, (b) the undervaluation of foreign qualifications and work experience, and (c) perceived discriminatory practices. As municipalities assume the responsibility for organising integrations services, this study argues for adopting proactive approaches, providing tailored services and taking affirmative actions in order to address these barriers and develop the capabilities of forced migrants to integrate into the Finnish labour market.

Keywords

Forced migration forced migrants labour market integration the capability approach capabilities Finland

Introduction

Forced migration is an inherently contested concept, as migration experiences rarely conform to a simple dichotomy of ‘voluntary’ or ‘forced’. Instead, they unfold along a continuum shaped by varying degrees of agency and compulsion, raising critical questions about the sources and intensity of coercion, as well as the extent of individual choice in migration decisions (Erdal & Oeppen, 2017). While forced migration remains a complex concept, various efforts have been made within scholarly literature to define and operationalise it. For example, Stankovic et al. (2021) defines forced migration as the forcibly induced movement of people, while Erdal (2020) describes it as the movement of people where coercion is a dimension. Such coercion is often provoked by various forces, both natural and man-made, occurring within or across international borders, including armed conflict, violence, human rights violations, socio-economic and state fragility, environmental degradation, climate change, development projects and natural disasters (Zetter, 2018).

People with forced migration experiences, often referred to as forced migrants, are defined by the European Migration Network (EMN, 2025) as individuals ‘subjected to migratory movements in which an element of coercion exists’. They fall into various political and legal categories, including refugees, asylum seekers, persons in need of international protection, internally displaced persons (IDPs) and many others (see Castles, 2006). According to UNHCR latest Global Trends report (2024), the global number of forced migrants surpassed 117.3 million by the end of 2023, comprising 86.3 million IDPs and 31.6 million refugees under UNHCR’s mandate.

Finland, a Northern European country bordering the Baltic Sea, has undergone a transformation since the 1980s, emerging as a destination for immigration, including for forced migrants. Although the number of these individuals in the country remains relatively modest, ranking among the lowest in the Nordic countries (Gauffin & Lyytinen, 2017), recent increases have brought greater ethnocultural, linguistic, religious and socio-economic diversity, introducing new challenges for Finland’s relatively homogeneous society and universal welfare system. Even though Finland has implemented extensive official integration programmes since the late 1990s, forced migrants have generally faced greater difficulty entering the labour market compared to other migrant groups and the local Finnish population (see Heikkilä, 2021; Heikkilä & Yeasmin, 2021; Sarvimäki, 2017). While most studies have examined the capabilities of these individuals to integrate into the labour market, exploring the relevant barriers from the perspectives of employers and integration counsellors (see Lyytinen & Toom, 2019) and other stakeholders (see Bontenbal & Lillie, 2019), limited attention has been paid to examining these individuals’ capabilities through the lens of their own lived experiences.

This study addresses this existing gap in the literature by examining the lived experiences of 50 participants from Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Sudan and Afghanistan who are living in Finland. All participants define their migratory experience in line with the definition of forced migration provided earlier by Stankovic et al. (2021). This conceptual category is chosen to encompass a broader range of immigrants, beyond those with specific legal statuses.

Amartya Sen’s capability approach is used as the guiding theoretical framework for this examination, defining capabilities as the real opportunities to do valuable acts or reach valuable states of being (Sen, 1993, 1999). Capabilities are influenced by various conversion factors, including personal, social and environmental factors (see Robeyns, 2005, 2017). By examining the experiences of forced migrants through this framework, the study seeks to answer the following questions: Do forced migrants have the capability to integrate into the Finnish labour market? If not, what barriers hinder the development of such capability?

The significance of this study lies in expanding the literature on barriers that prevent forced migrants from having the capabilities to integrate into the Finnish labour market, while also advancing theoretical understanding of how the capability approach can illuminate the role of various conversion factors in shaping integration outcomes. By answering the research questions, the study provides key insights for municipalities as they assume responsibility for organising labour market integration services starting in 2025. Furthermore, it offers valuable perspectives for policymakers and civil society organisations involved in supporting the economic integration process of forced migrants.

This article is structured into six main sections. The first section introduces forced migration and labour market integration in Finland. The second section provides an overview of the capability approach. The ‘Methodology’ section outlines the focus group discussions (FGDs) and qualitative content analysis methods used for data collection and analysis, respectively. The ‘Findings’ section presents the results of the analysis, highlighting the key barriers identified. The ‘Discussion’ section critically examines these barriers, while the ‘Conclusion’ section outlines key recommendations and acknowledges the study’s limitations.

Forced Migration and Labour Market Integration in Finland

Finland has experienced several waves of forced migration since gaining independence in 1917. However, it was not until the 1980s that the country officially began operating an annual refugee resettlement programme, admitting individuals for resettlement in collaboration with the UNHCR (Sacramento et al., 2019). Over the past 20 years, most resettled refugees have come from countries such as Sudan, Syria, Iraq, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Afghanistan and Myanmar (MIGRI, 2024b). In addition, Finland has been receiving asylum applications since the 1990s, granting residence permits on various grounds, including asylum, protection and other reasons (MIGRI, 2024a).

During the so-called “2015 European migrant crisis,” asylum applications dramatically surged to nearly 10 times the number of the previous year (MIGRI, 2024c). In response, the Finnish government sought to control the rising number by implementing several changes to its migration legislation, making Finland a less-appealing destination for asylum seekers. As a result, in 2016, when many of the asylum applications from 2015 were processed, only about 32% of the decisions were positive (Wahlbeck, 2018). Since 2016, Finland has received about as many asylum applications as in 2015, mostly from Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, Syria and Russia (MIGRI, 2024c).

In response to the growing number of immigrants in the country, Finland has introduced various pieces of legislation governing integration since the late 1990s (Bontenbal & Lillie, 2019). Guided by the latest Act on the Promotion of Immigrant Integration (2010), the integration of immigrants is mainly promoted through various measures and services organised by public sector authorities. For instance, the state Employment and Economic Development Offices (TE Offices) have been organising Public Employment Services (PES), including Active Labour Market Programmes (ALMPs) and other services designed to promote the labour market integration of immigrants (OECD, 2023).

When immigrants register at TE offices as unemployed job seekers, they receive guidance and advisory services on integration, including the need for an initial assessment (Centre of Expertise in Immigrant Integration, 2025). Typically conducted within 2 months, the initial assessment assesses, through interviews, language proficiency testing and a competence evaluation, the immigrant’s circumstances and the need to prepare a personalised integration plan (Job Market Finland, 2024a, 2024c). Within 2 weeks of the initial assessment, the plan is drawn up and agreed upon in cooperation between the immigrant job seeker and an integration counsellor from the TE office (Bontenbal & Lillie, 2019).

Typically drawn up for 3 years, the integration plan often includes specialised services designed to promote labour market integration, such as adult literacy training, and integration training (Job Market Finland, 2024b). The plan could also include PES such as vocational guidance, career planning, coaching, job search training, labour market training, independent studies subsidised with unemployment benefits, joint procurement training, pay subsidies, etc. (Job Market Finland, 2024d). Simultaneously, immigrants considered to be settling on a permanent basis often qualify for unemployment benefits as a form of integration financial assistance. However, these benefits may be restricted if job offers are unreasonably refused or if the duties in the integration plan are not fulfilled (Kalliomaa-Puha, 2020).

Despite Finland’s robust efforts to promote integration through official programmes, forced migrants have generally faced greater difficulty entering the labour market compared to other migrant groups and the local Finnish population (see Heikkilä, 2021; Heikkilä & Yeasmin, 2021; Sarvimäki, 2017). Although time was shown to be a decisive factor in the process of labour market integration, where a longer stay was associated with higher employment rates (Krutova et al., 2016), the employment gap between forced migrants and local Finns remained substantial for years (Sarvimäki, 2017). While most studies have examined the capabilities of these individuals to integrate into the labour market, exploring the relevant barriers from the perspectives of employers and integration counsellors (Lyytinen & Toom, 2019) and other stakeholders (Bontenbal & Lillie, 2019), limited attention has been paid to examining these individuals’ capabilities through the lens of their own lived experiences.

The Capability Approach

The capability approach, developed by Nobel laureate economist Amartya Sen (1979), is a broad normative framework for understanding and assessing human development and well-being, as well as for designing and evaluating policies aimed at social change (Robeyns, 2005). Informed by the principles of equality (Sen, 1995) and freedom (Sen, 1999), the capability approach puts forward several arguments, one of which argues for creating capabilities for individuals to live a life they have reason to value (Nussbaum, 2011).

The approach is grounded in the core concept of capabilities, which refers to real opportunities to do valuable acts or reach valuable states of being (Sen, 1993, 1999). The deprivation of capabilities results in situations of disadvantage (Wolff & de-Shalit, 2007). An important aspect of the capability approach is its focus on the factors that impact the capabilities. Robeyns (2005, 2017) conceptualises these factors as conversion factors, categorising them into personal (e.g., health, gender, age, education and skills), social (e.g., approaches, attitudes and practices) and environmental (e.g., climate and geographical location) factors.

In recent years, several applications of the capability approach within forced migration studies have emerged (see Dijk et al., 2022; van der Boor et al., 2020). Kim (2012), for instance, argued that efforts towards supporting refugees should focus not only on granting protection but also on what capabilities should be guaranteed. Accordingly, aiming to identify central capabilities to well-being among forced migrants within host societies, Nassar (2025a) argued that capabilities to legality, education and sociality are of high centrality. In the Finnish context, Nassar (2024) argued that the capability to integrate into the labour market is one of the key capabilities essential to the well-being of forced migrants, enabling them to gain social esteem and societal respect, while also enhancing their personal autonomy and self-esteem.

The capability approach has also been applied in integration studies. Several scholars have examined how various conversion factors (see Robeyns, 2005, 2017) influence the capabilities of forced migrants. For instance, in the Finnish context, Mäki-Opas et al. (2022) examined how different personal and social conversion factors influence refugees’ capabilities to health, social relations and others. Also, Ismail (2019) examined the influence of these factors to understand the barriers that these factors impose on the capability to education among descendants of former Somali refugees in the Finnish education system. In a similar vein, by deeply examining the experiences of forced migrants within this theoretical framework, the study reveals the barriers to the capability to integrate into the Finnish labour market.

Methodology

Research Design and Data Collection

Before the data collection process, ethical approval was granted. The selection criteria for research participants included individuals who were 18 years or older; could communicate in English, Arabic or Finnish; and defined their migratory experience in line with the definition of forced migration provided by Stankovic et al. (2021) as forcibly induced movement of people.

Participants were recruited through a collaborative effort with four community organisations operating in two regions of Finland, using a convenience sampling method. Initial contact was made by reaching out to the staff of each organisation. The organisations provided information about their scheduled activity days, where individuals meeting the study’s eligibility criteria were likely to be present. By attending these activities, direct connections were made with potential participants. During these engagements, information about the research was provided, and those who expressed interest were invited to participate in the study.

Following Hennink’s (2014) guidance on their design and conduct, in-person FGDs were employed as the data collection method. This method was chosen because it allows for the exploration of a range of perspectives and experiences on the topic in a single sitting. A total of 50 participants took part in nine group discussions. Groups FG1, FG6 and FG8 each comprised six participants, while FG2, FG7 and FG9 each had seven participants. Both FG3 and FG4 consisted of four participants, and FG5 had three participants. Participants fell into different legal and political categories of individuals in forced migration situations. Among the participants, 17 were from Iraq, 14 from Syria, 9 from Palestine, 7 from Sudan and 3 from Afghanistan.

Data collection took place between January 2023 and January 2024, with each group discussion lasting approximately 40–60 minutes. All discussions were conducted in Arabic, the participants’ primary or secondary language, except for one session, which was held in Finnish with the assistance of a Finnish–English interpreter. The discussions centred around a single open-ended question: What are the main challenges in finding a job in Finland? All sessions were digitally recorded, transcribed verbatim, fully anonymised, translated to English if needed, then uploaded to ATLAS.ti 23 software for analysis.

Data Analysis

The data analysis process followed Schreier’s (2012) guidance for qualitative content analysis, guided by the capability approach as a theoretical framework. The development of a coding frame was based on the concept of capabilities. The main category of the frame was conversion factors, with subcategories including personal (health, gender, age, education and skills), social (approaches, attitudes and practices) and environmental (climate and geographical location) factors (see Robeyns, 2005, 2017). Codes reflecting semantic meanings were developed, refined and finalised through a systematic two-round coding process, and then assigned to the relevant subcategories. For example, while the codes for passive integration approaches, distrustful societal attitudes and perceived discriminatory recruitment practices were developed and assigned to the subcategory of social factors, the codes for lack of professional skills and illiteracy were developed and assigned to the subcategory of personal factors. Similarly, codes for cold weather and rural areas were developed and assigned to the subcategory of environmental factors. Findings were finally reported using Morgan’s (2010) approach, using the body of the text to provide information about the content of the group discussion, with specific quotations used to exemplify certain issues.

Findings

Participants across nearly all groups expressed frustration after making numerous attempts to enter the Finnish labour market. ‘I have submitted [hundreds] of job applications for years but got 0 interviews! They didn’t even invite me for any interview’ (FG1). This statement reveals deep frustration from prolonged, unsuccessful job searching, reflecting lack of capabilities to enter the Finnish labour market, which particularly stem from the constraining impact of various social conversion factors, including: (a) approaches, (b) attitudes and (c) practices.

Approaches

The data analysis reveals that forced migrants lack the capabilities to integrate into the labour market due to the constraining impact of the social conversion factor of approaches, as evidenced by the passive, one-size-fits-all labour market integration approach. One participant shared:

The employment office has failed in its approach to integration. I took a language course for [few] months, which was insufficient for integrating into Finnish life. The office then pushed us into a job search. It sees you as a working robot! They want to put you to use quickly. (FG2)

This statement illustrates how the integration approach, as a social conversion factor (see Robeyns, 2005, 2017), has constrained forced migrants’ capabilities to integrate into the labour market. According to the participants, the TE offices have followed a one-size-fits-all labour market integration approach. They felt that they were all pushed towards vocational studies and job-seeking obligations, ‘The office then pushed us into a job search’, after a brief period of intensive integration training. They believed this approach might be driven by the goal of filling low-skilled jobs with immigrants, thereby quickly reducing the financial burden of integration on general government finance. ‘They want to put you to use quickly’. However, many participants criticised this approach, arguing that it fails to account for the heterogeneity of immigrants by grouping them into a single category. Participants argued that the integration approach adopted by the TE offices fails to thoughtfully consider their qualifications and aspirations, limiting the potential to unlock their human capital, which could benefit society, and hindering the development of the capabilities to integrate into the labour market.

Most participants expressed dissatisfaction with the TE office’s integration approach constraining their capabilities to integrate into the Finnish labour market. They argued that the office has been operating as a bureaucratic body, existing primarily to issue labour policy statements (i.e., job seeker status) that qualify immigrants for unemployment benefits. One participant shared:

I keep hearing ‘Go search … go search … go search …’ It would be much better for the employment office to take the initiative and act as a mediator between workplaces and us. They should say, ‘Come, we found a place for you where you could receive training or work in your field, and now we’ve done our part’. (FG7)

This statement illustrates how the integration approach, as a social conversion factor (see Robeyns, 2005, 2017), has hindered forced migrants’ capabilities to integrate into the labour market by being passive. Participants argued that the TE office did not actively mediate between immigrant job or apprenticeship seekers and employers. For instance, they noted that the office’s approach placed the responsibility of securing apprenticeships and jobs solely on immigrants: ‘I keep hearing “Go search … go search … go search ….”’ However, they stressed the need for a more proactive approach, ‘take the initiative and act as a mediator …’. This need for a more proactive integration approach was also highlighted by another participant in FG5:

Look, Finland is a very good country, but the employment office is a real failure. It should contact companies looking for workers and tell them, ‘I have an immigrant here who is really skilled …’. (FG5)

This statement illustrates that TE offices in their integration approach should have operated as active recruitment agencies, taking a more direct role in the hiring process to bridge the gap and build trust between immigrant job seekers and employers. They proposed achieving this by facilitating connections, reaching out to potential employers, ‘It should contact companies looking for workers’, and providing tailored recommendations: ‘… who is really skilled’. They argued that without the office’s active involvement and affirmative actions, immigrants are unlikely to overcome their disadvantaged situations and compete fairly with locals, who often benefit from language fluency, domestic qualifications and shared ethnicity.

Attitudes

The data analysis also reveals that forced migrants lack the capabilities to integrate into the labour market due to the constraining impact of the social conversion factor of attitudes, as evidenced by the undervaluation of foreign qualifications and work experience By Finnish employers.

The issue of the undervaluation of foreign qualifications became particularly evident when participants who had worked in professions considered unregulated in Finland noted that the challenges extended beyond the formal recognition process. One participant remarked: ‘Even if the degree is officially recognised, it’s not valued by employers. Finns always believe their education is superior, even when foreign education is better’ (FG6). This comment illustrates that the main barriers lie not merely in institutional recognition, ‘Even if …’, but in the attitudes of employers that undervalue foreign qualifications, ‘… it’s not valued by employers’. Participants noted that Finnish employers often perceive foreign qualifications as failing to meet local standards, viewing domestic degrees as superior regardless of the actual quality or merits of the foreign credentials: ‘Finns always believe their education is superior …’

Participants attributed this undervaluation to employers’ lack of trust in the credibility of the educational institutions from which the degrees were obtained, leading to doubts about immigrants’ professional skills and capacity to work. One participant shared: ‘To enter the Finnish labour market, you need a Finnish degree! I mean, they don’t really trust our degrees, um, they only trust degrees from Finland’ (FG3). Participants believed that employers might question whether foreign degrees, although officially recognised, were earned through corrupt practices due to the perceived reputation of the immigrants’ home countries. This lack of trust in foreign educational institutions, ‘they don’t really trust our degrees’, may have stemmed from generalising cases about corrupt practices involving certain immigrants, leading to a preference for Finnish degrees, ‘they only trust degrees from Finland’, even when foreign qualifications are equally rigorous, ultimately hindering the capability to integrate.

Participants, particularly those with fewer academic qualifications, expressed frustration that employers often undervalue not only foreign academic qualifications but also work experience, hindering the capability to integrate into the labour market. One participant argued:

Here, you’re forced to have a certificate even if you know how to work! I have worked in [occupation] for [many] years in my country. Why should I now study physics and chemistry!? Um, just take me to the field and I show you my skills, but they want me to show a certificate. If they just give us the opportunity, we will prove ourselves! (FG9)

This statement illustrates that in participants’ home countries, some occupations did not require degrees or certificates as work experience alone was considered sufficient. However, in Finland, many found that even for jobs where they have years of hands-on experience, ‘I have worked in [occupation] for [many] years’, employers require Finnish certifications and degrees to validate their skills, ‘they want me to show a certificate’. Participants, however, believed that if given the capability to work in these vocations, ‘If they just give us the opportunity’, they could easily demonstrate their competence, ‘we will prove ourselves’, without undergoing challenging certification processes, ‘Why should I now study physics and chemistry!?’

Practices

The data analysis also reveals that forced migrants lack the capabilities to integrate into the labour market due to the constraining impact of the social conversion factor of practices, as evidenced by the perceived discriminatory practices.

A prominent theme that emerged in most group discussions was ethnicity, which many participants believed plays a decisive role in securing apprenticeships and job opportunities. This role, they claimed, does not end with the obtaining of citizenship, nor does it disappear for second-generation immigrants. One participant argued: ‘The rejection is primarily based on the name! When the last name appears as non-Finnish, the CV is thrown away’ (FG1). This remark highlights the participants’ perception of ethnic discriminatory practices in hiring processes, particularly during the initial CV screening stage, where surnames signalling a non-Finnish ethnic background often hinder migrants’ capability to enter the labour market—‘the CV is thrown away’.

Several participants supported their perception of employers’ ethnic discriminatory practices by sharing experiences that highlight the decisive role ethnicity, often reflected in names, plays in having the capability to integrate into the Finnish labour market. The following quote reveals the unsettling reality that a simple name change can open doors, exposing ethnic discrimination in hiring processes: ‘A friend of mine simply changed his name, not officially, just via e-mail. He changed it to a Finnish name ending with “nen,” and immediately after that, he received an email saying he had an interview’ (FG2).

Participants believed that ethnic discrimination is not equally distributed among immigrants. Instead, they observed an ethnic hierarchy in the Finnish labour market, where certain ethnic groups have a greater capability to work. One participant shared:

Everything depends on your background! If you’re not Arab or Middle Eastern, you are able to work. But if you are, once they see your background, you’re out. We feel like we’re at the fourth or fifth level. (FG4)

This statement illustrates how high-status ethnic minority groups, such as Europeans, are often positioned higher in the hierarchy and can secure jobs with less-stringent requirements. In contrast, other ethnic minority groups, particularly Arabs and Africans, are placed at the bottom, ‘We feel like we’re at the fourth or fifth level’. Another participant supported this argument by comparing their experiences in the labour market with those from Ukraine:

When we talk about the Ukrainian experience, it’s very different! They’ll hire a Ukrainian with limited language skills, but not an Iraqi or Syrian with a B1 level. The racial aspect matters. (FG8)

This statement highlights the frustration participants felt upon seeing many Ukrainians quickly hired, while they themselves, despite having similar or even superior qualifications, had been overlooked for years. They believed that European heritage, whether in terms of appearance, religion or cultural norms, placed Ukrainians in a more favourable position within the hierarchical structure of the Finnish labour market, ultimately hindering the capability of migrants with non-European ethnic backgrounds to integrate. Participants also noted that employers often cite insufficient Finnish language proficiency as the reason for rejecting their job applications. However, they criticised this explanation, arguing that employers tend to demand near-native fluency specifically from their ethnic groups and that the ethnic discriminatory practices are the true barrier to their capability to integrate into the labour market.

Discussion

This study reveals that forced migrants lack the capabilities to integrate into the Finnish labour market due to the constraining impact of various social conversion factors, including approaches, attitudes and practices. The first barrier to forced migrants’ capability to integrate into the Finnish labour market, which relates to the social conversion factor of approaches, is the passive, one-size-fits-all labour market integration approach. Criticism of the TE offices’ approach, directing all immigrants towards vocational studies and job-seeking obligations after a brief period of intensive integration training, highlights the need for an alternative approach that thoughtfully accounts for the heterogeneity of immigrants, considering their qualifications, and aspirations. Despite the legal requirement to develop personalised integration plans, this one-size-fits-all approach, as argued by participants, may reflect a pragmatic response by the TE offices to the realities of the Finnish labour market, particularly its demand for low-skilled jobs. It could also indicate a strategy to maximise the official integration period or a lack of confidence in immigrants’ capacities. More critically, it may reflect immigrants’ insufficiently informed engagement with integration counsellors during the development of integration plans (see also Bontenbal & Lillie, 2019).

The labour market integration approach, criticised by participants for being passive, provides valuable insights as municipalities take on the responsibility for organising public employment and labour market integration services. To overcome the disadvantaged situations of forced migrants in comparison to locals, such as language barriers, undervalued foreign qualifications and ethnic discrimination, the approach should not focus solely on developing human capital (e.g., job search skills). Instead, the approach should be proactive in encouraging employers to hire immigrant job seekers and help overcome any confidence threshold on their part (see Valtonen, 2001), by facilitating connections, organising recruitment events, reaching out to potential employers and offering personal recommendations. However, as responsibility transferred from the state to municipalities, the change arguably appeared to involve shifting the body responsible for organising the services, rather than a fundamental shift in the overall labour market integration approach (see Job Market Finland, 2025a). Without a proactive shift, the approach will continue to hinder forced migrants’ capability to integrate into Finland’s labour market, particularly during economic downturns (see Heikkilä, 2017).

Another significant barrier to forced migrants’ capability to integrate into the Finnish labour market, which relates to the social conversion factor of attitudes, is the undervaluation of their foreign qualifications and work experience. The foreign qualifications that immigrants bring from their home countries are often undervalued by Finnish employers, even when officially recognised. This finding was also highlighted by Ndomo and Lillie (2020), who argued that qualifications should be de facto recognised, meaning that they should not only be officially acknowledged but also genuinely valued by employers in the hiring process. Furthermore, the findings indicate that many immigrants, especially those with extensive work experience, consider their hands-on skills adequate for the professions they previously practised without formal certifications in their home countries. However, these individuals frequently encounter obstacles, as employers in Finland often demand formal Finnish certifications to validate their skills, regardless of their years of relevant experience. This disconnect highlights the gap between the practical competencies immigrants bring to the workforce and the formal academic qualifications deemed necessary by employers.

Noteworthy, integration is a two-way process, requiring Finnish employers to recognise their responsibility for the integration of individuals in disadvantaged situations, including forced migrants (see Gauffin & Lyytinen, 2017). Some employers indeed take on this responsibility by hiring immigrants to foster their integration. However, such practices are not reflected in policy design. One potential policy intervention to bridge this gap could involve the introduction of quotas for immigrants not only in the public sector but also in the private sector, encouraging employers to proactively recruit foreign-trained immigrants. While this population may initially lack certain localised skills or certifications, many demonstrate qualities such as diligence, high motivation, honesty, politeness, flexibility, commitment and a strong work ethic, all of which can significantly enhance organisational performance (see Lyytinen & Toom, 2019).

Another significant barrier to forced migrants’ capability to integrate into the Finnish labour market, which relates to the social conversion factor of practices, is perceived discriminatory practices by some Finnish employers. Perceived ethnic discrimination, particularly during the CV screening process, aligns with Ahmad’s (2020a, 2020b) findings that individuals with foreign surnames on their CVs are significantly less likely to be invited for interviews than those with Finnish surnames. This underscores how early-stage exclusion based on perceived ethnicity shapes the capability to integrate into the Finnish labour market (see also Eurobarometer, 2015; Valtonen, 2001).

A recurring theme in participants’ accounts was the perception of an ethnic hierarchy, where Finns and high-status minorities such as Europeans occupy privileged positions, while Arabs and Africans are relegated to the bottom. This finding resonates with Liebkind et al.’s (2016) findings that applicants from low-status minority groups face significantly lower employment opportunities than high-status minorities. Furthermore, participants highlighted how the rapid employment of Ukrainians, in comparison to their own prolonged job search, demonstrated the advantage of European heritage in the Finnish labour market. This supports Ahmad’s (2022c) argument that racial and cultural proximity to the majority group facilitates better labour market outcomes.

While participants acknowledged the necessity of language proficiency, they argued that employers often use Finnish language fluency as a legitimate justification for excluding low-status ethnic groups, claiming that high-status ethnic groups are not held to the same standard. Despite the establishment of anti-discrimination frameworks, such as the Non-discrimination Act (2014) and the Office of the Non-discrimination Ombudsman, indirect ethnic discrimination in employment prospects points to significant gaps in the achievement of substantive equality, as many instances of ethnic discrimination are concealed under the guise of a legitimate aim.

Conclusion

Despite Finland’s robust efforts to promote integration through official programmes, the entry of forced migrants into the labour market has not been successful compared to other migrant groups and the local Finnish population (see Heikkilä, 2021; Heikkilä & Yeasmin, 2021; Sarvimäki, 2017). By deeply examining the experiences of forced migrants within the framework of the capability approach, the study reveals that forced migrants lack the capabilities to integrate into the Finnish labour market due to the constraining impact of various social conversion factors, including approaches, attitudes and practices, manifested through (a) a passive, one-size-fits-all labour market integration approach, (b) the undervaluation of foreign qualifications and work experience and (c) perceived discriminatory practices. These barriers often lead forced migrants to depend on unemployment benefits for prolonged periods, engage in informal work or take on elementary occupations within the secondary labour market, roles that fail to align with their professional qualifications and career aspirations (see Ndomo & Lillie, 2020; Valtonen, 2001).

As the responsibility for organising labour market integration services shifts from the state’s TE offices to municipalities, there is a need for an alternative approach that thoughtfully accounts for the heterogeneity of immigrants, considering their qualifications, and aspirations while placing greater emphasis on language proficiency development. Moreover, a proactive approach that extends beyond the provision of human capital development services to include affirmative actions is recommended to address various barriers, such as reluctant attitudes, to the capability to integrate. While it is crucial to allocate more resources to municipalities for the adoption of a proactive approach, the new Act on the Promotion of Immigrant Integration (2023), along with reduced compensatory payments that municipalities receive for providing integration services, introduced by the current government to cut public spending, could lead to higher unemployment rates among immigrants. As a result, immigrants may become more reliant on unemployment benefits, ultimately contributing to an increase in long-term public spending (see YLE, 2024).

Additionally, given the greater degree of uncertainty regarding the skills of immigrant jobseekers, employers may steer away from hiring them in order to minimise their risk of hiring an employee who is ill-equipped to meet the demands of the job. One potential solution to address the undervaluation of foreign qualifications and work experience is the implementation of structured employer-oriented information platforms (see OECD, 2018). Finally, to address the barrier of ethnic discriminatory practices in the recruitment process, awareness-raising efforts should be complemented by affirmative actions, such as implementing employment quotas for immigrants, mandating anonymous recruitment processes, restricting internal hiring and establishing monitoring mechanisms.

In conclusion, while the findings on the barriers to the capabilities to integrate into the labour market provide valuable insights for various stakeholders involved in integration matters, additional barriers may exist beyond those identified in this study, necessitating further research. Moreover, it is crucial to emphasise the interconnectedness of all aspects of integration, including economic, cultural and social. These aspects cannot be viewed in isolation when designing and implementing integration policies and programmes, as they collectively shape the overall integration experience and well-being (see also Nassar, 2025b). Therefore, further research is needed to explore how these aspects interact and influence one another, ultimately providing a more comprehensive understanding of how to effectively develop the capabilities of forced migrants to integrate into the labour market.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

Gratitude is extended to all participants who contributed to the study, and to all commentators on earlier versions of this manuscript, particularly Kati Turtiainen, Johanna Kiili and Aila-Leena Matthies.

Data Availability

The metadata for the dataset is openly available at https://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:jyu-202410216412, while the data itself is not yet available for public.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Disclaimer

This research reflects only the view of the authoring researcher and does not necessarily reflect or represent the opinion and position of the ASTRA project, educational institutions and partner organisations involved. The European Commission and the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions Network are not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains.

Ethical Approval

An ethical approval was granted on 23 May 2022 by the Human Sciences Ethics Committee at the University of Jyväskylä.

Funding

The author disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article: This research is a part of the ASTRA project that is funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 955518.

Informed Consent

Each participant was provided with a research notification and a privacy notice for scientific research, which included information about the research objectives, legal grounds for processing personal data, and the data management plan. Participants’ consent to participate in the study was then documented through written consent, except for two who provided oral consent.

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