Abstract
On September 8, 2014, a graphic video showing Ray Rice punch and render his fiancée unconscious was released to the public. This event was a catalyst for discussion into how the media cover intimate partner violence (IPV) committed by National Football League (NFL) players. Media frames can shape the way audiences make sense of an issue. As the “Worldwide Leader in Sports,” Entertainment and Sports Programming Network (ESPN) has a journalistic responsibility to frame and address sociocultural issues related to sports, especially those involving crime, health, and safety. IPV is a pervasive sociocultural issue affecting millions of people in the United States, and media frames can shape the way audiences understand the subject matter and the themes surrounding IPV. This research used qualitative textual analysis to examine ESPN’s website coverage of IPV incidents committed by NFL players 2 years prior to and after the Ray Rice incident. Our findings show that instances of IPV were more episodically than thematically framed before the Ray Rice incident. Framing of IPV was revealed in four themes: focus on the individual player, problem for the team, the NFL’s problem, and missing the point. Further analysis and theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
The day after Valentine’s Day in 2014, Baltimore Ravens running back Ray Rice was arrested on charges of assault for striking his fiancée, Janay Palmer, into unconsciousness in an elevator. Four days later, an abridged surveillance video was released by TMZ showing Rice dragging Palmer, unconscious, out of the elevator in which the assault occurred. In July 2014, the National Football League (NFL) issued Rice with a US$58,000 fine and a two-game suspension. Shortly after the NFL punished Ray Rice, there was much public outcry and many believed that the suspension was too lenient (Elliott, 2014). In response, the league decided to revise their personal conduct policy regarding assault, battery, domestic violence, and sexual assault. The revision expanded the first-offense suspension penalties and included a provision noting that a second offense in this type of conduct would result in a lifetime NFL ban. Then, in September 2014, just 11 days after the NFL made the policy change, a full, uncut video of Ray Rice’s assault was released by TMZ. Instead of showing only the aftermath of the violence, the new video showed Rice savagely strike his fiancée in the face, rendering her unconscious, and then dragging her out of the elevator. Public outrage and media attention were swift, and many debates emerged focusing on off-the-field conduct of professional athletes.
Although the Ray Rice incident represents somewhat of a watershed moment in terms of the public being able to see the brutality associated with an athlete committing intimate partner violence (IPV), media coverage of such acts and surrounding dialogue has been the subject of much scholarship over the last two decades (McDonald, 1999; M. A. Messner & Solomon, 1993). IPV is a pervasive health, safety, and sociocultural issue affecting millions of people in the United States (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2017), although it does not often receive as much attention from the media as other types of violence and crime (Hill, 2016). It is evident that the graphic nature and widespread dissemination of the Ray Rice video prompted many sports writers and news agencies engage in discussion and write stories about IPV in professional sports, and specifically the NFL. However, less is known about the common themes and frames that journalists were using to discuss Ray Rice and others involved in violent incidents in the NFL. Was the Ray Rice incident really a watershed moment? How was IPV committed by NFL players covered both before and after this event? Has coverage been more or less pervasive?
The current study attempts to address these broad questions and summarize the discourse pertaining to IPV committed by NFL players by analyzing news articles published by Entertainment and Sports Programming Network (ESPN) before and after the Ray Rice incident. Even though there are many different news organizations that cover instances of IPV involving NFL players, ESPN, the self-proclaimed “Worldwide Leader in Sports” coverage, is the largest sports network in terms of revenue and reach and enjoys a place in American culture and that is heavily influential (Vogan, 2015). Thus, ESPN has a journalistic responsibility to address sociocultural issues (especially those relating to health and safety) with regard to the NFL. Since media frames can shape the way audiences make sense of an issue and have the power to start conversations about IPV (Luther, 2016b), this study utilizes framing theory and employs textual qualitative content analysis to describe emergent themes and frames that are present in ESPN’s coverage of IPV committed by NFL players prior to and after the Ray Rice incident.
Literature Review
While there is quite a bit of critical content analytic work that has been conducted relating to themes and frames that are most commonly associated with media coverage of both on-and-off the field incidents involving violence, the focus of this article is to examine the themes associated with one professional sports league (the NFL) and the print media coverage of off-the-field incidents involving IPV by one media organization (ESPN). We start by discussing IPV in both sport and society. Then, we discuss the popularity of both the NFL and ESPN to explain why it is important to study the media coverage surrounding this league and media organization. Finally, we discuss framing theory and sports-related framing research to provide a theoretical and empirical foundation for the current study.
IPV in Society and Sport
Each year, more than 2 million people are targets of IPV in the United States (Cronholm, Fogarty, Ambuel, & Harrison, 2011; Savage, Scarduzio, Harris, Carlyle, & Sheff, 2016). Nearly one in four women and one in seven men have reported experiencing IPV and have expressed health or safety concerns to an emergency service office, health-care provider, and/or legal or social service advocate office (CDC, 2017). IPV is physical, sexual, emotional, or psychological violence, abuse, harm, and/or threats by an intimate partner (CDC, 2017). An intimate partner is defined as a current or previous romantic or sexual partner or companion (CDC, 2017).
Although IPV is an issue permeating American society, individuals contextualize IPV as a personal or relationship-level issue rather than a social or cultural issue in the United States (Savage et al., 2016). Media coverage of IPV has significantly influenced public perception of the issue (Carlyle, Orr, Savage, & Babin, 2014). Some media coverage of IPV has perpetuated public perceptions that IPV is an individual issue (Savage et al., 2016; Sellers, Desmarais, & Tirotti, 2014). Some researchers explain that the impact of media coverage of IPV reduces individuals’ perceived responsibility on this pervasive issue (Carll, 2003; Carlyle et al., 2014).
The lives of public figures are often examined in mass media outlets and scrutinized by readers and viewers across the globe. Professional athletes are among the public figures whose personal lives make headlines when social and legal issues arise. Celebrity instances of IPV highlight the issue because these incidents often make headlines in news and popular media outlets. Beyond gossip or a scandalous event, athletes committing IPV have made headlines in print, broadcast, and digital media as the press has examined this pervasive issue (Luther, 2016a; Paquette, 2016; Turner, 2014). Repeated instances of IPV have occurred in all sports, but the off-the-field behavior of professional football players has been more prominent in recent years as accusations of sexual assault, battery, and IPV have been raised.
McDonald (1999) suggested that coverage of domestic violence issues in sport is very important because when these incidents happen, they end up being among the most visible examples of these acts in society due to the sheer popularity of sports. Even though instances and public dialogue about IPV amongst NFL players are an issue that has received increased attention in recent years, many scholars have been studying issues of off-the-field violence in sports for quite some time (M. Messner, 2012). Beyond the NFL, Packard Hill and Fuller (2018) recently conducted a study that focused on the coverage of domestic violence incidents amongst rugby league players in Australia and found that media coverage of these events helps to shape and reinforce the normative discourse that surrounds them. Simply put, the issue of media coverage of IPV in sport continues to be of both scholarly and public interest because of the dialogue that is created as a result of these issues, and the potential for this dialogue to either shape or reinforce how society understands these issues.
In response to the public interest in athlete’s off-the-field behavior, Brent Schrotenboer, sports writer for USA Today, created and maintains an online collective database of arrests and legal charges of NFL players for moderate to severe crimes. The database dates back to January 2000 and is regularly maintained and updated. The data are collected from media reports, press releases, and public records. The database includes the date of arrest or charge, player name, team, position, type of case (charge or arrest), and category of case. In addition, a description of the event and the outcome is listed. The statuses of many cases are still pending. Not all resolution information is shared. The types of cases range from trespassing, illegal use of weapons, illegal drugs, assault, alcohol- and drug-related criminal activity, sexual assault, domestic violence, and in some instances murder (Schrotenboer, 2018). Needless to say, the NFL tries to carefully manage how it deals with these issues when it comes to the punishment, media coverage, and the public response because of their popularity and history in American culture.
Popularity of the National Football League and Media Coverage
Millions of people watch televised broadcasts of NFL games each season. The 2017 Super Bowl alone had over 111 million viewers (Sports Media Watch, 2017). Even though the 2018 Super Bowl ratings were down slightly (103.4 million television views), the game still generated 170.7 million social media interactions (Nielsen, 2018). The regular season television viewership averaged 16.5 million per game in 2016 and 14.9 in 2017 (Rovell, 2018). While there have been some ups and downs in terms of rating and viewership, the NFL is still very popular and the fan base continues to grow.
With the roots of the NFL grounded in the United States, football is viewed as much more than an entertainment event or sport. The sport of football is described and contextualized in the United States as full of excitement, violence, and representative of American ideals (Vogan, 2013). Football is even often referred to as “America’s Game” (Beaver, 2013; Mandelbaum, 2007; Satterfield & Godfrey, 2011). The NFL and popular media have framed warrior-like use of force on the field as “heroic” (Hudson, 2012; Kipnis, 1994; Oriard, 2014; Vogan, 2013). The NFL’s self-produced coverage and public media relations have presented professional football players as altruistic heroes playing purely for the love of the game, instead of for their astronomical salaries (Vogan, 2013). Watching sports with others develops and perpetuates a sense of community (Aden et al., 2009). Football fandom transcends the stadium and living room television. Fans gather for watch parties and connect for virtual watch parties. Fans create their own virtual interactions through Fantasy Football leagues.
ESPN was founded in 1979 and has since become one of the world’s most popular brands (Forbes, 2016). ESPN’s current brand value is estimated at US$16.9 billion and they pay an estimated US$1.9 billion annually for NFL broadcast rights (Travis, 2016). As one of the most profitable and popular, the network charges cable distributors almost 4 times as much as all other networks for each subscriber each month (Fahey, 2016). Therefore, the sheer power and influence that ESPN carries in the sports world almost guarantees that people are paying attention to the way that they produce and discuss sports on a day-to-day basis.
In other words, how ESPN chooses to frame any particular story whether it’s positive or negative does indeed matter. Geyerman (2016) pointed out that on-air ESPN personalities were both praised (e.g., Dan Le Batard and John “Stugotz” Weiner) and scrutinized (e.g., Stephen A. Smith) for their opinions on the Ray Rice incident. In providing commentary on this issue, Smith insinuated that Ray Rice may have been “provoked” by Janay Palmer, insinuating that Rice might not be at fault for his actions (Chase, 2014). After much public scrutiny, Smith was forced to issue a public apology regarding his commentary on the matter and he was suspended by ESPN for 1 week. Even though ESPN produces a variety of different content in many different formats, examples like this one underscore why it remains important to see how they frame issues of IPV and sport at a broader level because people are watching, reading, and listening.
Media Framing
Goffman’s (1974) framing theory offers the theoretical context to consider sports media’s presentation of the NFL players’ involvement with instances of IPV. Framing theory posits that the way in which the media present social and cultural issues creates a “frame” for the audience to base an understanding of the information (Goffman, 1974). Media can shape an issue by the way it is framed (e.g., positive or negative, broad or narrow, isolated or pervasive). Creation of a media frame includes the selection of what will be shown, emphasis by choosing how much is shown, and determining what does not get shown or exclusion (Gitlin, 1980; Rosenberry & Vicker, 2009; Sparks, 2015). Furthermore, principles of a media organization can govern the way that certain media frames are developed (Tuchman, 1976).
Framing refers to the process of putting a story together (Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007). This can include what is present or absent in a story as well as how particular content is structured, organized, and highlighted. How a story is organized will frame the content and subject for the audience. Story structure also includes a hierarchy of what will be selected as main points and subordinate points. The process of framing is focusing the audience’s attention on particular aspects of a topic, by simplifying or adding perspective to an issue (Entman, 1993). Media frames parse cultural issues (Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007).
Framing is further contextualized as the way that people make sense of their social world (Scheufele & Tewksbury, 2007). Media professionals can reinforce existing social and cultural attitudes and expectations, and frame our conceptualizations about sport and society (Wenner, 2013). Framing is the development of a way to interpret and plan individual attitudes, beliefs, or actions (Entman, 1993). Journalists can also use framing as social cues conveyed through media representations to signal a shift of sociocultural expectations (Goffman, 1974). Audience perceptions of who is amenably responsible for addressing an issue, indemnification, and sociocultural transformation are influenced by framing (Rosenberry & Vicker, 2009). According to Iyengar and Simon (1993), media organizations tend to frame issues in an episodic or thematic way which does have consequences for how the public is influenced by media frames.
Framing and IPV
Studies reveal that the majority of IPV media coverage utilizes episodic framing, which presents the events as singular occurrences rather than as events representative of a more serious societal problem (Carlyle, Slater, & Chakroff, 2008). In contrast, news stories using thematic framing present the incident as a one event that represents the larger issue (Carlyle et al., 2008). The tendency for news stories to use episodic framing over thematic framing has contributed to the public misconception that IPV is an issue between two individuals, rather than an issue that deserves attention at the societal level (Bullock & Cubert, 2002; Meyers, 1996). In the context of IPV within the NFL, news coverage of IPV incidents can be framed as issues with the individual player, an individual team, the NFL as an organization, or society as a whole. The present study explores the episodic and thematic frames utilized in ESPN coverage of IPV incidents, and the implications of those chosen frames.
Sports have generally been presented in media with mythological undertones. Football representations are heroic, sensational, powerful, and alluring (Vogan, 2013). Media professionals, sports journalists, and fans metaphorically reference NFL players with savior and superhero imagery (Watts, 2014). Professional athletes are admired by fans of all ages. Sports media framing analyses have included examinations of race (Billings, 2004; Eagleman, 2011; Laucella, 2010), gender (J. S. Clark, Apostolopoulou, & Gladden, 2009; Smith, 2014; Whiteside & Rightler-McDaniels, 2013), visual framing (Douai, 2014; Emmons & Mocarski, 2014; Hull, Smith, & Schmittel, 2015), and suicide (Karimipour, 2016).
Most of the studies involving framing and IPV have been critical in nature. For example, Christensen, Gill, and Perez (2016) found that general newspaper coverage of the Ray Rice incident was filled with White supremacist ideology serving the purpose of reinforcing the ideology that Black men are violent and dangerous. Also, Geyerman (2016) examined news reporting surrounding the Ray Rice event and found that the sociopolitical system and reporting surrounding this event make it seem normal and legitimate to a certain extent. Our goal in this article is not to ignore the work that has been done in this area from a critical perspective, but instead, we seek to explore, describe, and explain the frames and framing that are used by ESPN when reporting on NFL athletes who are charged with IPV.
The magnitude of the Rice incident and ESPN’s written media articles covering instances of IPV have sparked an interest for closer examination. To examine sports media coverage of IPV, this study specifically investigates ESPN’s web-based written NFL coverage 2 years prior to and 2 years after the Rice incident. In particular, the way in which ESPN sports media writers present the social, cultural, and health issue of IPV (CDC, 2017; Cronholm et al., 2011; Savage et al., 2016; World Health Organization, 2010) within media frames is potentially shaping the way their audience understands these interwoven subjects.
Method
Sampling Frame
We used the USA Today’s NFL arrest database (Schrotenboer, 2018), as the foundational information source for names of players charged or arrested, and dates of IPV incidents. The database serves as a source of collective information that describes arrest information and charge details. Data for the database are collected from media reports, press releases, and public records. It dates back to January 2000 and is current through the submission date of this article. Included in the database categories are the date of arrest or charge, player name, team, position, type of case (charge or arrest), and category of case. Additionally, a description of the event and the outcome is listed. In addition to the breadth and depth of information contained in the database, supplemental justification for using the USA Today database is to have an ESPN-independent, reputable source for IPV incident details. Other media professionals and sports journalists use this perpetual database (Barshop, 2014; Gaines, 2016; Irwin, 2014).
The date of Ray Rice’s arrest was February 15, 2014. Two years before (i.e., February 15, 2012, through February 14, 2014) was selected as the time frame to examine before the Rice incident (Group 1). The time after Rice’s arrest through February 15, 2016, was also examined (Group 2). In order to answer the questions specifically included in this research design, we chose to exclude Ray Rice from the sample of players. The scope of this study was to investigate the impact that the Rice event had, therefore only incidents before and after were included.
Using the following conceptual definitions of IPV and intimate partner, players and incidents were screened from the database to be included in our sample. IPV is physical, sexual, emotional, or psychological violence, abuse, harm, and/or threats by an intimate partner (CDC, 2017). An intimate partner is defined as a current or previous romantic companion or ongoing sexual partner (CDC, 2017). The USA Today’s NFL arrest database “category of case” and “description of the event” sections served as the descriptive information. Arrests were conducted and criminal charges were filed from a variety of locations throughout the United States. None of the incidents were labeled within the database as “IPV.” The “categories of case” varied from assault, domestic violence, battery, sex, sexual battery, rape, and murder.
First, we began the sampling procedure by immersion in the data (S. J. Tracy, 2013). This multistage process began with reading the raw data, noticing and making memos of what was observed during immersion (S. J. Tracy, 2013). Articles meeting the inclusion criteria and memos created from data immersion were then reexamined. Using the constant comparative method (Lindlof & Taylor, 2011), descriptions of instances of physical, sexual, emotional, or psychological violence, abuse, harm, and/or threats were compared.
The “categories of cases” for the articles included in the selected sample were labeled as domestic violence and one case of murder. Not every instance of domestic violence noted in the database in the selected time frame was included. The victim in the case was screened for fitting the intimate partner definition (CDC, 2017). Using the CDC (2017) definition, cases with victims other than intimate partners were excluded from the sample. Multiple researchers were used to ensure sampling reliability. Working independently, two coders descriptively assessed the database (Cohen, Wilson, Vanderpool, & Collins, 2015). Two meetings were held to review interpretation, discuss discrepancies, and arrive at mutual consensus (Campbell & Wallace, 2015; Cohen et al., 2015). In the case of any ambiguity with regard to the description of the situation (e.g., victim type, actions, charges), we conducted an Internet search for published information regarding the incident that could clarify information about the victim and offer more details about the interaction (i.e., current and former romantic partners vs. strangers). After finalizing the list of players and incidents to include in the sampling frame, player names were then searched on ESPN’s website.
Sample
The purposive sample includes NFL players ranging in team and position specialty. The sample was split into two groups based on occurrence prior to or after Ray Rice’s arrest. Group 1 (February 15, 2012, to February 14, 2014) consists of nine players. Group 2 includes eight players arrested between February 16, 2014, and February 15, 2016. Tables 1 and 2 identify the players included in each group of the sample. Every article that included the name of the player within the body of the article, from the date of that player’s IPV incident to the end of the sampling frame (i.e., February 14, 2014, for Group 1; February 15, 2016, for Group 2), was selected for inclusion in the sample. These articles, N = 593, make up the sample for this study.
Group 1: National Football League Intimate Partner Violence Arrests (2012–2014).
Note. MIA = Miami Dolphins; NYJ = New York Jets; KC = Kansas City Chiefs; CIN = Cincinnati Bengals; PIT = Pittsburg Steelers; SEA = Seattle Seahawks; DET = Detroit Lions; ARI = Arizona Cardinals; MIN = Minnesota Vikings
Source: Schrotenboer (2018).
a Before Ray Rice, 0 Sands articles; after Ray Rice, 1 Sands article was written.
Group 2: National Football League Intimate Partner Violence Arrests (2014–2016).
Note. SF = San Francisco 49ers; ARI = Arizona Cardinals; NO = New Orleans Saints; DET = Detroit Lions; NYG = New York Giants; KC = Kansas City Chiefs; CLE = Cleveland Browns; NE = New England Patriots.
Source: Schrotenboer (2018).
Website Textual Analysis
Media framing studies evaluate the patterns in the way topics are identified and issues are discussed (Connolly-Ahern & Broadway, 2008). Articles were searched on ESPN’s website using each player’s name and the date of the incident through the end of the group’s time frame (i.e., before or after, February 2014 or 2016). The universe of stories on ESPN’s website relating to the 17 players identified through the purposive sampling procedure were qualitatively analyzed using open-coding and constant comparative methods (Lindlof & Taylor, 2011). The total number of articles examined in reference to Group 1 was 259. The total number in Group 2 was 334. The textual analysis proceeded as an integrated process of identifying, retrieving, and analyzing the significance, meaning, and relevance of web articles (Altheide, 1996), informed by sports media framing concepts.
Coding
The second stage of analysis began by reading through each of the ESPN articles meeting the inclusion criteria, using an open coding, constant comparative procedure (Lindlof & Taylor, 2011; S. J. Tracy, 2013). Initially, two researchers independently read through approximately 10% of the sample, making notes on patterns of frames and categories, then met to discuss their coding. A third researcher participated in the discussion, talking through key words, phrases, and concepts, to reach a consensus on framing patterns and categories in the qualitative data (Abramson, Keefe, & Chou, 2014; Campbell & Wallace, 2015). Using the categories as a guide, the data analysis proceeded with two researchers carefully and extensively reading the selected articles. Multiple coders were used to develop richness in the interpretive results. We read through the articles multiple times. The gradual shaping of themes evolved through interpretation of media framing. Coders met to discuss individual thematic interpretation of frames and subframes included in and absent from the data. A third researcher participated in the discussion to resolve any discrepancies. The collaborative analysis led to agreement on the results explicated below.
Findings
From the analysis of articles that mentioned the players involved in instances of IPV during the two time frames, four themes were identified by their presence or absence in the articles. Themes included focus on the individual player, problem for the team, the NFL’s problem, and missing the point. Most stories included more than one theme. Additional findings include the amount of detail included in articles about the IPV incident. Group 2 articles included a greater amount of detail and information. Finally, IPV incidents were more thematically framed in Group 2 and more episodically framed in Group 1.
Focus on the Individual Player
The majority of the articles which noted the IPV incident focus on the individual player’s incident or arrest, rather than IPV as a societal issue. Articles in Group 1 were characterized by presenting the incident as an episodic issue stemming from the player. If a player had previous arrests, the framing would shift to a thematic focus of a pattern of that specific player’s bad behavior in general (e.g., substance abuse, drugs, DUI arrests). Rather than framing the article to present the player’s perpetration of IPV, the focus would often be why the player was bad for a team. “The combination of Johnson’s age (34 years old), declining production, recent arrest and potential to be a distraction on a daily basis is too much. I just don’t see it” (Williamson, 2012). The focus of Williamson’s article was whether Chad Johnson, who had been released from the Miami Dolphins after his domestic violence arrest, would be a good fit in the American Football Conference West. Another article shared a similar perspective. Miami’s coach said that Johnson was not cut from the team based on committing IPV. “It was more a body of evidence,” including what ESPN presented as foul language and insubordination (Walker, 2012).
Articles after Ray Rice framed the players through their agent and attorney statements. Players in Group 2 were noted as attempting to present a responsible image by appearing to proactively reach out to inform their coach and team of their arrest. ESPN staff writer Rothstein (2015d) wrote that Rodney Austin’s attorney had released warrants filed in the former Detroit Lion’s IPV arrest. “Rodney maintains his innocence and has instructed our legal team to pursue any legal avenue possible to clear his name,” [Rodney] Austin’s attorney, Mark Jetton, said in a statement Thursday. “He understands the extraordinary sensitivity of the domestic-violence issue, especially surrounding the NFL at this time.” (Rothstein, 2015d)
Problem for the Team
Individual player–focused themes would often shift into how this player’s time away will impact the team’s performance on the field. Many Group 1 stories were characterized by noting only that the player was cut by the team. Other articles framed the team problem as a thematic team issue of several different player arrests. One player’s thematic history of IPV was framed by mentioning Chris Rainey’s release from his college team before coming to the Pittsburgh Steelers.
Group 2 stories conversely noted several official team comments. Some included that the team was taking the incident seriously and that IPV is a serious matter. Thematic team framing starting in 2015 included team policies of “no tolerance” of IPV. An overarching theme that became evident was that teams were presenting themselves as having fewer players who were getting in trouble. After the arrest of Justin Cox, the Chiefs chairman was quoted saying they have, “no policy regarding players charged with crimes,…[we want to] be a leader in the NFL and not a team that has a lot of guys getting in trouble” (Teicher, 2015).
In the wake of multiple player arrests, the Detroit Lions made a US$250,000 donation to a domestic violence shelter. In addition to team public relations efforts after a player was released, articles covered teams who took in or quietly rejected the released players. Some teams were framed as having high expectations for their players’ off-the-field character.
NFL’s Problem
Very few articles from Group 1 identified the NFL’s role or the NFL at all. If the NFL was mentioned in Group 1, such as in the case of New York Jets’ Bryan Thomas, the article merely noted that the league was aware of the situation. An NFL spokesperson was quoted as saying, “We are monitoring the case. It will be reviewed under the league policies at the appropriate time” (McManus, 2013). A Group 1 article on former Minnesota Vikings’ cornerback A. J. Jefferson framed IPV as just another judicial issue that the NFL lumps together with all other legal trouble.
Ray Rice’s IPV incident had a profound impact on NFL policies and the way the league was framed on ESPN. The shift in media framing after the Ray Rice incident resulted in the league being mentioned in articles for every player. The NFL’s independent investigations were mentioned along with the league’s “awareness” of the incidents. Official statements by NFL representatives were reported. The new league policy of a six-game suspension for the first incident and a lifetime ban from the NFL for the second was covered by ESPN as a tougher stance on IPV. The NFL’s response was now framed as an active part of almost all articles covering IPV incidents. ESPN examined the league as a whole, “The NFL has faced a lot of scrutiny over its handling of domestic violence issues in the past year” (Rothstein, 2015a). After Ray Rice, ESPN noted a different kind of pressure for the league. League punishments were scrutinized in some offenders such as Johnny Manziel who was not reprimanded after committing IPV.
Missing the Point
The overarching salient theme in our findings is the lack of writers addressing the real issue. They are missing the point. Most of the articles in the sample did not note the IPV incident. Of those that did, very few articles in the sample addressed the underlying concern of the seriousness of IPV. The case of the Kansas City Chiefs’ Jovan Belcher, who shot and killed his girlfriend, Kassandra Perkins, before killing himself, was overwhelmingly framed as a tragedy of suicide. One ESPN writer pointed out, Belcher murdered his girlfriend, killed himself and left their infant daughter orphaned--yet the ensuing media coverage mainly focused on a young, hardworking football player gone too soon, a storyline apparently easier to tackle than a national epidemic of violence against women. (Fagan, 2013)
In addition to the salient themes revealed in the findings, one very evident difference in ESPN articles before and after Ray Rice is the amount of detail about the IPV incident. Group 2 articles included much more detail from police reports, witness statements, and legal documents.
Incidents of IPV were more episodically than thematically framed before the Ray Rice incident. After February 15, 2014, there was a clear shift to more of a thematic focus of IPV incidents. ESPN began to frame IPV arrests as more than just an individual player issue. Rather than just a problem for an upcoming game, ESPN writers recognized that teams were issuing statements about team policies relating to bad player behavior. Additionally, the involvement of the NFL in each incident was now anticipated and analyzed. After the Rice incident, it was no longer acceptable for the NFL, nor the team, to say they would sit back and wait for a lengthy, legally negotiated, judicial process to decide players’ level of accountability.
Another clear shift was the way that players were framed in ESPN articles. Group 2 articles included player statements crafted through high-paid attorneys and agents charged with managing the image of the player. Many articles included players refuting charges and details in victim statements. Some ESPN writers included an analysis of the financial cost to the individual player as well as the team. In a series of articles covering Junior Galette’s arrest, while waiting for the NFL’s decision on punishment, one writer framed the saints’ pending possible dismissal as a bad financial decision, “The Saints have already paid out or guaranteed a total of $18.7 million to Galette over the past two years…it’s not easy for teams to recoup signing bonus money that has already been paid out” (Triplett, 2015b). Triplett contextualized Galette’s IPV arrest as another example in a pattern of immaturity. While the shift to a thematic framing style was evident in ESPN articles in Group 2, the societal issue of IPV was not clearly recognized overall.
Players’ Futures: Moving On
As Luther (2016b) writes, sports media want to see a high-profile case come to an end so that we can all “move on.” But what happens to a player who is released from a team? After the team rids the player and the six-game suspension is served, a player can be seen as toxic by the league. For some, the IPV incident was the end of their NFL career. For others, they are scouted by the Canadian Football League or an Arena Football League team. No ESPN article addressed the issue of other league’s policies. Nor did ESPN as a whole address the deeper concern of addressing the health and social issue of IPV in any of the analyzed articles. Additional exemplar article excerpts can be seen in Table 3.
Article Excerpts.
Discussion
While more arrest details are being shared in ESPN articles, some players are not mentioned at all. Cincinnati Bengals’ Robert Sands was arrested for IPV in 2013, more than a year before Ray Rice. However, zero articles were written about the incident until after Ray Rice. Did Sands fall through the cracks? After the Ray Rice incident, was ESPN compelled to now cover IPV that had happened more than a year prior? Another concerning exclusion is the case of Josh Brown. His arrest was not originally covered in ESPN’s articles. He has since admitted to hiding his arrest from the team and league. The Giants had listed him among one of the outstanding reputable players and even selected him to be in an NFL public service announcement (McManus, 2015).
Compared to the general population, NFL players are arrested less often for property and public order crimes (Strachan, 2015). That is not the case for violent crimes (i.e., murder, assault, IPV). The rate of NFL players’ arrests for violent crime was above the national average at a statistically significant level (Strachan, 2015). The 2015 media article sharing this comparison was poignantly titled, “Why aren’t we talking about what this study discovered about NFL violence?” (Strachan). Furthermore, the rate of occurrence for IPV is highest in the NFL and NBA relative to the other professional sports leagues in the United States (A. Tracy, 2014).
While the Rice incident brought about a revised NFL personal conduct policy, other organizational policies should be examined. Besides punishing players, the NFL as an organization should be doing more than public relations corporate social responsibility efforts. Pragmatic organizational goals can be to address signs of IPV in players earlier. Practical implications include objectives such as stopping instances of IPV before it starts (CDC, 2017). Additionally, the league can prioritize prevention efforts such as promoting respectful, healthy intimate personal relationships. Topics to examine can include emotionally supportive nonviolent communication. Campaigns can also include starting earlier by promoting healthy, positive family relationships (CDC, 2017). As some victims of NFL player IPV have shared, the culture of the league needs to change (Eder, 2014). The personal stories of two players’ ex-wives were covered in a 2014 New York Times article by Eder, which illustrates that some media organizations are going above and beyond to raise awareness about this issue. It also begs the question, why hasn’t ESPN taken this step?
Pragmatic implications can also include considerations for journalistic integrity. Sports journalists and media professionals can use this examination of IPV as a guide for self-reflection and future choices with regard to framing. As the “Worldwide Leader in Sports” coverage, ESPN has a responsibility to address sociocultural issues (especially those relating to health and safety) with regard to sports and specifically the NFL. Journalists are called to seek truth and report it (Society of Professional Journalists, 2014). No longer can this be ignored by media, who hold the power to bring attention to this serious issue of IPV and shape public conversation surrounding it (Luther, 2016b).
An interesting social media countermovement, #WhyIStayed and #WhyILeft, which unfolded in the months after the Rice incident, shared powerful personal stories of IPV victims (R. Clark, 2016; McManus, 2014). While this increased social discussion may have brought more public and media attention to the issue of IPV, these, as well as other victim accounts, were absent from our sample. A search of ESPN’s website returns a result of one article which includes the hashtag (McManus, 2014). In this powerful spotlight piece, McManus (2014) addresses the Rice incident and the clear overarching issue of the NFL’s inability to address IPV.
Of all the 593 articles analyzed in our sample, there were no links or referrals to resources for IPV victims for protection and healing from abuse. Another consideration for ESPN’s writers is to examine the ways that the NFL claims to be supporting players. Former Cleveland Browns’ coach Hue Jackson is quoted, “What I would say to any young player—not just Johnny [Manziel] but any player who is going through a lot of different things—you’re not alone. There’s help available, and people are willing to help….” (ESPN, 2016). What is the help that Jackson is alluding to? Who are the ones willing to help?
Limitations and Future Directions
Even though this study sheds light on ESPN coverage of the profound societal issue of IPV, a practically significant contemporary problem (S. J. Tracy, 2010), it is not without limitations. The structure of ESPN’s internal search engine was somewhat difficult to work with. Even though it allowed our research team to search a census of ESPN articles during the time frames of interest, some articles were visible to the search engine, but had since been removed from ESPN’s site. Any article that was visible in the search, but could not be found on ESPN’s site, was not included in the sample. There did not appear to be a systematic reason for their database errors. Instead, it could be related to server maintenance or ESPN could remove articles from journalists who are no longer with the organization. Our study was focused on the print articles on ESPN’s website. We are aware that much of ESPN’s work is produced in on-air coverage and that there likely was more broadcast coverage on these incidents. This is an area for potential research. Future studies could examine the broadcast coverage to our analysis of online print articles. Additionally, future research can also examine coverage of other sports (i.e., NBA, MLB, NHL) across a variety of sports journalism organizations. Future scholarship might also examine gender differences between sports journalists covering IPV as well as how athletes engage in image restoration after these incidents and other improprieties.
Even though a more inductive method was used to discover frames and themes in this sample, future research could expand the sample frame to include other media outlets and platforms (e.g., social media, video broadcasts). Considering the heuristic significance of this study (S. J. Tracy, 2010), it may be also useful to unitize and code the data for themes in future studies focusing on this subject, perhaps both quantitative and qualitative in scope. On a final note, our focus in this study was mostly on understanding types of frames and general themes that emerged from the news articles. Previous work in this area has taken a more critical approach, often looking at how race, gender, and culture exert influence in framing. Even though we did not specifically employ any critical lens to our analysis of the news articles, it remains important for future research (e.g., race, misogyny, toxic masculinity).
Conclusion
IPV is a pervasive issue in the United States. It is still an issue in the NFL. While our sample’s incidents time frame ended in 2016, there have been seven additional NFL player arrests involving IPV. The most recent incident was on November 24, 2018, involving Reuben Foster of the San Francisco 49ers.
Sports media writers have called themselves out for paying “only lip service to domestic violence and its root causes” (Fagan, 2013). Some journalists and media personalities have even accused their own colleagues as being part of the problem and further perpetuating IPV by allowing athletes accused of IPV to plead their cases of innocence during exclusive interviews and press conferences (Deckard, 2016). Even though this study only focuses on ESPN’s coverage of IPV instances in the NFL, the common frames and themes are reflective of a broader problem with how sports journalists cover IPV. IPV and domestic violence in general has a long history of being underreported by media outlets because it is often a complicated and private matter (Hill, 2016).
Because the way that media frames stories has an influence on the public, it is imperative that sports journalists (and all reporters) think more carefully about how they portray IPV in general as well as the way they frame both the target and perpetrator of IPV. As abhorrent as the Ray Rice incident was, it led to an increase in public awareness about the seriousness of IPV. Unfortunately, the results of this study and occurrences both before and after the Ray Rice incident show that the way these stories are reported and framed needs to change in order to educate the public and to create a deeper understanding of the causes and prevention of IPV.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
