Cult of Dead Heroes: A Study on the Memorial Stones of Rajasthan

Search for Their Origin

Some of the early memorial pillars, commonly known as pᾱliya or devalīs in Rajasthan and Gujarat contained the figure of a standing male, relieved within a niche at the top portion of the pillar. The inscription is engraved on the lower portion of the vertical slabs or square pillars of the memorial. The memorial stones (devalīs or pᾱliyas) found in large numbers in the desert areas of western Rajasthan are also designated as govardhanas because of the figure of Govardhanara Krṣṇa carved in one of the four niches adorning the top of the pillars. The other three sides contained the figures of Ganesha, Surya and the deceased warrior worshipping a liṇga. At times, the spouse of the warrior, who became a sati, was also sculpted. Since these govardhanas are often erected in memory of those who sacrificed their lives while defending their cattle, some scholars believe that the popularity of Krṣṇa-cult in western Rajasthan was due to the influence of Ābhīras associated with cow rearing. ⁴ We do find the presence of Ābhīras or Āhīrs, who were the tribal people, settled in different parts of Rajasthan at this point of time. ⁵ It might be a possibility that due to coming in contact with them, the practice of erecting Govardhana Krṣṇa became quite widespread. Thus, the warrior depicted in such memorial pillars was equated with Krṣṇa, the saviour of cows, who saved the people from the wrath of Indra. It seems that there existed a close connection between the theme and form of the memorial stone, which can also shed light on the religious affiliation of the person commemorated.

It is also striking to note that the practice of erecting such memorial stones was not virtually absent in the preceding centuries. In the Vedic texts, particularly in the Satapatha Brᾱhmaṇa, we do find interesting references of the proper procedure and time for erecting a monument over the bones or relics in the form of a mound. ⁶ Sila Tripathi ⁷ opines that during the time of King Asoka (third century BCE), hero monuments were erected on wooden posts and subsequently replaced by stone as a more durable material. The Asokan monolithic pillar can be seen as a type of memorial associated with Buddhism. He believes that memorial stones of the later period originated from here, without the ashes or charred bones of the dead person.

While H. Goetz ⁸ is of the opinion that the govardhanas were the products of wandering masons from Ajmer. He traced their origin in the wooden sheds that the tribal population of Rajputana, Central India (Bhīls, Meeṇas, etc.) used to erect for the dead person and believes that they were gradually replaced by devalīs, and pᾱliyas in the twelfth century with the Muslim invasions. R. C. Agrawal, ⁹ however, completely disagrees with Goetz and opines that as Krṣṇa cult was quite popular in the Jodhpur–Bikaner regions of Rajasthan during this period, there is no point of associating them with the Ajmer region. In fact, not a single early sculpture of the Krṣṇa-cult from the Ajmer region has been recovered till now. H. Goetz staunchly believes that pᾱliya were foreign to Hindu art and one can trace their roots outside India, in the art of Central Asian nomads, from the Orkhon River in Mongolia and Iran to the Caucasus and Southern Russia. ¹⁰

Since the early medieval period was marked by the emergence of regional polities and the spread of state society, this period witnessed a burgeoning rural economy and large-scale agrarian expansion. Often, the need to expand the revenue base brought these regional kingdoms into contact with the neighbouring tribal population. ¹¹ Hence, the idea seems plausible that Rajputs learnt the practice of erecting memorials from the tribals only, which became elaborate subsequently.

Mellia Belli Bose ¹² has closely examined the commissioning of chatrīs (i.e., royal umbrellas of stone) by Rajputs, which marked the location where a Rajput king or aristocrat was cremated. She opines that these chatrīs functioned as architectural spaces of resistance and defiance when, due to the political situation in north India, Rajputs were able to raise voices of protest through the artistic patronage. They used these chatrīs as spaces to address crises that threatened them as a community. Chatrīs served as a visible political marker for the Rajputs in the sense that when a new king ascended his throne uncontested, he would commission a chatrī for his father that did not stylistically deviate from the chatrī that the previous ruler had commissioned. This was seen as a way of communicating a smooth, unchallenged transfer of power and the new king’s intention of maintaining established policies.

Like Goetz, Bose also talked about the influence of Muslim art on the development of Rajput chatrī. At the time when their authority, wealth, land, religion and identity were threatened by sultanate expansion, Rajputs appropriated one of their rival’s most politically charged symbol, the tomb, to signify the same concepts of legitimate authority. ¹³

Bose ¹⁴ believes that chhatrī functioned as a politically charged performative space. Chatrīs are generally constructed by the son and new king, or by a ṭhākur or jagīrdār (member of the landed Rajput nobility), for his father, who held the title before him. Moreover, chatrīs are constructed as much for the living patron as for the memorialised deceased. The chatrīs’ architectural, decorative and ritual programmes reveal how their patrons sought to construct their own public identities and assert their legitimacy through descent from the previous king, as they do about the lives and identities of those they commemorate.

Analysing the Content of the Memorial Stones

Apart from looking at the origin of memorial stones, a detailed analysis of their subject matter warrants attention. By far, we know that memorial stones were erected to commemorate those who laid their lives in battle or while defending cattle. One notices sculptural variations depending on the type of occasion for which they were erected. If the occasion is the death of an individual in battle, the battle scene would be depicted and cattle raids would see the depiction of a man driving cattle.

Most of the stones represent land fights in which horses, elephants and camels were depicted along with the hero dressed as a warrior armed with weapons. Thus, classification of contents can be helpful to analyse the social composition of the people who were commemorated. But the task is not at all easy due to fragmentary inscriptions. If it is a royal memorial, then an umbrella is often placed above the dead hero, may be held by a servant. The umbrella has symbolic dimensions as it stands for royalty. ¹⁵ The same is with the case of the sun and moon, which stand for lasting, or eternal, fame and glory. Moreover, Rajput clans claimed their descent either from Surya (the Sun God) or Chandra (the Moon God). Both the sun and moon were the central emblems, and symbolised Rajput power. These frequently used symbols might have also been used by the Rajputs to reinforce their divine right to rule as divine descendants amongst the subjects.

At this point of time, it is difficult to argue with conviction whether riding a horse, camel or chariot determined the social position of the person commemorated or not. Riding a horse or chariot, no doubt is associated with the ruling elites. Riding on horseback was the traditional mode of transport for the royals. Rajputs and ruling elites have been closely connected with horses for years, and they are visible symbols of royalty, wealth and strength. Hero-stones depicting one or more camel riders might be associated with the Rabari community, as they are traditionally associated with camel breeding. They might have migrated from Sind to Kutch and parts of Rajasthan, where camel is the most effective means of transport. ¹⁶ Camel is also the vehicle of Mammai, the most popular goddess of the Rabaris. ¹⁷

B. D. Chattopadhyaya ¹⁸ in his path-breaking article ‘Early Memorial stones of Rajasthan: A Preliminary Analysis of their Inscriptions’ says that we need to look at the social origins of the memorial stones, which were largely commissioned in the early medieval period, and how their origin is linked with the Rajput polity, which too was consolidating at this point of time. The early medieval period is also seen as a phase during which Rajputs dominated the political, social, economic and cultural scene. Rajputs are known for their courage and valour, and they represented a tradition in which death in a battle was glorified.

Why Were They Erected?

The question that immediately comes to the mind is, why they were erected? Since this practice is closely associated with the Rajput race, where chivalry is valued, a heroic death was always glorified as the highest of virtues. The idea of puṇya (merit), assuring spiritual, social and economic gains, and fame in this world and a place in heaven, was also attached to heroic deaths. A soldier or hero defended and protected the society, which in turn recognised his service and admired his courage. Society also took the responsibility of providing for the family of the dead hero. The idea of laying their lives in the battlefield and attaining vīrgati was the highest goal. These memorial stones thus served as a reminder of the glorious self-sacrifice of the hero for future generation. The memorial also served the need to pay homage to him on certain occasions according to the social or religious practices of the community.

To quote few examples of the memorials erected for the Rajput race, Bithu Inscription of Siha Rathod, engraved on a memorial stone in Bithu (North–West) of Pali dated 1252 CE refers to the death of Rayhada Siha, son of prince Sri-seta. Siha was the founder of the royal family of Jodhpur. ¹⁹ Anvalda (south of Jahazpur, Mewar) sati pillar Inscription of Somesvara and Prithvi Raj III (1156 CE) ²⁰ records the death of Jehada, a Dodiya (one of the Rajput clans) chief during the regime of Prithvi Raj III. The second part of the inscription records the death of Sindhuraja, son of Simgharaja, a Doda chief of the locality during the regime of Somesvara, father of Prithvi Raj III. Similarly, an inscription engraved on a memorial stone standing near Gogaki-talai, about 5 miles from Jaisamer dated 1309 CE records the death of Dhula, son of Isara belonging to the Chahamana family and Vatsa gotra, who was killed by robbers while rescuing cows. ²¹

Locating the Memorials

These memorials can be easily located at the public accessible sites near temple walls, under trees, by the roadside, at the base of fort ramparts, outside the village of the deceased, or on cremation grounds. Many were installed on the banks of tanks, rivulets or near water bodies, the reason being the presence of natural elements around a memorial is seen as sacred.

Svendsen and Campbell, ²² who talk about the idea of sacred space, opine that sacredness can be represented by the natural elements that surround a memorial. They argue that images, symbols and physical places that represent the natural elements convey religious tenets often associated with life, death and rebirth. The act of setting aside a space by a group of people also grants sacredness to that place. The public process of planning memorials helps local communities come to terms with a tragedy. These memorials are seen as healing places that are comforting, give solace, or allow people to confront their emotions. Both commemoration and healing are seen as important components of memorial-making.

Some examples are also forthcoming in this regard; for example, epigraphical records of the twelfth century have been recovered at Pala (Jodhpur) in the locality of the old Dugelava tank. ²³ Inscriptions ranging from 1161 to 1197 CE talk about the erection of memorial pillars for the people of Dharkkaṭa-jᾱti. Similarly, a 1177 CE record from Nagaur district, Nagaur tehsil (Bhadana), recording death of Rajapala of the Chahamana family and the performance of sati by his wife has been found on the outskirts of a village. ²⁴ Another inscription recovered from Parbatsar Tehsil, Baru (Nagaur) dated 1114 C.E. contains reference to the location of a memorial stone near a well. ²⁵ An inscription engraved on a govardhana about 10 miles from Jaisalmer dated 1163 CE records that during the reign of Vijayaraja, Rajni Rajaladevi built a tank and erected a govardhana in memory of her daughter’s son, Sohagapala. ²⁶

Idea of Commissioning and Worshipping the Dead

It was the family members of the deceased who commissioned the memorial stones. Since the erection of a memorial generally involved a lot of expenses, it was largely erected by wealthy persons to commemorate the existence of the dead. Expenses largely involved getting the stone sculpted and incised with an inscription by a professional craftsman (rupakᾱra); in the case of royal memorials, royal architects must have been employed. A feast was organised on which huge sums of money were spent when the slab was installed. However, it is not necessary that all Rajputs were memorialised. It was a privilege restricted to only those with money and status, such as members of the royal family and the upper echelon of the society. Money would have played a formidable role in the construction of a memorial. Artisans, carvers, engravers and masons might have been involved at different stages of preparing them. Stone slabs might have been chiselled by specialists and sculpted by masons, with inscription incised by professional engravers. Since stone was locally available and was the most durable material, it was commonly used for the monuments of the dead. Quartzite stone, red sandstone or white marble might also have been used for this purpose. ²⁷

In fact, the installation of these slabs was no less a grand affair. Proper rituals and ceremonies were organised at the time of their installation. All memorial slabs were worshipped every year. Some believe that this custom emanated from the practices of ancestor worship, according to which the pᾱliya represents the dead ancestor, and by erecting it outside the village and not at the spot where the hero fell, the family felt that the spirit of the dead had been brought home from an alien surrounding. ²⁸ They occupied an exalted position in the family, to which the newborn infant or a newly wedded wife was brought to seek their blessings. People pay homage to their family pᾱliyas in the form of pᾱliya-puja. Many families venerate a particular ancestral spirit as their kuladevtᾱ or kuladevī and invest it with supernatural powers. ²⁹ Some heroes are even considered to possess divine qualities, thus are given the status of village deities as well. Fairs and festivals are held in their honour, and devotees from far and near throng to these places for blessings and to seek special favours. Thus, one notices religious associations with such acts of commemoration.

James Tod ³⁰ talks about the idea of ancestor worship and the practice of worshipping the ancestors of the Rajputs, which continues for fifteen days. At each cenotaph of forefathers, the rites are performed, consisting of ablutions, prayers and the hanging of garlands of flowers, and leaves sacred to the dead. While William Crooke ³¹ believes that persons who die in a battle, or have lost their lives in some unusual way, by accident or violence, become dangerous spirits and vex their descendants. The most eminent of these are deified and worshipped by way of propitiation.

The posthumously deified Rajput is considered a vīr (martial hero) and worshipped as a Devtā (God) as it is always considered a Rajput’s dharma to fight in defence of his land and religion. ³² The bloodier the warrior’s death, the greater his own, his ancestors’, family’s and community’s prestige. Even if they are not martyrs or heroic warriors, venerable Rajputs fall under the general category of Lōk Devtās (folk gods), or simply Devtās. ³³ Even non-royal Rajputs are posthumously deified, as quasi-divinity was widely believed to be inherent in Rajput kings by virtue of their birth into the exclusive Kshatriya caste. ³⁴ Rajput heroes who are posthumously transformed into martial folk deities are believed to remain present and accessible at the sites of their memorials and to be able to grant boons and remove obstacles for their devotees.

Erection of Memorials by Other Sections of the Society

Another interesting development of the period that attracts our attention is the erection of memorials for the other sections of the society, particularly for the merchants. Memorials penetrated in the section of mercantile class as they became an accepted symbol of status in a society. They probably aimed to claim status as high as kshatriyas and to gain social status at par with them. Among the Vaiṥya community, a large proportion of people involved in trading operations were Jains, who in course of time emerged as a rich and powerful class of merchants in different parts of Rajasthan. On account of their wealth and opulence, they were gradually inducted into the political and administrative structures. They dominated the entire political, socio-economic fabric of the period and secured entry into the corridors of power. They exercised considerable influence not only on account of their economic position but also their standing as counsellors, ministers and governors. They excelled in trade as well as in statecraft. These influential merchants were not only great ministers but administrators, warriors, governors, treasurers as well. The same is the case with Brᾱhmaṇas, who were men of letters. Like Vaiṥyas, they too occupied high ministerial posts and came to be employed as administrators, warriors, and so on. Thus, it is quite apparent that memorials were no longer restricted to the Rajputs alone and became a widely accepted social practice for other sections of the society irrespective of the cause of death.

The earliest references date back to the ninth century and the majority of them belong to the Dharkkaṭa-jᾱti. ³⁵ To list few examples, a memorial stone found in the village in Osian Tehsil and Jodhpur district dated 801 C.E. records the death of a person Donaka, who was the son of Nataka of Dhakkaṭa-jᾱti. ³⁶ A record of 838 CE refers to the death of Dhamdhavaka, son of Jeshtaditya, who was a rich man of Dhakkṭta family. ³⁷ Similarly, another inscription found at Unstra records the death of a sonī Modhana in 1356 CE. ³⁸ Another inscription dated 1261 CE engraved on a memorial pillar lying near Harasha Temple on Haras Hill, about 10 miles from Sikar, records death of a sᾱdhu (merchant) there. ³⁹ A 1297 CE inscription from Bhavanath, district Sabarkantha, belonging to the reign of Karnadeva II, records the death of Munjala of Sandilya gotra (Sandilya is a well-known gotra among the Brahmanas) in a cattle raid. ⁴⁰

Apart from this, we do have epigraphical references for the erection of memorials for the people of other sections of the society as well. An inscription dated 1183 AD from Chandravati (Abu) records that Arisimha, son of a Sutradhᾱra (literally means thread bearer, that is, an architect who takes measurement), Pratiga, along with his consort Maya, installed a commemorative stela for their deceased daughter, who was a maiden for the increase of fame as well as for the benefit in another world. ⁴¹ The inscription also contains references to its daily worshipping as well. An early memorial dated 764 CE was erected for the daughter of a courtesan at Osian in the Jodhpur area. ⁴² An inscription engraved on a memorial stone in front of the temple of Chamunda, about 4 miles from Jaisalmer, dated 1158 CE, records the death of Adivaraha of the Atri family, who seems to be a great poet. ⁴³ As one can easily take note of the fact that these inscriptions do not mention any heroic death in war or battle, they were rather erected irrespective of the cause of death.

In the end, I would also like to draw attention to the fact that Rajasthan is replete with innumerable references to deification and worship of women in the form of satī stones (satī is a woman or widow who immolates herself on her husband’s funeral pyre). They were commemorated in a number of ways, ranging from preserving the imprint of the doomed widows’ hands on gateways to carving their images on memorial pillars, and placing such pillars within elaborate cenotaphs (Chhatrīs) built exclusively to honour deceased rulers and their satīs.

In ordinary satī stones, a couple faced the front while in other cases, an individual’s wife or wives who performed satī were depicted. Such memorials, whether dedicated entirely to satīs themselves or to their deceased consorts, served as visible reminders of their self-sacrifice. In Rajasthan, which was a strong hold of this custom, there are many references of Rajput queens and concubines following their husbands/lords to the funeral pyre. ⁴⁴ In fact, the practice of satī gradually became current in all strata of society, and we do have references to non-royal satī memorials.

Lastly, Rajasthani traditions and literature have often used the image of a hero (jhumjhar/jhunjhars) ⁴⁵ and satī being welcomed by celestial damsels in heaven. It is a commonly held belief that a place in the other world is given to the hero and the satī. Satī, a pure act of ultimate sacrifice, sets a heroic example in the Rajasthani custom as they embraced death heroically.