“Just Having a Job”

Abstract

This study examined career development and early employment experiences for four young adults with intellectual and developmental disabilities. Researchers used a multiple-method, multiple case-study longitudinal design to explore career development within the context of family systems, high school and transition programs, adult services, and early and continued experiences in the labor market. Data sources included school and rehabilitation records, job observations, and interviews with young adults, family members, high school special education personnel, employers, and adult agency staff (N = 39). During the early career years, participants maintained stable employment, but earned annual wages well under the federal poverty line. Employment opportunities seemed to be influenced by family advocacy and expectations, school-based work experiences, job development services, and work environments.

Keywords

intellectual disabilities developmental disabilities employment career development poverty

Individuals with an intellectual disability (ID) are often unemployed or underemployed and many live at or below the poverty line (National Organization on Disability [NOD], 2010). Lack of income impacts access to basic needs such as food, housing, and medical care (Emerson, 2007). In recent years, a growing emphasis has been placed on developing integrated employment opportunities for adults with ID (Metzel, Boeltzig, Butterworth, Sulewski, & Gilmore, 2007). Despite these efforts, people with an ID continue to be one of the most disadvantaged groups in the labor market. In 2011, the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission estimated 2.5 million people in the United States have an ID, and only about 31% of those are employed. Many more adults with an ID have a desire to work, but career development opportunities are limited for a myriad of reasons (Hughes & Avoke, 2010).

Pervasive poverty for young adults with intellectual and developmental disabilities (ID/DD) can be partially explained by limited employment options, lack of access to high wage jobs, and restricted career advancement opportunities (Lindstrom, Kahn, & Lindsey, 2013). Although data from the National Longitudinal Transition Study–2 documented an increase in post-school employment for all youth with disabilities, Newman et al. (2011) reported that only 38% of young adults with ID and 37% of those with autism were employed up to 8 years after leaving high school. In comparison, 67% of young adults with learning disabilities were employed during the same time period (Newman et al., 2011). Moreover, many individuals with ID/DD who are employed remain in sheltered or facility-based employment (Winsor & Butterworth, 2008).

Families have an important influence on preparing youth with ID/DD for post-school employment opportunities (Bianco, Garrison-Wade, Tobin, & Lehman, 2009). Parent and sibling perspectives on the transition process, as well as expectations for future employment and independent living, can greatly influence access to services and career choices (Doren, Gau, & Lindstrom, 2012). Family socioeconomic status (SES) is also a critical factor in determining post-school outcomes—young people with disabilities from low SES households are less likely to enroll in post-secondary education or be employed than higher SES youth (Newman et al., 2011). Families with more resources are also more likely to provide intentional career-related guidance and model work behaviors and values.

The type of career exploration and individualized transition planning, youth with disabilities have while in school can also impact post-school career trajectories (Lindstrom, Doren, & Miesch, 2011). These school-based experiences are integral to the development of employment and career goals. Timmons, Hall, Bose, Wolfe, and Winsor (2011), found teachers were highly influential for students with ID, particularly in terms of the amount of encouragement, decisions around working in the community, and preferences about work experiences. However, most of the individuals in this study were placed into a limited range of work experiences in the service industry, such as house cleaning, dishwashing, bagging groceries, and returning shopping carts (Timmons et al., 2011).

Career and vocational programs in school are also critical in developing the skills and connections needed to obtain post-school employment (Shandra & Hogan, 2008). Many youth with ID/DD are not exposed to substantive work opportunities while in school. Opportunities can vary due to the type of community and the degree of transportation available (Carter, Austin, & Trainor, 2011). In addition, some high school employment preparation takes place in the classroom, rather than in applied settings (Guy, Sitlington, Larsen, & Frank, 2009).

Finally, a number of previous studies have documented the importance of the “first job” after high school in supporting the ongoing process of career development for young adults with disabilities (Fabian, 2007; Rabren, Dunn, & Chambers, 2002; Zigmond, 2006). Moving directly into paid employment after completing high school is a critical element in predicting future employment stability and enhancing opportunities for career advancement. This initial foray into the workforce often “sets the stage for a career of lifelong earning capabilities” (Jones, 1997, p. 56). Unfortunately, many young adults with disabilities are either not employed after leaving high school or transition into entry-level, unskilled positions (Hasnain & Balcazar, 2009). The most common types of post-school jobs held by individuals with ID/DD are low-wage service industry jobs such as maintenance, personal care, or food service (NOD, 2010).

The purpose of this study was to examine career development and early employment experiences of young adults with ID/DD. Given the consistent trends of unemployment and poverty for this population, we were interested in understanding the process of preparing for work and the supports provided to enter and maintain integrated employment. Utilizing a multiple-method, multiple case, longitudinal design, we followed four individuals with ID/DD during their early career years to explore career development within the context of family systems, high school and transition programs, adult services, and early and continued experiences in the labor market. The following research questions were examined:

How do individual, family, school, and community contexts influence the transition to post-high school employment for young adults with ID/DD?

What are the patterns of employment and advancement for young adults with ID/DD during the early career years?

What supports are provided to maintain employment?

What barriers exist that influence career development opportunities?

Method

This study used qualitative methods to examine career development and post-school employment outcomes for young adults with ID/DD. To understand the range of factors that may influence career development over time, we used a multiple-method, multiple case-study design. Case study research involves an in-depth examination of factors within the context of a single case or individual (Yin, 2009). Operating within a post-positivist paradigm, we gathered data through multiple methods and from several sources, permitting the use of a triangulation strategy. Evidence from multiple sources and multiple perspectives strengthens the overall reliability and validity of findings (Brantlinger, Jimenez, Klinger, Pugach, & Richardson, 2005; Patton, 2002). Qualitative methods allowed us to explore unique individual and contextual factors that may influence career development of youth transitioning from high school into employment.

Participants

Participants were sampled from a larger case study research project designed to explore factors associated with career development and post-school outcomes for young adults with disabilities (Lindstrom et al., 2011). Based on our interest in understanding key variables leading to successful community employment for young adults with ID/DD, we purposefully selected a subgroup of participants from a larger study (Patton, 2002). Sampling criteria included individuals who (a) were diagnosed with an ID/DD and received special education services, (b) were working in an integrated employment setting 3 to 5 years after completing a high school transition program, and (c) had complete data from all time points and sources. For this analysis, four participants met our criteria from the larger project that included 33 cases.

Young adults with disabilities

Participants were recruited through professional networks of special education teachers and transition specialists in a Northwestern state. School staffs were asked to nominate for the project, students who met the sampling criteria and were out of high school for 3 to 5 years. The final group of participants for this analysis included 2 men and 2 women with ID/DD who were 25 to 30 years old at the time of the final post-school interview (see Table 1). All participants were White and three were from upper income families. They all lived in suburban communities, and participated in comprehensive transition programs providing life skills training, social skills instruction, and extensive work experience opportunities.

Table 1.

Participant Demographic Information.

Name	Sex	Age^a	Primary disability	Secondary disability	Family SES^b	Ethnicity	Community locale	Diploma status
Ann	F	26	ID (Full scale IQ = 55)	ADHD	High	Caucasian	Midsize	Certificate of attainment
Rick	M	27	DD (Autism)	ID	Low	Caucasian	Rural	Modified
Sam	M	25	ID (Full scale IQ = 50)	None	High	Caucasian	Midsize	Modified
Susan	F	30	ID (Full scale IQ = 65)	ADD	High	Caucasian	Midsize	Certificate of attendance

Note. SES = socioeconomic status; F = female; M = male; ID = intellectual disability; DD = developmental disability; ADHD = attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder; ADD = attention deficit disorder.

Age is at the time of the final follow-up interview. ^bHigh income was defined as greater than US$50,000 per year; low income as less than US$25,000 per year.

Key informants

We obtained consent from participants to interview individuals who could provide additional insight into family, high school, and post-school experiences. For each participant, we interviewed (a) one or both parents; (b) a high school teacher familiar with the young adult’s background, services received, and initial employment outcomes; (c) adult agency personnel (e.g., advocates, rehabilitation counselors, or job developers); and (d) the current employer or job supervisor.

Data Collection

Interview protocols

Interview protocols for young adults, parents, school staff, agency personnel, and employers were developed utilizing key indicators identified in the transition, career development, and rehabilitation literature. The following major topics were addressed across all interview protocols (a) individual characteristics and personal attributes, (b) family supports and expectations, (c) high school and post-school services and supports, (d) workplace experiences, and (e) other post-school training or education.

Interview procedures

Data collection occurred over a 4-year time frame. The initial interviews were conducted when participants were between 3 and 6 years out of high school. The second phase of data collection was carried out up to 4 years following the initial interview when participants were between 7 and 10 years out of school. Each interview lasted 90 min to 2 hr. Across the four cases, we conducted a total of 39 individual interviews including 12 with young adults (e.g., 3 with each participant), 8 with family members, 6 with school staff, 5 with employers, and 8 with rehabilitation counselors, advocates, or job developers. All interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim.

Secondary sources

In addition to the interview data, we completed a family background questionnaire, job history form, and file review of special education and vocational rehabilitation records for all participants. With permission from participants, we also conducted one or more job observations to better understand specific work site expectations and job supports available. Field notes documenting contact with all participants and key informants were compiled. On-site observations, field notes, and file reviews were recorded on structured forms to ensure comparable information across cases (Yin, 2009).

Data Analysis

We analyzed the interview transcripts following a multi-stage qualitative analysis process (Bazeley, 2009; Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2013). First, we developed a set of broad descriptive codes based on relevant literature, our key indicators, and the interview protocols. We used these descriptive codes, such as “career advancement” or “family expectations” to assign concrete labels to individual passages of text. After reviewing an initial set of transcripts, the research team revised and expanded the codes to include additional key topics that emerged from participant data. All transcripts were entered into a qualitative database (N*VIVO 9) for further coding and analysis.

Following a post-positivistic paradigm, we used several strategies to insure that the data analysis process was credible and trustworthy (Brantlinger et al., 2005). First, we utilized varied sources of data (data triangulation). Second, several researchers participated in the analysis (investigator triangulation); and finally to insure that analysis and interpretations were not idiosyncratic or biased, all interview transcripts were coded by two of the co-authors following a common coding scheme (Anfara, Brown, & Mangione, 2002). We did not attempt to resolve coding differences. Instead coders reached initial agreement on the definition of each code and multiple codes were assigned to each text passage to allow for flexible yet consistent data interpretation.

Next we used the coded data, field notes, job site observations, and file review information to develop an in-depth case report for each participant including a timeline of key events and employment history from high school through the time of the final follow-up interviews. The entire research team met to review and validate individual case reports, discuss influences on post-school outcomes, and develop initial themes. In the final analysis phase, we utilized explanatory methods (Miles et al., 2013) to understand key themes and patterns of career development and employment experiences over time. During this phase, we conducted a second level of detailed analysis, returning to case reports and interview transcripts to focus on patterns of early employment and opportunities for advancement over time for young adults with ID/DD. Finally, we developed cross case data summaries and explanatory tables to determine the extent to which certain individual characteristics and contextual variables influenced employment outcomes similarly or uniquely across cases.

Findings

These case studies provide an in-depth picture of early employment experiences for four young adults with ID/DD. Through our review of school and rehabilitation case records, job observations, and interviews we documented patterns of initial work experiences and career development over time. On exit from high school transition programs at age 20 to 22, all participants were living independently, working part-time in low-wage service industry occupations, and receiving government disability benefits (see Table 2). Six to 8 years later, they were all still employed with wages that placed them well below the federal poverty line. Although there was some variation, we found a set of common themes that seemed to influence employment opportunities and career development experiences over time. We present our cross case findings in three sequential phases: (a) preparing for employment, (b) entering the labor market, and (c) patterns of development in the early career years. Only those themes confirmed through multiple sources of data for all four participants are presented.

Table 2.

Post-School Outcomes.

Name	Living status	Employment status	Employer paid benefits	Other government benefits
Ann	Independent (support from paid advocate)	Working part-time: 15 hr per week	None	Social security disability benefits
				Section 8—Housing voucher
				Food stamps: US$10.00 per month
Rick	Independent (support from paid advocate and family)	Working part-time: 24 hr per week	None	Social security income (SSI) benefits
				Section 8—Housing voucher
				Food stamps:
				US$100.00 per month
Sam	Independent (support from paid advocate and family)	Working part-time: 25 hr per week	None	Social security disability benefits
				Section 8—Housing voucher
Susan	Independent with roommate (Support from paid advocate)	Working part-time: 20 hr per week	None	Social security disability benefits
				Section 8—Housing voucher

Preparing for Employment

Family advocacy and expectations

Parent involvement and expectations are key predictors of post-school outcomes for all young adults with disabilities (Doren et al., 2012). These families were no exception—parents played a fundamental role in preparing young adults for independence. Across participants, families were actively involved in the school system and willing to advocate for their children’s unique support needs. At times, parents had to push the school system to provide the same opportunities afforded to peers without disabilities. Ann’s mother noted,

She may have a disability, but that doesn’t mean she can’t do whatever she sets her mind to do. And so the school, they kept saying – ‘Well, maybe she needs to do this. [And I would say] – “NO. She can do what the other kids do. You need to come up with a different way to teach her.”

In addition to advocacy, family norms set both a tone and an example. In all four families one or both parents were employed, serving as role models for the value of work. Participants were expected to complete chores at home along with their nondisabled siblings and actively engage in daily school and work activities. When asked what she did as a parent to prepare for post-school employment, Sam’s mother commented, “Well, one I think we had a family expectation that you would work. Or that was kind of modeled, that you would have a job and that you would commit and get there.”

Community work experiences

All of the participants were enrolled in comprehensive transition programs for 18 to 21 year old students with ID/DD. These programs offered flexible schedules and the opportunity to earn credit for working at unpaid positions in the community. Each participant sampled at least five and as many as nine different work settings during their time in the transition program. Work experience positions included: food service, janitorial, office work, landscaping, childcare, and warehouse jobs.

These community work experiences offered a number of important benefits. First, young adults leaned basic job skills and behaviors through practice in highly structured and closely supervised settings. One teacher explained, “In our work experience setting, where we have our staff people, we will set up all kinds of situations to give the student lots of opportunity to work in their deficit areas.” Training often focused on building general workplace skills such as communication, problem solving, and asking for help. Program staff intentionally created specific challenging situations and provided repeated prompting with the goal of promoting more independence. In addition to developing skills, work experiences were also designed to expose students to a variety of employment settings to determine preferences and interests. Direct hands-on experiences provided an ideal venue for young adults to understand various work options. Shana’s teacher discussed the importance of career exploration through work experience:

I think it’s more validity as we build along, to have a series of work experiences, and (. . .) ask critical questions at the end of each of those, and then compare notes over a 2 year period of time.

Entering the Labor Market

Upon completion of school transition programs, all participants entered employment, typically with assistance from an agency job developer. Despite the carefully structured process of career exploration and planning during school, these initial job placements did not always seem to be well suited to individuals’ strengths and goals. Many placements appeared to be based on job availability rather than participant preferences. For example, although he had trouble working in noisy unpredictable work environments during his school transition program, Rick was placed into two jobs that demanded high social interactions—as a dishwasher in a restaurant and a grocery store courtesy clerk. Ann went to work at a home day care, primarily because a family friend owned the business. Job development staff helped Sam find a job doing laundry at a recreation center and Susan was placed in a nursing home doing janitorial work.

With the exception of Sam, participants maintained their initial employment for a short period of time—between 3 and 6 months. These first jobs proved very challenging often due to multiple task demands within the workplace. Ann’s experience at the day care was fairly typical. She was responsible for supervising six to eight toddlers at any one time, communicating with parents, and insuring that the safety and health needs of all the children were met. Her job developer recalled,

For Ann it was two skill areas that she was having a problem with (. . .) multitasking and prioritizing. And that kind of job is difficult for somebody who doesn’t have experience anyway, in making those kinds of decisions. And she was really having a hard time.

Rick also had difficulty managing multiple responsibilities and expectations in his position at the grocery store. He was often distracted talking with customers, was inclined to eat the free samples, and could not keep up with changing demands. Shana was simply not well suited for her initial work placement doing custodial work in a home for medically fragile seniors. Her advocate reported that Shana was “too lively for the sedate environment at the nursing home.”

With support from family members and assistance from agency job developers, Ann, Rick, and Susan resigned from their initial placements and entered other service industry employment. Rick left the grocery store position and maintained his employment as a dishwasher. Ann was placed in a food services job at a school cafeteria, and Susan went to work in a large warehouse for a retail manufacturing chain. All four young adults received about 4 to 6 weeks of initial intensive training, gradually fading supervision, and ongoing monitoring from a job developer. Job developers also stepped back into the picture as needed during periods of unemployment. Both Rick and Susan experienced job layoffs after 4 to 6 years of steady employment, and both worked extensively with job developers who were charged with locating additional suitable employment in the community.

Community employers also played an important role in facilitating work opportunities for all participants. This second group of employers seemed to be willing to “take a chance” on hiring an individual with a disability. In Susan’s case, the company had an initiative to diversify the workforce. Rick’s employer was open to hiring a person who may not have all the skills needed to perform required tasks, “Well, I’ll be honest with you initially I hired him based on the fact that I felt that I could afford to hire somebody who wasn’t able to carry their own weight.” Both Sam and Ann found permanent employment in sites that also served as work experience placements for high school students receiving special education services thus the employers were familiar and comfortable working with young adults with DDs.

Beyond the initial hiring decisions, these longer-term employers provided additional supports and made specific accommodations designed to promote success at work. Employers set a tone with their staff that encouraged flexibility and promoted respectful communication from co-workers. The athletic center supervisor described a situation where he felt Sam was not treated appropriately by a co-worker. His response was, “I followed up with the employee and explained to them that Sam is treated as a full employee and he gets as much respect here as anybody else.” Susan’s supervisor provided extensive initial training and was also willing to provide the extra monitoring needed to ensure that job tasks were completed correctly. Talking about Susan’s work habits, she noted, “She had some problems with her attention. But that is part of her condition. And so, we just had to remind her that she needed to get back on track.” Rick’s supervisor and co-workers at the restaurant were willing to organize his workstation (which was often chaotic and disorganized) and provide prompting as needed to accommodate his need for structure. Ann and Sam’s employers used a “customized employment” approach, (Luecking & Luecking, 2006) creating individualized positions in the workplace that included fewer complex tasks. All of these strategies were developed in response to participant’s functional skill levels, allowing them to successfully perform useful tasks in the workplace and maintain employment over time.

Patterns of Development in the Early Career Years

Over the next 6 to 8 years, participants maintained steady patterns of part-time employment. Susan worked at the warehouse job for more than 4 years until she was laid off when the company closed. Rick was employed for 5 years as a dishwasher at the same restaurant. At the time of our final follow-up interviews, Ann and Sam were employed in the same food service and laundry jobs. See Table 3 for detailed information on employment status, wages, and hours worked during the early career years.

Table 3.

Employment Status Over Time.

Participant	Year 1“first job”	Year 2	Year 3	Year 4	Year 5	Year 6	Year 7		Year 8
Ann
Employed	Child care (3 months)	Food service at school cafeteria (7 years)							Notes: Minimum wage at first job. Twenty cents above minimum wage at age 27. Annual wages are US$2,200 below federal poverty line.
Wages	6.50/hr^a	6.90/hr^a	7.05/hr^a	7.25/hr^a	7.50/hr^a	7.80/hr^a	8.00/hr (20 cents above minimum wage)
Hours		20 hr per week
Rick
Employed	Dishwasher at restaurant (5 years)					Unemployed	Movie usher (4 months)		Notes: Minimum wage at first job. Minimum wage at age 28. Annual wages are US$2,200 below federal poverty line.
	Grocery courtesy clerk (6 months)
Wages	6.50/hr^a			6.90/hr^a	7.05/hr^a	7.25/hr^a	7.50/hr^a
Hours	15–20 hr week		Hours reduced 10–15				24 hrs week
Sam
Employed	Laundry at athletic club (6 years)								Notes: Minimum wage at first job. Minimum wage at age 26 (and fewer hours). Annual wages are US$2,410 below federal poverty line.
Wages	6.50/hr^a	6.90/hr^a	7.05/hr^a	7.25/hr^a	7.50/hr^a	7.80/hr^a
Hours	25 hr week			20 hr week
Susan
Employed	Janitorial (4 months)	Warehouse—tagging and sorting merchandise. (4 years—laid off when warehouse closed)				Unemployed (1 year)	Grocery courtesy clerk (1 year 6 months)		Notes: Minimum wage at first job. Ten cents above minimum wage at age 28. Annual wages are US$3,690 below federal poverty line.
Wages	5.50/hr^a	6.50/hr^a		6.90/hr^a	7.05/hr		7.25/hr^a	7.35 (10 cents above minimum wage)
Hours	20 hr week	25 hr week					16 hours week

State minimum wage at time of data collection.

Although these young adults were working steadily in competitive employment, we noted that their wages stayed flat over time. All participants earned minimum wage at their initial job placements. Over a 5- to 8-year time span, they received small wage increases, primarily due to incremental changes in state minimum wage during that time period. At ages 25 to 30, participants still earned minimum wage or only slightly above (20 cents more at the highest) after having been in the same jobs for 4 to 5 years. At our final follow-up interview, annual earnings from part-time employment placed them US$2,200 to US$3,690 below the federal poverty threshold. All four participants also received other supplemental government benefits such as low-income housing, food stamps, and disability payments.

In terms of financial independence, all participants had assistance from parents and independent living advocates to manage their earnings. The young adults typically had bank accounts, primarily managed by their families. Advocates often assisted in paying bills and providing a predetermined amount of spending money each month. Participants and their family members indicated that they were generally satisfied with their financial situations, but would have liked some additional flexibility and spending money. Supplemental government disability income offered both benefits and limitations. While the additional resources made it possible to live independently, young adults (and their families) had to be very cognizant to keep overall earnings below a predetermined threshold, or risk losing benefits entirely. Sam’s mother noted, “You have to be so careful because then he starts losing SSI . . . ” Rick’s advocate summed up the “catch 22” situation of disability benefits, “I’d like to see him make a little bit more but unfortunately like we just discussed, he can’t make too much more or get too comfortable.”

Working in part-time service industry positions also offered very limited opportunities for pay increases or career advancement. Ann talked about her experiences trying to upgrade her position by learning new tasks at the school cafeteria, “Well I worked there for 6½ years and at 4½ is when I changed. When I worked there for 4 years, I got promoted to tacos.”

Ann’s promotion from serving French fries to working at the taco line was accompanied by a 20 cent per hour raise. Other participants had restricted opportunities to develop new skills or branch out to different experiences in the workforce. They were stable productive employees but often lacked the technical, academic, or communication skills needed to advance in the workplace. Asked whether there were any opportunities for advancement Sam’s supervisor explained, “I don’t feel there are. There might be more skills for him to acquire, but advancement in the sense of taking on a different role here—I don’t see that.”

Despite low wages and restricted career development options, working in community-based employment provided numerous (nonfinancial) benefits. It was clear that all of these young adults enjoyed working and felt valued by their supervisors and co-workers. Regular employment provided a predictable schedule with clear expectations and tasks to complete. The type of job did not seem to be as important as the daily routine, and opportunities to accomplish tangible tasks as part of a working group. In these quotes, Susan’s supervisor from the warehouse and Sam’s mother articulate the social value of integrated employment.

Interviewer:

What would you say she/he liked most about the job?

Susan’s employer:

The people, I think. And, just having a job. She liked that.

Sam’s mother:

Well, for us, in our mind, it’s important to fill his day with something besides sitting in his house. I just think he feels good about himself. He sees a whole different world of people besides family and it’s just crucial to his whole [being]. It seems the healthy thing to do for any adult with a disability.

Discussion

Results from this study highlight long-term employment patterns of four young adults with ID/DD. Across cases, we found that family expectations and advocacy were important for initial placement into paid community employment. During high school, structured work experiences exposed young adults to employment settings, provided opportunities to learn basic work skills, and facilitated the ability to be more independent in the workplace. Once entering the labor market, a combination of ongoing training and supervision, flexible employers, and supportive co-workers created the support system needed for job maintenance and stability over time. Although we found very minimal opportunities for wage increases or advancement, participants were generally satisfied with their employment. Minimal wages were supplemented by government assistance, and working provided a number of social benefits and other intangible rewards.

Our findings provide important new insights into early employment experiences for young adults with ID/DD. Employment is a highly valued goal for all individuals regardless of disability status (Winsor & Butterworth, 2008). In that regard, these four individuals met the “gold standard,” working in paid community positions on exit from high school transition programs. Furthermore, they successfully maintained employment for the majority of their early career years with minimal periods of unemployment. In contrast to other longitudinal studies documenting opportunities for training, post-secondary education, and steady wage advancement for young adults with learning and orthopedic disabilities in the early career years (Lindstrom et al., 2011), we found that this group was stable, yet “stuck” in low-wage service industry occupations. Placement into competitive employment and patterns of career development over time were impacted by a complex web of family influence, school and adult agency services, and employer supports. In the remainder of this discussion, we consider the critical role of each of these elements.

Role of Families

This research confirms and extends previous research examining the role of families in preparing youth with disabilities for transition to adult roles (Newman, 2005). Parents in this study were purposefully involved with the education system throughout the public school years, working to ensure that their children received appropriate educational services, and had opportunities for integrated school and community experiences. In addition, there were clear expectations at home around completing chores and participating in other regular family functions. When it came time to prepare youth for post-school employment, these values of integration and independent functioning were well ingrained. Families simply did not consider placement into sheltered employment as an option, as mainstreamed experiences were the norm and expectation for their children.

In considering these findings, it is important to acknowledge the role of privilege and power in relation to race, economic status, and access to community resources. Drawing on Trainor’s (2010) work examining social capital, advocacy, and parent involvement, we noted that these families all possessed certain degrees of social capital, which afforded them knowledge, skills, and resources to navigate complex educational and adult services systems. This configuration of family support and parent involvement may not always be available to youth with disabilities living in low income families or high poverty neighborhoods.

High School and Transition Services

High school and transition services were also key pieces of successful preparation for community employment. Consistent with previous literature demonstrating the value of work experience in preparing young adults with disabilities for employment (Rabren et al., 2002; Timmons et al., 2011), we found that community work experiences provided a platform to learn valuable skills needed to enter the job market. Through their transition programs, participants were placed into a sequence of unpaid work experiences designed for career exploration and skill building. These experiences occurred almost exclusively in low-wage occupations such as janitorial, food services, and landscaping. Unpaid service industry experiences were easily attainable; yet restricted the array of possible career options. Work experience in service occupations served only as an entree to paid employment in low-wage service occupations. If we are to alter employment opportunities for youth with ID/DD, it is critical for school and transition programs to include a broader range of career exploration and work experience options. Skilled trade, technology, or health care are potential occupations that could allow for advancement into higher wage positions (Barnes & Mercer, 2005).

Adult Service Agencies

In their study of factors that shape employment decisions of individuals with ID/DD, Timmons and colleagues (2011) found that “the job developer emerged as the most influential person during the job search, often directing decision making about employment choices” (p. 292). Our case studies confirmed the significant role of job developers for young adults with ID/DD. Job developers worked closely with participants and employers to facilitate initial hiring decisions. Beyond the hiring decisions, agency job developers provided on-the-job training and were available to assist employers in adapting jobs to fit the strengths and abilities of individual participants. It was this individualized support and ability to skillfully navigate between the expectations of work sites and the abilities of young adults that facilitated employment stability over time. Job developers did not, however; attend to issues of career advancement. Purposeful efforts to facilitate skill development and negotiate gradual increases in responsibility may have impacted the flat wage trajectories over time experienced by these participants.

Role of Employers

Although a number of studies have been conducted to understand employer’s perspectives of individuals with disabilities in the workforce (Morgan & Alexander, 2005; Unger, 2002), employer roles in hiring and accommodating young adults with ID/DD have not been well documented in the transition literature. Our study extends the knowledge base by describing the specific characteristics of employers who facilitated successful working conditions. The first step was openness to hiring individuals with ID/DD. Second, employers made accommodations and adjustments to create controlled sets of job tasks that were useful and “do-able” for their employees. This customized employment approach, which has been used successfully for adults with significant disabilities (Luecking & Luecking, 2006) is designed to restructure one or more existing jobs to match the skills and accommodation needs of the employee, and benefit the overall functioning of the workplace. In addition to creating customized positions, supervisors and co-workers provided reminders to help participants stay on task. These natural supports promoted integration and contributed to stability.

Limitations

Several limitations should be noted when interpreting the results of this study. First, our sample was small and purposefully selected from one Northwestern state. All participants were White and attended school transition programs in suburban communities that had comprehensive services and numerous employment options. Given the family backgrounds of these participants, the results may be less informative regarding the majority of youth with disabilities, particularly as individuals from low SES backgrounds and minorities are over-represented in special education (Hughes & Avoke, 2010). Finally, although we conducted job observations, the majority of data relied on self-report and thus may not accurately capture all the components of in-school and post-school experiences.

Implications for Research

This study offers a deeper understanding of early work experiences and career advancement opportunities for four young adults with ID/DD. Additional studies are needed to further explore patterns of wage and career trajectories over time for this population, as well as for young adults with high incidence disabilities. Specifically, our findings point to a need to further document and describe the role of families, schools, agency job developers, and employers in promoting and maintaining integrated work opportunities. Additional research is needed in the area of career advancement, uncovering barriers that serve to limit employment options, and restrict access to living wage occupations. State and federal initiatives such as the closing of segregated, sheltered workshops should spur new research to identify, develop, and implement interventions that promote living wage occupations for individuals with ID/DD.

Implications for Practice

Results of this study have implications for individuals with ID/DD, secondary special educators, families, and job developers. Individually, each of these groups can be instrumental in helping individuals with ID/DD prepare for employment. Secondary special educators are crucial in ensuring that youth gain a variety of work-based learning experiences while in high school as part of their course of study and transition services. Families set an expectation of working, model work behaviors, and provide tangible and intangible supports enabling young adults to achieve employment. Job developers and other adult agency providers can leverage resources to help individuals locate, obtain, and maintain jobs. Yet, too often, the focus of this collaborative effort is on the short-term, getting a job, or perhaps maintaining a job, and once those accomplishments are met, planning and ongoing support ceases.

We propose that this scope of thinking about employment for individuals with ID/DD is too narrow to overcome poverty and achieve long-term financial security. Given the important role of parent involvement and expectations, we believe there is a need to develop strategies that more systematically include parents in transition planning and provide families with resources and information about a variety of post-school employment and training options. High school special education and transition programs should offer a variety of community-based work experiences, even within the current constraints of academic requirements and higher graduation standards (Guy et al., 2009). Moreover, work experiences need to be expanded beyond low-wage service occupations to help young adults explore a range of potential employment settings and career options (Hughes, 2013). Finally, community employers should be provided with information and targeted training about disability awareness, accommodations, and strategies to support integrated employment over time. Just having a job is a good starting point, but a job with low wages, limited hours, and no room for advancement serves only to maintain individuals in a state of perpetual poverty.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was partially supported by a grant from the U.S. Department of Education, Office of Special Education Programs. Research and Innovation to Improve Services and Results for Children with Disabilities.

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