Abstract
Many transgender employees leave their employment even before they settle themselves in their workplace. Their inclusion in mainstream employment is a sensitive and emerging issue. As Bourdieu’s theory of practice promises to work at both the agency and structure level, I see great potential in integrating it with queer perspectives and employment relations theory. This integration can play a significant role in transgender inclusion in the workplace. Therefore, a potential model has been proposed to build a theoretical model using underpinnings from these theories. Based on the deductive approach, integration of queer theories and employment relation theory may enable one to understand queer habitus, capitals, and practices in the social field. I suggest that in the pursuance of taking forward queer habitus, capital in the social field (employment), Unitarian, Pluralist, and Marxist views from the premise of employment theories can add empathy and sensitivity. Therefore, in this study, I intend to present a perspective through an integrated model derived from concepts from these theories. In the future, this model can be explored for observational confrontation and synergistic use to check workplace reality and to seek sustainable transgender inclusion at the workplace.
Keywords
Introduction
With the decision of the Supreme Court of India, trans people were acknowledged and accounted for as third genders (National Legal Services Authority [NALSA] v. Union of India and Others, 2014). Their inclusion in mainstream employment has been a sensitive and emerging issue (Pichler, Ruggs, & Trau, 2017). Many transgender employees left their mainstream employment even before they settled themselves in their workplace (Devasia, 2017; Ghoshal, 2017). Transgender employees quitting their jobs is not only an organizational phenomenon but also has social ramifications. Davis (2009) set an example by sharing hir 1 story of coming out at the workplace and how hir organization helped in hir journey. Hir story upheld the managerial needs for becoming aware of LGBT issues. Stories such as that of Revathi are heartwarming and assert the queer status in the country (Revathi, 2010). The case of NALSA versus Union of India versus Others (2014) highlighted the harrowing and tormenting experiences of the members of the transgender communities. The life of trans people is characterized by the deprivation of social and cultural participation and restricted access to education, healthcare, public places, social equality, right to vote, employment, and licenses. They face social discrimination and marginalization in the social field. Given the scenario, the central and various state governments in India have initiated several steps in this regard; there are clear needs for sustainable transgender inclusion and diversity management (Konduru & Hangsing, 2018). These social and academic underpinnings set the right rationale for studying trans people as an emerging agency and the dialectical relations of these agencies in the existing social structure (field) to study their inclusion at the workplace.
Since theories depict basic models that are intended for effective comprehension and rationalization of realities (Van Lange, 2013), I aim to connect certain theories to fructify synergism in understanding emerging social realities and challenges of transgender inclusion at the workplace. I submit that these understandings shall enable one to create sustainable solutions in this regard. Lyke (2017) called Bourdieu’s theory an analytical tool that has the potential to provide sensitivity related to behavior and related social phenomena. Bourdieu’s theory contributes too, ineffaceably, in this space of elucidating an agency–structure arrangement (Walther, 2014).
Objectives
To nurture the dynamics of queer agencies in the social field that marginalizes them, I suggest that intertwining queer perspectives with Bourdieu’s agency (habitus and capitals) shall enable a satisfying cognitive inquiry into trans people. I believe learning from such an inquiry can bring awareness and enable individuals in the social structure to empathize with them. I submit that employment relations at the workplace, if nurtured with empathy, may have a huge potential in synergizing sustainable inclusion practice. Therefore, the objectives of this study are to:
study queer habitus and capitals;
understand dialectic relations between the agency and the social structure;
understand trans people’s practices as a response to their realities in the social field; and
offer perspectives that nurture grounds for building employment relations that have the potential to initiate or enhance workplace inclusion
Review of Literature
Models of Transgender Inclusion at the Workplace
Ng and Rumens (2017) posited that the literature on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) explores different walks of LGBT’s life, including their issues at the workplace. Analyzing Thomson–Reuters’ Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI) and Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI) (1956–2016) studies, they suggested that the percentage of LGBT diversities studies was found to be far less among studies that include dimensions of diversity such as disabilities, women, and race. They ascertained several reasons for the absence of such studies in the literature. These include issues such as consideration of sexual identities as a covert issue, underreporting of LGBT people in the census and survey data, researchers’ fear of being stereotyped, the existence of heteronormative culture in workplaces, and homosexuality being considered as a medical abnormality. In fact, LGBT studies appeared to rank the lowest among diversity studies. With the withdrawal of Article 377, India recently witnessed a positive step towards the LGBTQ community. Yet, considering the economics of sexual orientation, World Bank estimated India’s loss at more than $26 billion annually on account of its anti-LGBTQ attitude (Frenck, 2016). While on legal grounds, India might have given certain comforts to its LGBT citizens, their challenges at workplaces stand tall. In order to pursue such issues, “Out in the world” report furnished three models that companies in LGBTQ-hostile countries can explore while considering their attitudes towards the members of LGBTQ communities (Hewlett & Yoshino, 2016). These approaches include the “When in Rome” model, the Embassy model, and the Advocate model organizations accepting:
“While in the Rome model” observes the local rules. These organizations work within the premise of the local jurisdictions.
“Embassy model” works for developing a positive attitude towards LGBTQ members and provide them with all-possible in-house provisions. They, however, refrain themselves from promoting their inclusion agenda overtly.
Advocate model, as the name indicates, brings in elements that advocate for LGBTQ issues outside the premise of the workplace.
Baker and McKenzie LLP (2017) during Stonewall Workplace Conference assessed these thoughts and presented two ways of thinking to address the concerns that emerged from these models. These concerns include: “While in Rome” does not do anything as the members of organizations and the LGBTQ community need to overcome straight or cisgender boundaries; and the embassy model may be applicable to a certain level but certainly can be discounted in the long run as an explanation for not developing further. However, Baker and McKenzie LLP (2017) affirmed most of the advantages in the advocate model as it enables LGBT rights at a global level while discounting the possibilities of advocating at local levels. Recruiting trans people and bringing social change may benefit the organizational image.
I further explored two more models: the Cunningham (2011) categorization–elaboration model and the information elaboration model. The application of Cunningham’s elaboration model help organizations in deriving economic benefits from the positive effects of diversity. Cunningham (2011) posited a view that individuals with different sexual orientations are likely to provide better benefits to organizations such as increased viewpoints and improved decision-making capabilities. Homan, Van Knippenberg, Van Kleef, and De Dreu (2007) posited inclusion models that were based on bridging gaps by enhancing diversity beliefs and information elaboration. They believed that informationally homogenous groups have the potential to overcome performance gaps. In each of these models, the elements of the sensitivity of being human remained absent, and they remained to be assessing members on account of what they could be rather than what they were. In all senses, what I mean to say is that the absence of their real being of themselves remained missing.
Bourdieu’s Theory of Practice
Bourdieu’s theory deals with presenting a social reality emerged on account of the dialectical relationship between the internalization of externality and the externalization of internality (Bourdieu, 1997; Fuchs, 2003). The dialectic relationship has been demonstrated with two circles leading the agents to emerge with means and ends in the pursuance of practice (Figure 1). In this pursuance, the agency internalizes the externality of the objective and the cognitive structure of reality. The internalization depends on how individuals accrue habitus and capitals through their experiences in the structure of the social field. The dialectic relations between agency and structure enable an agent to make strategies (practice). Bourdieu (1984) explained this process in the form of an equation:
Habitus and capitals that align with the needs of the structural field may aid agents in the pursuance of goals that have emerged as dialectical relations between agency and structure. However, habitus and capitals that do not align with the structural needs of the field may make an agent unfit to enter the social field. Since agents vary in their background and their primary and secondary socialization, they grow with their specific habitus, and their experience in the social field makes them gain different capitals. In this way, habitus can be explained as a set of the agents’ perceptual imageries and dispositions about themselves and others in an environment in which they function and the different capitals that were gained as life experiences enable them to organize and strategize their response to the friendly or unfriendly structure. This ability to act in accordance to achieve the emerged objectives is known as practice (strategy).

Agents are born with physical capital (which later Bourdieu called as bodily capital) in a certain family that has a class of its own. As life progresses, along with the socialization, agents gain certain capitals. Bourdieu (2011) classified these capitals as cultural capital, economic capital, and symbolic capital. As the name indicates, capital acts like a currency that one exchanges in anticipation of gaining something, for example, agents exchange economic capital in the pursuance of their education (cultural capital) and gain recognition (i.e., symbolic capital). Though physical capital was later rechristened as bodily capital, the followers of Bourdieu attributed bodily capital with reference to efforts made by individuals to titivate their body in anticipation of exploring the same in exchange for certain social benefits (Hutson, 2016). Agents, as they grow in age, along with their habitus and capital (that were consequential to them within the frame of their respective existing social structure) approach the social field again with the intent of proving their worth to establish themselves.
Each field has its own structure and is governed by rules of its own. Bourdieu defined these rules as illusio (Walther, 2014). Agents, to fit in the social field, are required to have specific capitals necessary for them to fit in the social field. Given the circumstances, many agents strive to attain common objectives of fitting in in the same arena of the social field, which leads to competitiveness among them. However, certain limitations that exist on account of inadequacy in habitus and capitals may inhibit agents’ fitness in the social field. Bourdieu has termed these limitations as doxa (Walther, 2014). Eagleton and Bourdieu (1992) explained the influences and/or limitations of agencies that have the potential to affect the social structure. The whole scenario is presented in Figure 1.
Bourdieusian theory, in this way, explained the dialectic relations between agent and structure. On account of its normative nature, Bourdieu’s theory has been called a grand theory. Agents may evaluate means and ends to fit themselves in the social field through their exposition in the structural field. Agents’ attempts to fit themselves in the social field enables them to strategize their practices.
Queer Theories
Sociologists like Kramer (2001) suggested that gender difference has got more to do with social experience than biological sex and that such experiences posit relations with unequal power. These unequal powers also enhance the hunger for power and play a vital role in creating social conflicts. The queer theory comes from this space only. Queers resist the traditional binary classification of genders that empowers them in their respective spaces. Queers in this pursuance have initiated to seek their social space, and such actions have led to the emergence of the queer movement. As emerged in the early 1990s, queer perspectives depict the queer challenges of self-identity based on gender, sex, and desire. Felsenthal (2005) has talked about fluidity in the existence of gender categories. Such fluidity brings forth emergence of different self-identities in the society. These self-identities include transgender, transsexual, transvestite, and so on. Sharing socio-spatial experiences of transgender individuals, Felsenthal (2005) explained that society had ensured no space of equality for trans individuals (Felsenthal, 2005). Popularly known through different names such as Hijras, Chakka, Aravani, Shivashakti, and Jogtappas, trans people, on account of their clothing mannerism and undulating body language, are often being ridiculed, mocked, and bullied (Nanda, 1986). Therefore, they endure several difficult intrapersonal, interpersonal, and social experiences (Devor, 2004). Risk factors such as marginalization and social isolation, and challenges of opening up, disclosure, emotional distress, transphobia, depression, substance abuse, victimization, violence and hatred, family conflicts, and sexually transmitted diseases often lead them to live a dysfunctional social and professional life (Morrow, 2004). While many trans people face family rejection in their childhood, many of them experience an intrapersonal debate about their naturally assigned gender (Devor, 2004). This intra-personal debate within stirs several questions on self-identity (NALSA Vs Union of India Vs Others, 2014). The ambiguity of self-identity among trans persons bestow them self-rejection. Their ambiguity enhances as many of them are not supported by their family members. As a result of these rejections, many trans-persons have reported their difficulties in social adjustments and adjustments in academia (Devor, 2004; Grossman & D’augelli, 2006). Trans people commonly engage themselves in drug abuse, sex work, and unlawful activities as rebels, and despair of life (Konduru & Hangsing, 2018). Suicidal tendency is the commonly known manifestation in a trans person’s adult life (Devor, 2004; Singh, Hays, & Watson, 2011).
While it is true that trans people experience difficulties in their personal life, their professional life is not easy either. They carry these difficulties in the workplace. Chakrapani (2010) mentioned the possibly upsetting ubiquitous stigmatization of transgender people in Indian workplaces. Halperin (2003) presented a view that resistance of norms in the social field resulted in the emergence of feminism and queer perspectives. This emergence can also be looked at as a possible strategy outcome (practice) to overcome the limitations of the prescribed binary gender classification in society.
Petitioning by the National Legal Services Authority against the Union of India has led to the recognition of the transgender identity as a third gender. Further, the decision of the Supreme Court of India had not only compelled the government to recognize the third gender but had also incorporated perspectives adopted from the international human rights. By this virtue, the trans-persons now has:
The choice to decide their gender of their own.
Governmental support in seeking admissions in educational institutes, and participation in employment and social- welfare opportunities.
Better abilities to respond to the problems of trans people that includes fear, shame and social acceptance.
The states were instructed to protect and recognize the rights of a transgender person. Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act was passed in the year 2016. Under Section 2(i) of Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2016, “transgender person” was defined as one who is neither absolutely female nor absolutely male, or one who is a combination of both female and male, or one who is neither female nor male, and one whose identity of gender is not the same as the gender one had at birth. The law also embraced it as an umbrella term that includes individuals such as trans men, trans women, persons with intersex variations and gender queers.
Employment Relations
With the strengths of high context Indian culture, organizations may gear up to establish harmonious employee relations, including that with trans people. Such establishment of relations may bring in an equalitarian view, for example, Davis (2009) presented hir perspectives of the effect of transgender equality in hir study. In the pursuance of employment, when the trans people (agents) along with their existing habitus, capitals, and doxa, reach the potential workplace (field with the structure), they are challenged by the illusio of the new field. The dialectical relations between habitus and capital along with the new field create tension/conflict about whether trans people can be included or rejected. Such inclusions and not rejections may enable organizations to initiate transgender inclusion at the workplace, for example, Davis (2009) attributed hir success of coming out as transgender at the workplace to the presence of State of Minnesota’s Human Right Act that does not permit a citizen to discriminate against trans people. In hir narrative, ze explained how school authorities and associated stakeholders helped hir in coming out and how the principal of the school supported hir by re-introducing hir to the audiences through a public announcement about hir gender transition. By hir success story, Davis explained the need for the following factors that may support transgender inclusion at the workplace:
organizations to understand how to address issues related to trans people;
introduction and modification of nondiscrimination policies to include provisions for gender identity and expressions;
a common policy for LGBT employees;
HRD professionals, being the first point of contact in the organizations with potential transgender employees or existing employees (looking to come out), to have knowledge, competence, and sensitivity regarding usage of jargons or terminologies such as gender, gender identity, gender expression, sexual orientation, transgender, transphobia, transsexual, gender transition, cross-dresser, and intersex, or to deal with LGBTQ people;
awareness and sensitivity programs for all employees who might have to work cohesively with transgender employees;
hiring external consultants if desired;
Use of Human Right Commission toolkit.
However, these needs were specific to the context of the United States of America. Indian trans people operate in the specific social structure of India. Understanding Indian attitude and culture amidst her social setting for trans people therefore needed detailed evaluation. Citing Davis’s story, I propose that relationship-building over a period of time may aid in ice-breaking and thereby in bipartite inclusions. The term frame of reference to categorize different perspectives related to social phenomenon of employment and asserted three such frame of references viz. Unitary, Pluralist and Marxist (Fox, 1966; Abbott, 2006; Heery, 2016). As employment is a relationship between employer and employees (Dakin & Armstrong, 1989), the suitable frame of reference (Unitary, Pluralist, or Marxist) with the intent of equality can be aptly chosen to initiate transgender inclusion. These frame of references are explained as follows:
The Unitary frame of reference, unitize human values in the pursuance of organizational objectives may be used, and an organization can demonstrate its capabilities to undo social conflicts of transgender exclusions. Three schools of thoughts emerge in this pursuance, that is, Scientific Management Theory, Human Relations Theory, and Human Resource Management. In the case of Davis, the presence of the Human Rights Act enabled the unification of hir perspective with that of hir organization.
The Pluralist frame of reference comes across with the view that that inclusion–exclusion is unavoidable, and given the conditions, relation systems automatically stabilize themselves. Organizations may choose to integrate trans people and act by the required business strategies. Therefore, in this way, organizations can take initiatives to create such jobs where trans people can be potentially recruited. For example, one of my etic understandings from an ethnographic study suggested that trans people used to earn more through prostitution or sex work before than what they earn now through mainstream employment. In this regard, trans people expect income at least equal to what they were earning before. However, organizations (names withheld) could not pay them as per their expectations. With a possible fear of the future, trans people do not accommodate employers offering lower salaries. In the crunch of expected habitus, employers also do not entertain trans people. Afraid that experimentation through recruiting trans people can be disastrous for the workplace, many employers stay away from recruiting trans people. Relationship-building, in this case, comes with the Pluralist perspective.
The Marxist frame of reference brings a wide range of theories available for dealing with economic and sociological assumptions. Given the case, organizations may choose the labor process theory, feminist theory, or postmodern theories in the pursuance of inclusions, for example, considering the feminine theory, an organization may offer equal employment opportunities with no gender disparity and exemplify itself. Schools, colleges and institutes of higher education may bestow their support with care and concern for qualifying trans people. As these approaches value people for their being, there seems to be a potential of building relationships and mutual feelings of belongingness and inclusion. In such scenarios, postmodern perspectives that are based on human feelings may be further explored.
Research Method
Corbin and Strauss (2007) suggested the use of theoretical sampling in advancing the existing properties and dimension of concepts, discovering differences, and recognizing connections between two concepts. In a similar stride, Hurtado (2008) used a small theoretical sample of published articles. Pertinent to Hurtado (2008), I used a small theoretical sample of published articles to meet the undertaken objectives.
Queer theories are not a single concept but an assemblage of several scholarly activities that show the interlinking of sex, gender, and sexual desires (Spargo, 1999). As the queer theory is not a single concept, my approach in selecting articles to cover queer perspectives was based on the following perspectives (Table 1). The selected articles provided information on:
possibilities of exploring trans people as agency/agent (Davis, 2009; Devor, 2004; Grossman & D’augelli, 2006);
socio-psychological development of trans people (Devor, 2004);
Indian social structures in which trans people lead their life (Chakrapani, 2010; Kalra, 2012; Nanda, 1986);
development of queer movements (National Legal Services Authority v. Union of India and Others, 2014);
enhancing structural changes (work-related) that might support employee relation development at workplaces abroad (Abbott, 2006; Davis, 2009). Therefore, a document that promotes employment relations were considered.
Understandings on Indian social culture, additional articles were referred (Konduru & Hangsing, 2018; Tirmizi, 2008).
Selection of Articles for Theoretical Sampling
These articles (Table 1) were read and reread to determine words that could be placed as open codes (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) in line with Bourdieu’s theory. The clustering of similar open codes aided in forming axial codes and thereby selective codes to make a meaningful interpretation, as suggested in Table 2. In the case of studies related to Bourdieu’s theory of practice, open codes were identified to make meaningful codes that explain habitus, capitals, field, and practice (as shown in Table 2).
Possible Determination of Codes
Also, appropriate open codes from the studies of queer theories and employment relation theories were identified to support habitus and capital (agency) and field (structure), which fit in the premise of Bourdieu’s theory of practice, for example, anything from the space of queer perspectives that:
nurtures habitus, that is, the tendency to act in the same way in a similar situation (Walther, 2014);
nurtures queer economic, cultural, social, and symbolic capitals that queer agents muster to enter the social field (Walther, 2014);
confines the abilities of a queer agent to enter the social field, that is, doxa (Walther, 2014);
explains the field rules (Walther, 2014) in which queer agents may act; and
explains doxa–illusio interactions (Walther, 2014).
Result and Discussion
Integrating the Context into Bourdieu’s Elements (Field, Habitus, Capital, and Practice in the Existing Social Structure)
Based on my understanding of Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and ascertainment of open codes from a queer perspective using theoretical sampling, axial and selective codes were ascertained. These codes are tabulated in Table 3.
Integrating Queer Perspectives into Several Elements of Bourdieu’s Theory
The Transgender Social Field in India
Organizations are a microcosm of society (Bransford, 2005). Needless to say, the reflection of Indian society also falls on organizations in India. Given the case, certain features of the Indian social field also fall on Indian organizations. Based on our readings:
Indian social fields were found to be characterized by the existence of binary genders, that is, males and females, till 2014. Having no space for a third gender, supporters of queer perspectives made efforts to create the queer space in the Indian social field.
Owing to these efforts, the social field in India for trans people resulted in having two important elements:
First, that it owes its backdrop in high context culture (Tirmizi, 2008). In India, employees at the workplace foster relations that go beyond professional space, and inclusion to them is quite a matter of significance. Harmonious relationships established through trust foster effectiveness, efficiency, and productivity at the workplace through centralization of powers. Hierarchy, therefore, plays a very significant role in establishing an organizational structure.
Second, that despite upraising legal identity for trans people, there is still a quite perceived social passiveness towards trans people (Konduru & Hangsing, 2018). Despite the literacy rate of 56.07 percent among trans people (Census, 2011), their involvement in mainstream employment is quite negligible (Konduru & Hansing, 2018).
In India where an individual’s identity is embedded in family, culture, and work (Chadda & Deb, 2013), trans people face family abandonment, social exclusion, marginalization, and lack of employment opportunities (Konduru & Hangsing, 2018). Their involvement in sex work and prostitution to deal with their subsistence crisis has been a continuous social conflict (Kalra, 2012; NALSA v. Union of India v. Others, 2014). Untoward attitude and stereotypes towards trans people need to, therefore, appear to be quite prevalent in the Indian social field. Chadda and Deb (2013) suggested that the benefits of collectivism can be appropriately used in enhancing the care for the needy. Despite the Indian attitude of collectivism, the intent of trans person inclusion is still a question mark. A considerable amount of work is, therefore, the need of the hour.
Transgender Habitus and Capitals
Primary socialization includes lack of knowledge about trans people or their existence, difficulties in asking questions about trans apropos, self-denial, parental rejection, childhood abuse, sexual abuse, assault, and lack of parental care and concern (Devor, 2004). The complete abstinence from sexual activities or desire for homosexual or bisexual involvement creates intrapersonal conflicts (Nanda, 1986). Refusal of unprotected sex leads to sexual assault (Grossman & D’augelli, 2006). Difficult experiences of secondary socialization that includes negative social response comprise taunt, derision, rejection, stress and anxiety, tension, distress, isolation, victimization, marginalization, and harassment (Devor, 2004). Being abandoned by their families and constantly having to fight feelings of shame and unworthiness makes trans people vulnerable to social isolation (Zucker & Bradley, 1995). In this view, I see the emergence of two types of transgender conflicts (Figure 2):

Illusio of Field and Doxa of Habitus and Capital (Figure 1, marked with red symbols)
Where illusio places rules of the social field, these rules act as social expectations to be assumed by the members of the society. In the pursuance of “being real me”, trans people, on the contrary, antagonize and violate these expectations (Grossman & D’augelli, 2006). The antagonism sets the ground for transgender conflicts with society and its norms. Referring to the case of the Van Kuck V Germany, one of the important petitions presented to the Honourable Supreme Court of India included an argument that described the mental trauma trans persons go through while holding them in the social field and meeting expectations of society. In the pursuance of meeting these social expectations, those who opt for sexual reassignment surgeries (SRS) constantly undergo inner trans-person conflicts that not only posit them mental and psychological difficulties but also bring them gender dysphoria and mental disorders. These conditions deter their psychological and physical growth. I have collated open codes that explain doxa and illusio from the context of Bourdieu’s theory, and the dialectical relations among these elements set the ground for transgender conflicts where trans people also experience social difficulties during primary and secondary socializations.
Practices (Strategies)
With experiences of unequal social power, social rejection, and the inability to earn and exchange symbolic capital in lieu of economic capital, members of the transgender community experience constraints such as lack of employment, lack of financial support, and lack of housing facilities. Inability to gain economic capitals, i.e., grounds to make earning to suffice graceful living, some of the trans persons compromise with sex-work or prostitution. A study suggests that almost 64 percent of trans people were found to be HIV-positive (Setia et al., 2006). Trans people, in a way, also become susceptible to other sexual diseases. Therefore, becoming HIV-positive and suffering from sexual diseases limit their habitus potential and thereby become a part of doxa.
Given the circumstances, the presence of motivating capitals and constant positive habitus may provide impetus to trans people to take responsibilities to be included. Konduru and Hangsing (2018) have given several examples of successful trans people such as Shabnam Mausi Bano, Laxmi Narayan Tripathi, A. Revathi, Kalki Subramanian, Narthaki Natarajan, and Padmini Prakash who challenged their social structures and created space for themselves. Nevertheless, the question remains: Why do trans people need to challenge the social structure to create space for themselves?
Possibilities of Inclusion at the Workplace
In their work, Shore et al. (2011) attempted to clarify the concept of inclusion. Accordingly, it was suggested that inclusion intents are generally aimed at employees being accepted in an organization. They derived two perspectives of inclusion from their work, that is, belongingness and uniqueness (Shore et al., 2011). Where belongingness covered elements such as inner needs and affective contentment on fitting in, uniqueness covered employee contentment on being appreciated for their contributions in the pursuit of organizational objectives (Shore et al., 2011). Shore et al. (2011) explained that inclusion is possible only with high belongingness and high value in uniqueness, and such a state of affairs is possible only when employees are included in organizational endeavors as insiders and are supported to preserve their uniqueness in their respective organizational roles. Based on the work of Shore et al. (2011), trans people may meet the following outcomes with different levels of belongingness and uniqueness:
High uniqueness + low belongingness = differentiated trans people
High uniqueness + high belongingness = included trans people
Low uniqueness + low belongingness = excluded trans people
Low uniqueness + high belongingness = assimilated trans people
With India’s high context collectivist perspective, queer inclusion in the field has begun to rise gradually. Having a patriarchal mindset, society at large continues to marginalize, bully, and ill-treat members of the transgender community. Peppin and Noorani (2018) suggested that phobias associated with genders can potentially be dangerous for business now. Certain initiatives at structures have been taken in this regard. For example:
Tata Group began to focus on making LGBTQ+ friendly workplaces (Tata.com, 2018). Tata Consultancy Services collaborated with Humsafar Trust, Mumbai in the recruitment and selection drive (Tata.com, 2018).
Kochi Metro resolved washroom issues for transgender employees.
Global Technology, Bengaluru took initiatives to provide an office buddy and an external counselor to trans people during the induction period.
Godrej Industries partnered UN initiatives to deal with the queer discrimination at workplace (Dasgupta, 2017).
Third Eye Café initiated recruitment drives for third gender people
Hoteliers saw the potential of drag queens and trans people in nightclubs (Peppin & Noorani, 2018).
As the transgender employment is metamorphosing recruitments and employment policies in several business organization of India, Srivastava (2017) maintained that certain organizations are way behind in such provisions. For example, provision of separate washrooms for trans-persons at workplace.
Building Sustainable Transgender Inclusion at the Workplace
Sustainable human resource management practices are typified with creating social structures that have reproducible capabilities of managing social, environmental, and demographic pressures (Ehnert, 2009). Such capabilities accentuate economic, environmental, and social consequences to last long and achieve organizational goals (Branco & Rodrigues, 2006). As Glaser (1978) suggested that theoretical sampling aids in deciding the future course of data required for developing theory, I realized that in an Indian context, a right intention in the pursuance of high context culture could bring differences through the following options:
reducing social conflicts, exploring the Unitarian view;
respecting the Pluralist view (agree to disagree);
enhancing the belongingness of trans people (Shore et al., 2011); or
experimenting with a different Marxist view either to reduce social conflict or to increase belongingness, or both.
Process Work as an Essential Tool in Sustainable Transgender Inclusion at the Workplace
Such intentions for social inclusions can find ways by developing interpersonal relations, exploring intelligence, emotions, and behavior (Dabhi, 2014). Dabhi (2014) suggested that process work may act as an important tool in this regard as it has the potential to make individuals aware of their prejudices, stereotypes, dominating behavior, and the impact of such dominating behavior, and make them sensitive to mutual requirements. Based on my experiences of process work, I submit that such participation also makes one mutually aware of habitus and capitals. Understanding mutual habitus and capitals would not only mitigate interpersonal distances but also bring social sensitivity. By engaging in these human processes, trans people and other stakeholders shall be able to explore co-existence opportunities and shall be able to cross the barriers of their existing rationalities and biases. These processes also have the potential to sensitize individuals in developing a Unitarian framework, thereby reducing social conflict. Facilitators involved in such process work should have competencies to work with these theoretical underpinnings that result in exhibiting respect, dignity, equality, and right intentions (Dabhi, 2009). By establishing sensitivity and egalitarian powers, organizations can enable their transgender employees to establish capabilities on their capital and exercise their power to unlearn and let go of the undesired parts of their habitus. Figure 3 demonstrates interventions through process work with the underpinnings of these theories. The rainbow in the boxes is indicative of queer inclusion. In this way, trans people would be empowered to rework on their doxa and review their potential in dealing with illusio, for example, supportive organizational (Structural) changes have enabled trans people in reworking on their doxa and reviewing their illusio. Kudumbashree, Kochi and Third Eye Café, Mumbai are examples of such organizations that have successfully initiated sustainable transgender inclusion.
The study opens a space for exploring issues such as transgender inclusion in the workplace. With the help of integrated theories, it identifies challenges of agency and structure, and a pathway to establish sustainable connections between agency and structure. Based on the alignment of concepts from three theories, the study makes the provision for bringing up the issues of transgender inclusion cohesively. Beyond the patriarchal and matriarchal perspectives, this study shall be helpful in exploring possible pathways for establishing connections between the transgender agency and workplace structure. The established interconnectedness emerges as a model for HRM managers that might provide them:
guidelines in observational confrontation and a workplace reality check; and
sustainable solutions for transgender inclusion at the workplace.
In the current context where I am trying to understand dialectical relations between the transgender agency and their structure, placement of queer and employment relation perspectives may serve the following purposes for sustainable inclusion:
enrich understanding of transgender agency regarding habitus, capitals, field, and practices;
support transgender (agency) intrapersonally and interpersonally, may allow trans people to review their habitus and capitals, and possibly provide them with opportunities of new alignment to structure through Unitarian, Pluralist and/or Marxist frameworks;
suitable realignment may enable agencies to aptly work on the practices to adjust themselves in the less-travelled structure; and
enrich existing knowledge with the queer perspective to support transgender inclusion at the workplace.

Limitations of the Study
Based on the emergence of fundamentals such as habitus, capital, field, practice, intrapersonal conflicts of “real me” or “modify me,” differentiated, included, excluded, or assimilated trans people, and Unitary, Pluralist, Marxist, and feminine or masculine frames of reference, it is indeed essential that open and transparent communication begins. I proposed to introduce awareness of these fundamentals through human laboratory methods or theme-based sensitivity training programs that are known as the microcosm of organization and society and can create open and transparent communication. In such pursuance, it is important that the human processes be carried deriving psychodynamic inferences under the supervision of certified behavioral and social scientists. Hence, limitations in terms of their applications only under the supervision of certified behavioral and social scientists and valid psychological contract of participants stand significant.
Future Scope and Conclusion
In furtherance, where social interpretations were limited by patriarchal and/or matriarchal perspectives, I have expounded a perspective on blending the existing Bourdieu’s theory with queer theories. I understood the missing intent of transgender inclusion in a high context culture of India. With positive core strengths of high context, organizations in India may be geared up to establish harmonious employee relations, including with trans people. Such establishment of relations may bring in the equalitarian view. The study suggests possibilities of experimentation exploring process work in organizations with possible intents of:
reducing social conflicts, exploring the Unitarian view;
respecting the Pluralist view (agree to disagree);
enhancing the belongingness of trans people (Shore et al., 2011); or
experimenting with a different Marxist view either to reduce social conflict or to increase belongingness, or both.
The outcomes of the study remain in establishing sustainable interconnectedness among concepts borrowed from three theories. The outcomes, therefore, include an understanding as follows:
Habitus and capital with queer piquancy shall explain the challenges and potential needs of transgender agencies.
The field shall explain the workplace reality that influences or limits the transgender agency.
Practice shall explain the possible ways to establish sustainable connections between the transgender agency and workplace structure.
Indian organizations, known for their high context perspective, may easily take a forward step to establish care, sensitivity and empathy. A little organizational and governmental support may enable trans people in reviewing their habitus and capitals and re-aligning them appropriately in the structural field. Certain trans people with this support may choose to act differently and adopt practices different from what they have been adopting so far (i.e., sex work, prostitution, begging, and unlawful activities). An organizational step towards including them in mainstream employment will offer them not only a respectable social position but also honor to live with pride and social integrity. In the future, this model can be explored for observational confrontation and synergistic use in a workplace reality check for seeking sustainable solutions for transgender inclusion at the workplace using process work.
Footnotes
Acknowledgment
My sincere thanks to Mr. Nimesh Shetty, Ms. Zoya Sameena Sheikh and Ms. Sonali Munde of Third Eye Cafe (Navi Mumbai) for extending their self-less support in my emapthetic journey to the trans-world. I will fail in my duties without thanking Prof. (Ms.) Preeti Rawat, Editor, BPR and all anonymous reviewers and the team of BPR who have immensely helped me in endeavour of improving this manuscript.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
