Abstract
Student exchange is associated with many positive outcomes, however, little is known about the experiences that drive such changes. The aim of the current qualitative study was to explore how exchange students conceptualize the processes of change and development during exchange within an identity framework. Twenty interviews were conducted with Australian and French exchange alumni aged 19–23 years. Thematic analysis identified two major themes of change with specific associated driving experiences titled “I did it, so I can do it” and “I know who I am, I know what I want.” The second theme included two subthemes addressing an increased valuing of diversity and interest in international experiences. Three themes of influencing factors showed that students’ attitudes, previous experience, and family environments could impact exchange outcomes. The findings suggest that identity development is central to development during exchange, with the findings aligning with pre-existing models from the identity literature.
Student exchange is a common experience during emerging adulthood that is associated with numerous positive developmental outcomes (European Commission, 2014b). Current findings suggest that going on exchange may help emerging adults to negotiate the challenges and pitfalls of emerging adulthood through promoting positive development (Arnett, 2000; Layland et al., 2018; Ravert, 2009). Nevertheless, limited research has addressed the experiences that drive change during exchange. Without this knowledge, it is difficult to improve exchange program outcomes and it means that our understanding of why such experiences promote positive development for emerging adults is incomplete.
Complicating matters further, limited work has attempted to integrate theory into the research on student exchange (McLeod et al., 2015). The few studies that have proposed theoretical frameworks only address certain aspects of why students change but do not explore the full development process (e.g., McLeod et al., 2015). Identity development and models of individual identity have been proposed as a framework for better explaining the change processes and outcomes of student exchange (McKay et al., 2019). However, only a handful of studies have addressed the ways that entering different cultures influence identity development (Hammack, 2008; Meca et al., 2017), and thus limited information is available regarding the utility of these models for explaining the processes of change in this context.
The current research addresses these limitations by using an exploratory qualitative methodology to identify the key experiences that students perceive to be driving change during exchange. Specifically, we employed an integrated identity model to study students’ retrospective narratives relating to their self-perceived changes and the associated experiences that they identified as driving development. The integrated identity model situated the students’ narratives within a larger developmental framework, allowing for novel perspectives on both the underlying drivers and the outcomes of the experience. In the next section, we review current findings in the exchange literature and the ways they relate to models of identity development.
Student Exchange
International student exchange typically entails students spending one or two semesters in a host institution of another country as part of their degree (Engle & Engle, 2003). Generally, agreements between universities are reciprocal with similar numbers of students exchanged between institutions, allowing students to continue paying their fees at their home institution. Approximately 11%–15% of graduating students in Europe (European Commission, 2014a), 11% in North America (Institute of International Education, 2019), and 16% in Australia (Australian Universities International Directors’ Forum, 2017) have participated in short term international mobility programs such as student exchange.
The reported results of exchange programs examined via both qualitative and quantitative studies tend to be very positive. Students who go on exchange report developing greater language skills, confidence, curiosity, decisiveness, adaptability, and tolerance of ambiguity (European Commission, 2014b). In terms of values, students increase their openness to other people and cultures (Cushner & Mahon, 2002; Milstein, 2005) and improve their awareness of their cultural values and biases (Paige et al., 2009). Returned exchange students also show gains in locus of control internality (McLeod et al., 2015) and general self-efficacy (Petersdotter et al., 2017). The skills and experience of exchange increase both immediate and long-term career opportunities and success, with exchange alumni having higher salaries and greater job satisfaction (European Commission, 2014b; Paige et al., 2009). Many of these changes are driven directly by exchange with comparison groups of university students who do not go abroad showing significantly less change across the same outcomes (e.g., Jacobone & Moro, 2014; McLeod et al., 2015; Petersdotter et al., 2017). Nevertheless, although the reported outcomes tend to be positive, the literature lacks theoretical integration, limiting its capacity to provide explanations for the processes of change.
As noted by McLeod et al. (2015), a large body of the research on the outcomes of exchange is not placed within any particular theoretical framework. The lack of theoretical integration means that little work has sought to identify or explain processes driving change during exchange (McKay et al., 2019). In recent years, Social Learning Theory (McLeod et al., 2015), Rites of Passage (Grabowski et al., 2017), and theories of acculturation (Dentakos et al., 2017; Ward & Geeraert, 2016) have all been proposed as options to remedy this problem. However, each theory has limitations that make it incomplete on its own for explaining the processes of change for exchange cohorts (McKay et al., 2019). Recently, McKay et al. argued that individual identity is central to development during exchange, proposing an integrated model of identity that assimilates current theories and findings from the literature within an identity perspective. The proposed model was argued to be a better framework for emerging adults because identity development is a central task for this group, and the literature on identity has significant overlap with the exchange literature in terms of the processes of development and associated outcomes (Crocetti et al., 2012; McKay et al., 2019).
Theories and Models of Identity
Identity at an individual level focuses on an individual’s goals, beliefs, and values that are held consistently across multiple environments and contexts (Vignoles et al., 2011). Establishing an identity is a foundational task of emerging adulthood, as young people explore questions such as “who am I?” “what are my beliefs?” and “what am I doing with my life?” (Vignoles et al., 2011). However, numerous models and conceptualizations of identity exist within the literature. The three most widely used individual identity models are the process and status, resource, and narrative models of identity (Vignoles et al., 2011). Each model addresses different aspects of the developmental process and associated outcomes, and it is in combination that they can best explain identity development (Sica et al., 2017).
The process and status models of identity focus on processes of identity exploration and commitment. Combinations of the processes are used to create different identity statuses (for reviews see Kroger & Marcia, 2011; Schwartz et al., 2013). The identity statuses and associated processes can be assessed using interviews or quantitative measures (e.g., Crocetti et al., 2008; Luyckx, Schwartz, et al., 2008; Marcia, 1966). However, interviews are particularly well suited to questions of how, when, and why an individual came to their current position, as they allow for in-depth exploration of the different processes occurring within the person (Kroger & Marcia, 2011). In terms of outcomes, both the processes and statuses have been used to predict a broad range of variables that are closely linked to known outcomes stemming from exchange. For example, the achieved identity status is related to career success and satisfaction (Crocetti et al., 2014), greater self-belief (Ryeng et al., 2013), and better adjustment to life stressors (Luyckx, Seiffge-Krenke, et al., 2008). Thus, these processes likely play a central role in the development of exchange students.
Côté’s (2002) identity capital model focuses on the key tangible (e.g., financial resources, social status, networks) and intangible (e.g., the agentic personality made up of ego strength, locus of control, self-monitoring, self-esteem and life purpose) resources that play an important role in the identity development process (for a full summary see Côté, 2002). For example, the agentic personality is central to helping people effectively negotiate identity explorations before committing to a set of alternatives (Schwartz et al., 2005). In relation to exchange, multiple studies have shown that students show gains in the agentic personality variables such as locus of control by going abroad (Galchenko & van de Vijver, 2007; Geeraert & Demoulin, 2013; McLeod et al., 2015). This suggests that exchange may support the acquisition of resources that help individuals manage the identity development process.
The narrative identity model focuses on how people’s life stories provide coherence to their experience (McAdams & McLean, 2013). From this perspective, individuals create personal narratives that link their sense of self in the present to their historical past through reflective and autobiographical reasoning processes (McAdams & McLean, 2013). Importantly, individuals’ narratives are guided by cultural master narratives in the form of the norms, imagery, and meanings found in their sociocultural context, and these play a significant role in identity development (McLean et al., 2018; McLean & Syed, 2016). Thus, this approach acknowledges the influence of context in the identity development process by showing how peoples’ cultures shape the stories that they use to make sense of their lives.
Identity and Exchange
The combination of these three identity models allows for clear explanations of the processes of change during exchange through focusing on the processes of identity development and associated outcomes (for a full overview of this integrated model see McKay et al., 2019). Within this model’s framework, it is possible to explore the experiences that shape identity exploration and commitment, the development of the agentic personality, and the role that cultural master narratives play in the process. The different models also point to potential experiences that may promote change during exchange.
Three key possible drivers of change during exchange can be identified in the pre-existing identity and exchange literature. The first of these is cultural learning, which can lead individuals to explore different culturally relevant identity alternatives as they question their own and their host culture’s narratives, values, and beliefs (Adam et al., 2018; Lindsey, 2005; Meca et al., 2017). This process potentially accounts for the findings showing that students increase their awareness of their cultural biases and the impact of culture in their lives (Paige et al., 2009).
The second type of experience that may explain the growth in variables related to confidence during exchange is the management of adversity (McLeod & Wainwright, 2009). For example, locus of control, which refers to an individual’s expectancy of how much control they have in a situation (Galvin et al., 2018), becomes more internal (e.g., the individual sees themselves as responsible for their outcomes) through overcoming difficulty while abroad (McLeod et al., 2015; Mcleod & Wainwright, 2009). Such experiences also help students identify pre-existing abilities and develop new skills that they could use in the future (McLeod & Wainwright, 2009). General self-efficacy beliefs represent views of one’s ability to perform in the face of different, and often challenging demands (Chen et al., 2001, 2004). Thus, by identifying and growing their abilities through overcoming difficulty, students are likely to enhance key internal resources that they can use to support their identity development.
The third possible driver comes from a small body of research showing that changing social support networks during university exchange is a key mechanism for supporting increases in self-efficacy (Petersdotter et al., 2017) and personality changes (Greischel et al., 2016; Zimmermann & Neyer, 2013). Additionally, research with adolescent exchange students found that subjective closeness toward parents while abroad partially explained domain-specific identity development relating to friendships and the home culture (Greischel et al., 2018). These findings align with the identity literature, which has shown that relationships with parents play a key role in emerging adult identity exploration and commitment (Luyckx et al., 2007). Nevertheless, as research on the experiences that drive change, and particularly identity development, during exchange is still relatively undeveloped, there may be other aspects of the exchange experience that have not been previously identified.
A major advantage of exploratory qualitative studies is that they allow for the discovery of processes and changes that have not been revealed in previous research. This makes such designs ideal for novel research topics, which is the case for the current research. However, there is also a major drawback, as the findings are only representative of the studied population, limiting generalizability (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018). One way to address this problem is to assess whether similar findings pertain to different groups by undertaking the same study with multiple populations. On this basis, the current research was conducted with Australian and French participants who represent two different populations due to the cultural differences between the countries. For example, Australian culture is more individualistic than French culture (Hofstede et al., 2010). In contrast, French people tend to be higher on uncertainty avoidance (e.g., dislike of ambiguity), long term orientation (e.g., considering long term consequences) and power distance (e.g., unequal power distribution across institutions) than Australians (Hofstede et al., 2010). Given a major element of the exchange experience is interacting with a new culture (Grabowski et al., 2017; McLeod & Wainwright, 2009), these base cultural differences may influence how students respond to their host culture. Thus, the cultural differences between Australian and French students provide the opportunity to assess if the processes of change are similar for two different groups.
Aims and Research Questions
The current research drew upon an integrated identity framework to explore how exchange student alumni conceptualize and understand the processes of change and development that occur during exchange. However, as little research has addressed such processes with regard to identity in this context, the research took an exploratory approach that allowed for the identification of novel processes of change and associated outcomes. Three key research questions guided the study.
Research question 1 (RQ1): What changes do students identify experiencing through going abroad?
Research question 2 (RQ2): What are the key experiences students perceive as driving change?
Research question 3 (RQ3): What are the individual and contextual factors that students believe support or inhibit the change process?
Method
Participants
Participants were 20 emerging adults who had completed a university student exchange program within the previous 6 months. Half of the participants were Australian (n = 10, 5 females, 5 males) aged between 19 and 23 years (M = 20.60, SD = 0.97). The other half of the sample were French (n = 10, 8 females, 2 males) aged between 19 and 22 years (M = 19.84, SD = 1.37). Exchange host countries for Australian participants included Canada, Malaysia, Norway, Singapore, South Korea, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, and for 90% of students, it was their first time visiting the country. Nevertheless, 80% of Australian students had previous travel experience (30% had visited 1–5 countries, 30% had visited 5–9 countries, and 20% had visited 10+ countries). Exchange host countries for French students included Canada, Finland, and South Korea, and for 60% of students, it was their first time visiting their host country. All French participants had previous travel experience to varying degrees (20% had visited 1–5 countries, 40% had visited 4–9 countries, and 40% had visited 10+ countries). All Australian participants went on exchange for a single semester program (between 3 and 5 months depending on the host country), while 70% of French participants were on exchange for two semesters (approximately 8–11 months depending on the host country). In terms of language abilities, almost all Australian students (80%) only spoke English. In contrast, all French students spoke at least one other language to a moderate level, with English being the most common (90% of students). All participants were undergraduate students except for two French Masters students and represented a broad diversity of disciplines including business, construction management, engineering, history of art, international relations, law, media, nursing, pharmaceutical studies, political science, psychology, sports science and management, and science.
Materials
A semi-structured interview guide was developed and comprised of an introductory script, a set of open questions relating to the students’ experiences abroad, and their perceptions of how they had changed (Full copies of the interview protocols in French and English can be found at https://osf.io/6p2xc/). The guide was formed in line with Braun and Clarke’s (2013) best practice guidelines for the development of interview questions. An initial pool of questions was created based on the aims and research questions of the study. This pool included questions relating to motivations and experiences abroad, factors supporting successful experiences, and perceptions of change stemming from exchange. The questions included prompts relating to the acquisition of key resources in the form of skills and changing self-perceptions, which captured important elements of the identity resource model. In addition, questions that addressed the key identity development aspects of beliefs, values, and goals were included. Further prompts for these questions highlighted salient domains such as politics, religion, culture, and relationships. This style of questioning aligns with the way the identity status interviews have been traditionally conducted (e.g., Marcia, 1966). Additionally, four questions (high point, low point, turning point, and life theme) along with components from the introductory script were adapted from the narrative identity Life Story interview guide (McAdams, 2008). Finally, the guide was piloted with two exchange alumni who suggested two further questions, which addressed experiences of everyday life while abroad and regrets that students might have about their experience.
Procedure
Participants were randomly selected from a pool of exchange students who indicated that they would be willing to partake in an interview as part of a longitudinal study on identity development during student exchange. Participants were provided with a $50/€30 gift card as compensation for their time. Interviews were conducted online via the use of Skype and WhatsApp digital calling services because participants were widely dispersed across Australia and France, making it infeasible to conduct the interviews in person. The interviews followed the guidelines of Seitz (2016) to maximize the quality of interviews using video calls. All interviews lasted between 38 minutes and 75 minutes and were conducted in the native language of the participants. The interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim, de-identified, and analyzed in the original language using QSR international’s NVivo 12.6. French quotes presented in this article were translated to English by a bilingual native English speaker and the translations were verified by a bilingual native French speaker.
Data Analysis
Thematic analysis was conducted using the six phases as outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006). These steps included becoming familiar with the data, creating initial codes, searching for themes, defining and naming themes, reviewing themes, and writing the report. A dual deductive-inductive analysis method was adopted. An initial set of deductive codes were created that captured potential experiences that drive change and the associated outcomes that occur during exchange based on the pre-existing identity (Luyckx et al., 2007; McLean & Syed, 2016) and exchange literature (McLeod et al., 2015; McLeod & Wainwright, 2009). Codes for experiences that may drive change included changing social networks, overcoming adversity, and cultural learning. Codes for outcomes included locus of control, and self-efficacy, while codes for identity included beliefs, values, and goals.
Next, line-by-line and phrase coding were undertaken using the initial codes. Inductive codes were also generated based on important ideas that were represented in the data and relevant to the research questions but not captured by the deductive codes. By conducting the deductive and inductive analyses simultaneously, it was possible to identify the limitations and strengths of the deductive codes while coding the full range of data relevant to the research questions. Early inductive codes tended to be more descriptive (e.g., increased confidence). Over time, latent codes were developed. For example, greater general self-awareness was a latent code that was used when participants indirectly described knowing themselves better. When the initial codes were modified or new codes were created, a recoding process was undertaken for transcripts that had been coded previously.
The initial analysis was conducted by the first author and a codebook was developed (The codebook can be found at https://osf.io/6p2xc/) to maintain consistency and to minimize coder drift (Adler et al., 2017). A sample of extracts was analyzed by the second author using the codebook to check for reliability in the analyses. Cohen’s κ test for reliability was initially shown to be moderate (κ = 0.61) and a revision of the coding process was undertaken to improve reliability. The assessment demonstrated that most differences transpired when one coder focused on the driving experience, while the other coded for an associated outcome of that experience for the same extract. This finding led to the identification of the inseparable nature of the different forms of change and their associated driving experiences, which is why the two are presented together in the results. After adjusting the coding process, inter-rater agreement was shown to be good (κ = 0.78). After the coding was complete, the codes were grouped into potential themes whereby different potential groupings of codes were assessed to identify the best way to represent the data. Each prospective theme was reviewed for homogeneity and external heterogeneity. When this process was completed the final themes were assigned names and placed in thematic maps (see Figures 1 and 2).
Identified themes and codes for the first and second research questions. Note. Unbroken lines show subthemes. The broken line shows the relationship between the themes. LOC = Locus of control, SE = Self-efficacy.
Identified themes and codes for the third research question.
Synthesized member checking (Birt et al., 2016) was conducted whereby all participants had the opportunity to review a plain-language summary report of the themes and associated codes from the study. Fifteen participants (seven Australian and eight French) reviewed the findings. The majority suggested that the themes were representative of their own and other students’ experiences with only very minor changes suggested. The full summary of the member checking results can be found at https://osf.io/6p2xc/.
Saturation, which is broadly defined as the point in a qualitative study where no new information is identified through collecting more data, is a key requirement for qualitative research (Saunders et al., 2018). Saunders et al. argue that there are multiple models of saturation and that these should be conceptualized as incremental processes rather than occurring at a fixed point during a study. This position was taken for the current research. After each interview, a structured note-taking process was conducted using the system of Phillippi and Lauderdale (2018), which included preliminary data analyses. Data saturation (repetition of previous data: Saunders et al., 2018) through the discussion of similar concepts began to be identified by the fourth interview as part of the notetaking. By the 15th interview, only one to two new concepts were discussed, and these were generally extensions of previously identified ideas. During the analysis, inductive thematic saturation (emergence of new codes or themes: Saunders et al., 2018) began around the fifth interview, with several potential themes being identified. The main themes and codes were identified by the 15th interview. However, the codes and associated themes continued to be refined and expanded until a little later, with no code or theme changes occurring after the 18th interview.
Results
RQ1 and RQ2: Themes of Change and the Associated Mechanisms
Concerning the first two research questions (RQ1: What changes do students identify experiencing through going abroad? RQ2: What are the key experiences students perceive as driving change?), the analysis showed several specific outcomes and related experiences that were described as facilitating the change process. Two main themes were identified and titled I did it, so I can do it and I know who I am, I know what I want. Two subthemes of the second theme were also found and these were titled I want an international life and Diversity matters. The thematic map for these themes is shown in Figure 1.
I did it, so I can do it
Students described experiencing increased confidence in their capacity to handle new, diverse, and often challenging environments because they did so successfully during exchange. As one Australian (female, 21) said, “I feel like I could be dropped anywhere in the world and I’d be okay.” Many of the changes in this theme were representative of increased self-efficacy beliefs where students noted feeling more confident in their skills and abilities. Sometimes their descriptions were very general in nature such as, “it was a turning point in my confidence in myself, knowing that I could do all this stuff” (Australian male, 20). However, many changes were domain-specific, relating to common elements of the exchange experience. For example, numerous students noted increased confidence in their social skills with statements like, “after exchange, it was easier for me to talk to strangers” (Australian female, 20). Other domain-specific changes focused on travel, work, and living abroad with participants suggesting that they now felt they had the relevant problem-solving abilities to manage such transitions.
The increased confidence was also characteristic of strengthened internal locus of control beliefs. For example, students described being able to “rely on [themselves]” (French female, 20), and “take care of things [themselves]” (French male, 20). This was often accompanied by an increased determination in the face of adversity, “anytime in my life when there is a situation where I’m not liking it at the start…just like hang in there, it’s going to get better” (Australian female, 21). Such changes were indicative of participants’ perceptions that they could influence their environment and overcome difficulty through their efforts. As one student said, “for me, one of the benefits of going on exchange is knowing you can build a home away from home” (Australian female, 19).
The experiences abroad that enhanced confidence were those where students saw themselves overcome challenges or adversity. A central feature of all narratives was the experience of adaptation to novel contexts, such as where students lived, studied, or spent their free time. This adjustment process was regularly presented as challenging, “the adaptation, I think the first 2 weeks it’s hard because there’s a lot of things to do” (French female, 23). However, it was not just the quantity of tasks but also the cultural differences that could make acculturation difficult, “they have different codes [of communication] over there…so when I arrived there were a lot of little things that surprised me” (French female, 20). To adapt, students were required to do things differently from how they would at home, which helped them develop and identify various capacities, “I think it’s good to get out of your daily routine, also to discover that you can live in another way” (French female, 19). It is important to note that the types of experiences and associated changes were often closely linked. For example, successfully establishing friendships abroad was described as augmenting domain-specific self-efficacy beliefs related to the social domain.
Overcoming the various challenges and successfully completing exchange also helped students establish a more internal locus of control. Independence was especially important in this process because students managed challenges with little help from pre-existing networks: I was happy with myself because for the whole year, like all the stuff for my bank account, all my administrative papers and all that, I managed it all alone, I absolutely did not ask my parents for help at that level and I really liked it (French female, 21).
I know who I am, I know what I want
Students regularly discussed developing a greater explicit awareness of their beliefs, values, and goals relating to both themselves and the world through their exchange experience. The sum of this knowledge was at times described as an asset that people could use to make decisions and better care for their own needs. As one student said: In terms of my desires, before exchange I was often in a space of “well I don’t really know, I don’t care”…I find that now I know my desires a bit better, and I am willing to express more of what I want and what I don’t want (French female, 21).
In relation to self-perceptions, students suggested they discovered numerous likes and dislikes, hobbies, and interests. Some people also said they uncovered new aspects of their personalities such as being more outgoing. Capturing the notion of self-discovery, a French student said, “I learned a lot about myself and I don’t know a better method to know my limits, to discover myself” (female, 20). However, changes were not limited just to the self, as students also clarified their worldviews. These covered a diverse variety of domains such as work-life balance, respecting nature, and the importance of community. Regardless of the specific focus, the fundamental change was that people felt they were better able to identify and articulate their values and beliefs, “exchange really opened my eyes to the values…that I want to hold and share in my close circles” (French male, 23). These changes also supported the clarification of goals such as career plans. One student described it saying, “I have retained a whole tapestry of very positive things, which I will try to put in place as a future teacher in France” (French female, 21).
Cultural learning was described as central to helping people to identify their values and beliefs more clearly. There were three main aspects to the cultural learning process. The first involved observing and interacting with other cultures, which supported students to discover new values and practices that they could draw upon in their own lives. The second was adapting to new cultural practices. Participants said this allowed them to experiment with different practices and directly identify what worked for them. Finally, comparing other cultures with the student’s home culture provided an opportunity to develop new perspectives on pre-existing beliefs and values, “I [now] have two ways of thinking and two ways of living, which are very different, and I can, depending on the situation, choose one or the other” (French male, 20).
A second key element of exchange that was perceived as facilitating the self-discovery process was changing networks. Leaving behind friends and family created a space for students to try new ways of expressing themselves because they were not tied to pre-established roles or expectations. Students’ new communities were sometimes described as being like a second family due to the close bonds and support they provided. The new friends also presented students with novel perspectives on themselves that influenced their self-perception. Members of the students’ communities came from many different backgrounds and cultures, which also supported the cultural learning process: There was this one guy from China and he is very strict…[he] finds affection awkward to look at, and he’s all like you know, sex after marriage and stuff like that, and I was very close friends with him…but being friends with someone like that, I just think it makes you more understanding (Australian female, 21).
I know who I am, I know what I want subtheme 1: Diversity matters
A key domain of focus in students’ narratives was becoming more open and tolerant toward different groups of people. Students described adapting their behavior to be more effective in including and interacting with those around them, “mixing with all those people and getting to know them, it just made me more inclusive” (Australian male, 20). The increased openness was also related to an increased awareness of pre-existing biases. The central aspect of this discovery revolved around identifying unsupported assumptions about other groups: I didn’t realize how biased I was until that happened [interacting with someone they would not normally interact with], I’m like shit this guy, you know, he may be that stereotype, but still, hearing what he says is important (Australian male, 21).
Students also came to view people from other cultures as providing value because of their different perspectives and ideas: I’m now trying to talk to people a lot more about how important it is to be able to travel, or if you can at least meet different people etcetera, now I really need to share how important it is because it’s so positive (French male, 23).
The primary experience that people described as supporting these changes related to cultural learning through interacting with individuals outside their standard social circles: It changed me a little bit because I’m more tolerant. As I worked with foreigners [at university], it was necessary to be particularly tolerant in relation to everyone’s habits and to negotiate with them to try to obtain the best results (French male, 20).
Students suggested that such interactions facilitated the breaking down of stereotypes of certain groups.
I know who I am, I know what I want subtheme 2: I want an international life
A second key domain of change in the I know who I am, I know what I want theme related to students’ increased desires or intentions to live, study, travel, or work overseas in the future. The idea most often described for an international life focused on an international career. This was discussed as either working specifically in another country or getting a job in a company that allowed for international assignments, “I know that now I’m going to aim for…some work activities abroad if possible, before I wasn’t too sure, but now I know that I’d really like it” (French female, 20). Many students also described an increased interest in undertaking further study or internships abroad. Finally, people discussed wanting to travel more in the future. These desires sometimes included places that were not deemed as a possibility previously because they were perceived as too intense or difficult, “I’m probably a bit braver with travel. Before I wouldn’t have really been that enthusiastic about going to a developing country but now I actually could definitely do it” (Australian female, 20).
Two elements of exchange were said to facilitate these desires. The first was closely related to the processes of the I did it, so I can do it theme with students feeling confident that they could effectively negotiate the challenges of international experiences. The second related to the many novel and fun experiences they had on exchange, which created a perception of international experiences as highly rewarding. Students also viewed the international context as providing more opportunities compared to what was available in their home country: “Not only are you learning the course overseas but you’re learning about a completely different culture, and a completely different country, and you’re learning every single second…Working overseas is just so interesting and fun” (Australian female, 21).
RQ3: Individual and Contextual Factors That Support or Inhibit the Change Process
Concerning the third research question (RQ3: What are the individual and contextual factors that students believe support or inhibit the change process?), there were three themes of individual and contextual factors that participants identified as influencing the processes of change during exchange experiences. The themes were titled, the “right” attitude, previous experience and being the right fit and it’s frustrating when changes go unacknowledged. The thematic map for these themes is shown in Figure 2.
The “right” attitude
The “right” attitude captures a mindset that was identified by almost all participants in the research. When asked who got the most from exchange, students suggested that those who were willing to get out of their comfort zone by entering new and unfamiliar environments took more away from the experience than students who were less willing to take such perceived risks. As one student said, “I would say the people that get the least out of their exchange are the ones that don’t go out of their comfort zone as often as possible” (Australian male, 20). Some people noted that this involved people temporarily giving up safety nets such as already established friendships to have a more diverse range of experiences and relationships. The second aspect of the attitude was the notion of being open by saying “yes” to new experiences and people. This part of the attitude was described in somewhat more passive terms with students recounting being open to such opportunities when they arose rather than actively seeking them out, “If you go on exchange, it is especially important to be open to all possibilities, to all discoveries, to all encounters” (French female, 19). The mindset was described as a positive asset that helped students grow and get the most out of exchange. In contrast, students suggested that those who did not have the attitude were less likely to experience development while abroad.
Students said that the attitude was supported by the temporary nature of exchange, suggesting it pushed them to say “yes” to more opportunities than normal, “you’ve got to like see everything, and like tick off the bucket list in 4 months, whereas in Australia you’ve got a lifetime to do things” (Australian female, 19). They also did not want to miss out on experiences that were not available in their home countries, “I’m not going be worrying about that lack of sleep in the next few years, but I will worry about missing out on that hike” (Australian male, 21). These perceptions helped students to step out of their comfort zones and say “yes” to the many opportunities of exchange.
Previous experience and being the right fit supports adaptation
Participants said that those with previous travel or study abroad experience found the transition into their host countries easier. Many students discussed how their previous experiences abroad gave them confidence and helped them adapt on exchange, “So I’ve been on exchange before when I was in high school, so I was like ‘it’s all part of it and take it in your stride’” (Australian female, 19). Students suggested that those who were already accustomed to living independently from their family also found the transition to the host country easier: “Just how much independence you’re used to maybe before you arrive…there was one girl who we lived with who really struggled and she got homesick” (Australian female, 20). Shy and introverted personality types were also described as potential barriers to adaptation, particularly around the process of changing networks: “It can be very lonely if you don’t have friends and if you don’t put yourself out there and try and make friends as well because you can’t really just expect others to come to you” (Australian female, 20). It is important to note that, when students reviewed this theme during member checking they said that shy students did generally make friends and overcome this challenge.
It’s frustrating when changes go unacknowledged
The biggest contextual hindrance to change that was identified by students involved the initial period when they returned to their home countries. However, this was not a universal experience, with over half of the students suggesting that they had no major challenges upon return. For those who found the transition home to be difficult, a common issue was a sense of not having changes acknowledged by those close to them. One student exemplified the idea saying, “being away I’ve been so independent, and then coming back to my parents, obviously they haven’t seen that growth, so they’re sort of treating me like the person I was before” (Australian female, 19). This experience was often described as frustrating with statements such as, “I didn’t feel that I was necessarily well understood” (French female, 21). Some students also found that their close friends did not acknowledge their changes and quickly lost interest in hearing about their exchange experiences. Nevertheless, over time, even those students who had a difficult time upon return said that the difficulty passed as they readjusted to their lives at home.
Discussion
This study represents a first qualitative study into how exchange alumni conceptualize and understand the processes of change as part of exchange within an identity framework. The findings from RQ1 and RQ2 support the notion that there are key experiences driving change and development during student exchange, while the findings from RQ3 identified attitudes and pre- and post-exchange experiences that affect the change process. Taken together, these findings support the contention that identity plays a central role in the development process of exchange students and demonstrate the value of using an integrated identity framework for explaining the processes of change. The results also showed that each type of change was related to specific driving experiences, while the attitudes and previous experiences that supported change were more universal.
The Findings of RQ1 and RQ2 With Relation to the Models of Identity
“I did it so I can do it” and the agentic personality
The I did it, so I can do it theme aligns with previous literature showing students increase their confidence through going abroad (European Commission, 2014b), and is closely tied to the agentic personality identity model. The increase in confidence was found to be generally representative of increased self-efficacy beliefs and a greater internal locus of control, which supports previous literature (Jacobone & Moro, 2014; Lesjak et al., 2015; McLeod et al., 2015). However, the experiences that participants identified as enhancing their confidence only partially aligned with past findings.
The major driver of change for the I did it, so I can do it theme was the independent successful management of a broad range of challenges during exchange. Previous research has suggested that facing the need to overcome adversity is a central driver of increasing internality of locus of control (McLeod & Wainwright, 2009). Increasing self-efficacy has also been found to be explained by the amount of social contact students had per week while abroad, although it was unclear exactly what the underlying mechanism was in this process (Petersdotter et al., 2017). In contrast, independent problem solving has not been identified previously as a driver of internality of locus of control. These types of experiences involving adversity, along with general skill development, are particularly important in both the locus of control and self-efficacy literature. Research with adolescents has shown that when results can be attributed to effort, work, or ability rather than powerful others, they support the development of an internal locus of control (Bodovski, 2014). It appears that the requirement for independent problem solving during emerging adulthood continues to help students to attribute their successes to themselves, leading to a more internal locus of control. These experiences also helped the students to identify skills they were previously unaware of, supporting them to have mastery experiences (e.g., successfully using skills: Chen et al., 2004) that reinforced their self-efficacy beliefs. Based on these findings, a possible explanation for the previously documented social contact mechanism may be that students who are more active and involved while abroad (e.g., high levels of the “right attitude”) experience a broader range of situations involving challenges and associated mastery experiences.
From an identity perspective, the changes in this theme represented an augmentation of important agentic personality resources in the form of locus of control and self-efficacy (Côté, 2002). Additionally, living abroad helped students develop tangible resources such as relevant skills (e.g., language abilities, independent problem-solving skills etc.) and international networks. In line with previous literature, students suggested that these resources provided them with a broader range of international career and lifestyle options to consider (Lesjak et al., 2015; Teichler, 2004; Waldinger & Parey, 2007). Many of the students said they intend to take up such opportunities, suggesting that the combination of resources supported the development of new identity commitments after a process of exploration.
“I know who I am, I know what I want” and the process, status, and narrative models of identity
The changes in the I know who I am, I know what I want theme support research showing that studying and living abroad are related to an increased clarification of the self (Adam et al., 2018), values development (Atkinson, 2010), and changed and solidified career plans (Dwyer, 2004). The findings also align with research on adolescent and adult populations who spent temporary periods abroad through work or study and experienced general and domain-specific identity development (Greischel et al., 2018; Kohonen, 2004). In general, the changes appear to be representative of identity commitment processes, whereby individuals come to hold strong commitments that they can articulate and use to guide decisions and judge associated outcomes (Crocetti et al., 2008; Luyckx, Schwartz, et al., 2008), while the specific drivers of change closely resemble identity exploration processes, in which students question and consider different, beliefs, values, and goals (Crocetti et al., 2008; Luyckx, Schwartz, et al., 2008).
Cultural learning through observing and interacting with the host and other exchange students’ cultures allowed students to see and experiment with a breadth of different ways of life, beliefs, and value systems. Sometimes these differences were representative of cultural master narratives, which are used to define the standards of “good” behavior in a culture (Hammack, 2008; McLean & Syed, 2016). Importantly, students were able to observe and interact with these narratives directly. Experiential learning is also a powerful method for supporting identity exploration because people can directly test their interests and capacities (Layland et al., 2018; Verhoeven et al., 2019). The acquired knowledge stemming from such experiences is also useful for shaping identity commitments because it provides a stronger awareness of an individual’s values and beliefs, which can guide future decision making (Verhoeven et al., 2019).
The exposure to new cultural narratives also provided students with new perspectives on their home culture, which is a common finding in the literature (Adam et al., 2018; Braskamp et al., 2009; Meca et al., 2017). Previous research with non-exchange populations has shown that deviating from dominant cultural narratives facilitates the identification of master narratives and increased engagement in identity processes (McLean et al., 2018, 2020). Supporting these findings, exposure to the contrasting master narratives found in the host culture provided students with the opportunity to consider whether they wished to retain or change their pre-existing beliefs, values, and goals. These types of cultural identity clarification processes are also important elements for shaping the identity development processes because they push individuals to reconsider current commitments, which is a foundational aspect of the current status and process identity models (Albarello et al., 2018; Lindsey, 2005; Meca et al., 2017).
The changing of networks was also important for driving identity exploration. Research has shown that family pressure can limit identity exploration (Luyckx et al., 2007), and several participants suggested they could explore a broader range of options free of family pressure while abroad. However, a more regularly discussed driver was the development of new friendships. In line with the findings from research with post-graduate international students (Brown & Graham, 2009), trying new forms of social expression within these relationships was found to be important for exploring new perspectives and beliefs about the self and the world, free of previously established role expectations. Nonetheless, it went beyond just breaking role expectations. Students also noted how the new networks provided them with novel perspectives on themselves that led to reflection on who they were as a person. This style of reflection has been shown to be important for supporting the identity exploration process (Kerpelman et al., 1997). Finally, participants suggested that the friendships they developed abroad gave them new perspectives on their relationships from home. These new perspectives often triggered reflection on what mattered to participants in their friendships, suggesting an exploration of values related to the social identity domain. This form of exploration is a key task of emerging adulthood that has been shown to occur in adolescent exchange students previously (Arnett, 2000; Greischel et al., 2018).
The last two drivers of change for this theme were trying new activities and undertaking reflective practices. Trying new activities, like the cultural adaptation processes, provided students with direct opportunities to experiment with new hobbies and interests. However, these drivers were not limited to culturally specific changes. Reflective practices were also valuable tools for helping students to clarify their values. Reflective practices have been shown to provide opportunities to actively identify what matters to a person (Kłym & Cieciuch, 2015; Luyckx, Schwartz, et al., 2008). The knowledge acquired through reflection seemed to be particularly important for decisions related to career paths and specialization trajectories, as students suggested they had become more certain on these plans based on their newly identified values.
Implications
The major theoretical implication of the current findings is that identity development is an important aspect of change experienced from exchange. The results suggest that models of identity can be used to effectively integrate the findings and explain the processes of development occurring during exchange. More specifically, going abroad appears to drive identity exploration by exposing individuals to novel experiences, different social groups, and new cultures with different master narratives. These experiences were described by participants as providing these emerging adults with a broader range of beliefs and values to explore and test as they refined their identities. Many of the contexts abroad also required adaptation and independent management of adversity, which participants said helped them to develop the agentic personality resources relating to self-efficacy and locus of control. Participants also described changes that represented increased identity commitments such as deciding upon important values or international career goals, which were often supported by the augmented internal resources such as self-efficacy beliefs. Thus, the findings in combination are supportive of the integrated identity model proposed for sojourners by McKay et al. (2019). From an applied perspective, although the current evidence is preliminary, it points to opportunities for the development of interventions and future research that tests whether experiences with similar challenges as those provided by student exchange promote equivalent outcomes in other emerging adult populations. For example, intervention-based studies could focus on supporting individuals to step out of their comfort zone through trying new activities to assess if such experiences help participants better identify their capacities and interests without traveling abroad.
Limitations and Future Research Suggestions
The current results should be considered in light of several limitations of the study. The findings were based on the emic perspectives of exchange alumni; however, this group may not be aware of all the different changes or mechanisms involved. Future qualitative research could be conducted from an etic perspective with groups such as those involved in exchange program development and delivery to triangulate and potentially extend upon the current findings. Additionally, study designs that track the changes and drivers identified in this research across time using quantitative measures could help provide further tests of the findings. For example, diary studies tracking identity processes and specific daily experiences such as mood have been able to demonstrate direct links between the two (Klimstra et al., 2016).
Finally, only tentative generalizations are possible based on the current participants. The two-country sample is a strength, but both are western nations and there was only a limited number of participants from each country, who in most cases, had previous travel experience. Consequently, applying the findings to other populations such as those coming from other nations or individuals who are going abroad for the first time and may have very different experiences should be undertaken with caution. Further research should test whether similar processes occur in different populations. A focus on those from non-western countries would be especially valuable, as identity processes and development during emerging adulthood may be very different in western compared with non-western countries (Schwartz et al., 2013; Skhirtladze et al., 2018).
Conclusion
The current study provides a unique contribution to our understanding of the experiences that lead to identity development within the context of exchange for emerging adults. The findings of this study support the contention that identity is central to development during exchange. The identified changes and associated experiences are closely related to the process and status, resource, and narrative models of identity. They also demonstrate that attitudes and contextual factors can play an important part in the outcomes of exchange. The reported changes represent key factors that can support a healthy transition through emerging adulthood while minimizing risks for development. Future research should test the processes identified in this study further, as they may provide opportunities for novel interventions if they are found to be similar across different emerging adult cohorts.
Footnotes
Author Contributions
All authors contributed to conception and design; contributed to acquisition, analysis, and interpretation of data; drafted the manuscript; critically revised the manuscript; gave final approval; and agreed to be accountable for all aspects of work ensuring integrity and accuracy.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Ethical approval information
The study was approved by a university ethics board in Australia and a university representative of the Commission Nationale de l’Informatique et des Libertés (National Commission of Informatics and Liberty) in France.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The first author was a recipient of an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship during the production of this article.
Open Practices
The raw data contained in this manuscript are not openly available due to privacy restrictions set forth by the institutional ethics board. The interview guides in English and French along with the codebook used for the study are openly available DOI 10.17605/OSF.IO/6P2XC. No aspects of the study were pre-registered.