Abstract
This article presents an understanding of the nature of Vanniyar politics by delineating the workings of Vanniyar organizations such as the caste associations and the political party in the post-1980s period in Tamil Nadu. Even though scholarship on caste and politics is concerned with the relationship between caste associations and political parties, the interface and networking between and among these organizations, particularly of a political party that has emerged out of the caste movement, need much more attention. This article, therefore, maps the interrelations between the caste associations and the political party within the Vanniyars’ politics by outlining the specific issues on which these Vanniyar organizations work.
The Vanniyars are believed to be the descendants of Vanni, which in Sanskrit means ‘fire’. According to the report of the First Tamil Nadu Backward Classes Commission, the Vanniyars (or Vannia Kula Kshatriya, as described in the report) is perhaps the largest cultivating caste in Tamil Nadu. The density of their population is held to be the highest in South and North Arcot, while Salem, Dharmapuri, Tiruchirapalli and Thanjavur districts also have a very heavy concentration of Vanniyars in some taluks. The Vanniyars can also be seen in some pockets of the southern districts (see Sattanathan, 1970, Vol. 2, p. 107). The Commission observed that in the written representation presented to it, the community claimed to comprise about 30–35 per cent of the state population (ibid.), although there are claims among scholars in recent times that the numerical strength of the caste could be around 12 per cent of the Tamil Nadu population (see Radhakrishnan, 2002, p. 3316; Vidyasagar, 1988, p. 50). The Commission also noted that this is perhaps the only major caste grouping which has no effective sub-castes or subdivisions. As is stated, the terms ‘Vanniyar’ and ‘Vannia Kula Kshatriyas’ are known throughout the districts, although innumerable titles are used by these people. The title most commonly used and accepted in Chingelput, South Arcot and Thanjavur is ‘Padayachi’ whereas in North Arcot and the city of Madras, ‘Naicker’ or ‘Nayagar’ is said to be more popular. In Salem and Dharmapuri districts, ‘Gounder’ is the common title, but they set themselves apart from the ‘Vellala Gounder’ by referring to themselves as ‘Vannia Gounder’ or ‘Padayachi Gounder’ (Sattanathan, 1970, Vol. 2, p. 108). The historical trajectory of the caste points to the emergence of a caste association called Vanniyakula Kshatriya Maha Sangam in 1888 with the initiative of Vanniyar members such as Chellappa Nayagar, Annasamy Nayagar, Gopal Nayagar and others (see Kuppusamy Varma 2004[1917]), p. 51). The Maha Sangam, with its active district Sangams, took up the role of social reform as well as political participation during the early decades of the twentieth century up until the formation of two distinct Vanniyar political parties, the ‘Tamil Nadu Toilers Party’ (TTP) and ‘Commonweal Party’ (CWP) in the early 1950s, which made a major impression in the elections of that decade. However, both these political organizations folded up as the Vanniyar leaders representing these parties were co-opted into different political organizations during the late 1950s and early 1960s (see Arun, 2007; Rudolph, 1965). After two decades of silence, the Vanniyar mobilization re-emerged in the 1980s with the formation of three important organizations under a new Vanniyar leadership—Vanniyar Sangam (VS), Samooga Munnetra Sangam (Social Improvement Society [SIS]) and Pattali Makkal Katchi (Toiling Peoples’ Party [PMK]). While VS is the caste association of the Vanniyars, the SIS is the organization that accommodates government and non-government employees from the Vanniyar caste. The aim of these two organizations is to work for the progress of the Vanniyars. However, the PMK, which is the political party that came out of the efforts of the Vanniyar leadership, claims to work for the larger Tamil populous. All these organizations were founded by Dr S. Ramadoss, a medical practitioner from Villupuram district of Tamil Nadu.
The present article seeks to highlight the organizational dynamics of these three organizations in the post-1980s period without resorting to a historical narration but, attempting to look at ways in which these organizations work in relation to each other on various issues of socio-political importance. Before delineating the dynamics of the interrelations among these organizations, a survey of the literature on caste and politics has been attempted. This would help understand the context in which Vanniyar politics is reviving itself in recent times.
Recounting Scholarship on Caste, Caste Association and Politics
It is well known that caste has demonstrated the tenacity to survive through time and the interventions of modern institutions. The ability of caste to thrive, particularly in its encounter with politics has been well documented in the scholarship that deals with caste and politics (e.g., Beteille, 2012; Kaviraj, 1997; Kothari, 2010; Srinivas, 1962, 1979). Importantly, scholars, while looking at the relationship between the two, were preoccupied with the questions of what form does caste take under the impact of politics and how do political processes get transformed in a caste-oriented society, rather than asking whether caste was disappearing or not (see Desai & Singh, 1970). To be sure, this has led to a growing interest among scholars on the importance of caste associations, the medium through which castes have been increasingly negotiating politics. Various studies have sought to focus on the associational basis of caste by looking at the working of caste associations and the means by which the latter have advanced the claims of the groups they represent across both sacred and secular terrains.
If one were to look at the trajectory of the scholarship on caste and politics, the focus has been on the relationship between the two in varied contexts and scenarios over the decades. While some scholars were concerned with the colonial context (see Arnold, Jeffrey, & Manor, 1976; Carroll, 1978; Conlon, 1974; Hardgrave, 1969; Washbrook, 1975), there were others who were invested in the post-independence scenario (see e.g., Hardgrave, 1969; Kothari & Maru, 1965; L. I. Rudolph & S. H. Rudolph, 1960, 1967; Shah, 1975). All these scholars, apart from pointing to the process of fusion and fission, have attempted to study how caste has skilfully encountered modern institutional structures and survived over the decades. One must remember that the decades following the 1960s saw an upsurge in the political participation of various groups. The arrival of the new groups onto the political platform meant a significant change in the terms of politics (see Yadav, 1999). The scenario of the post-1980s is important as it witnessed a renewed force in the visibility of caste, particularly in politics, and scholars have pointed to such a tendency in Indian politics in relation to the idea of deepening of democracy (see e.g., Jaffrelot, 2000; Michelutti, 2004, 2008; Pai, 2002; Waghmore, 2013; Yadav, 1999). Similar interest is evident among scholars investigating caste and politics in the post-1980s period in the south of India, particularly Tamil Nadu. The study on Dalit articulation in contemporary Tamil Nadu by Gorringe (2005) is important as it maps the ways in which Dalit politics has been strategically moving from non-electoral mobilization to that of engaging in electoral politics. Even so, the studies on the politics of single backward castes are a significant addition to the literature on caste and politics in Tamil Nadu. For instance, a recent study on the political ventures of backward castes like the Kongu Vellala Gounder was undertaken by scholars such as Vijayabaskar and Wyatt (2013). They explicate the initiatives taken by the leadership of the caste among its constituents through the formation of a political party called Kongu Nadu Munnetra Kazhagam (KNMK), the origin of which can be traced to the caste association of ‘Kongu Vellala Goundergal Peravai’ (KVGP). They also point to the significance of this mobilization which unlike other backward caste mobilizations is not solely anchored on the issue of reservations (Vijayabaskar & Wyatt, 2013, pp. 103–111). Scholars have also made observations into the political mobilization of Vanniyars in recent times. In fact, Wyatt (2014) highlights the ways in which the Vanniyar leadership uses different strategies in trying to forge PMK’s alliance with other political parties in the context of a bipolar multiparty system (Wyatt, 2014). However, it is important to address the question of the nature of politics that has accrued in such a scenario. For, castes in recent times have not only been working with their associations but also been able to form political parties of their own based on their caste movements. But, does the emergence of political party mean the withering away of these caste/movement organizations? It is important to be attentive to the fact that the founding of a political party would not necessarily mean the disappearance of caste/movement organizations. Vanniyar politics is demonstrative of this dimension where there is a consistent interaction and collaboration seen between and among the caste/movement organizations of VS, SIS and that of the political party, PMK. It is imperative to capture this dynamics to understand the nature of politics that animates the context of the post-1980s period. The following section brings to light the networking and interface of these Vanniyar organizations.
Documenting the Interface and Networking of Vanniyar Organizations
In the year 2002, at a SIS meeting attended by Dr S. Ramadoss and his son Dr Anbumani Ramadoss, the latter claimed that the VS, SIS and PMK represent the ‘three pillars’ of the development of caste and masses (SSM, August 2002, pp. 2–4). The tendency to see these entities as organizations with diverse aims is also reflected in the way J. Guru, the VS president, differentiated between them. He claimed that the VS and PMK were different, in that the VS was oriented towards the welfare of Vanniyars while the PMK was geared towards the backward classes (BCs), scheduled castes, minorities and other marginalized sections (Kanal, March 2003, p. 15). In another instance, a respondent from the field, Balakumar (a college lecturer in Puducherry and a SIS member) proudly claimed that the VS constituted the cultural face, and the PMK, the political face of the Vanniyars. 2 Viewed in this light, and precisely because these ‘organizations’ represent separate entities, the key question therefore is can we advance claims about their networking and interface in the name of the caste and the masses that they claim to represent?
The VS was formed in the year 1980 under the leadership of Dr S. Ramadoss. The Sangam, in its Constitution document expressed itself as a non-political organization, albeit as an all-India entity. It proclaimed that while it would strive for the unity of the Indian nation, it would, alongside, work for the social, educational, economic and political development of the Vanniyar caste. It also claimed to bring together the Vanniyars into a single unit and work for their welfare and at the same time expresses its desire to cooperate with the other backward castes so as to assert the proportional right of each caste to share resources according to their numbers. The Sangam also claimed that on the basis of the numerical strength of the Vanniyar population an exclusive reservation of 20 per cent at the state level and 2 per cent at the centre would be demanded by the organization (see Vanniyar Sangam Kolgai Kurikolgal Sattathittangal [VS Ideology, Aim and Constitution], 1986). The Sangam, over the decade, organized several agitations and demonstrations to communicate the demands of the movement to the government, one of the important agitations being Oru Vaara Salai Mariyal Porattam (One Week Road Blockade agitation) during the year 1987 (see Pattali Natkuripu [Pattali Diary], 2005). This agitation affected the Vanniyars as well as the government in equal and grave measure, with loss of lives for the Vanniyars in addition to the loss of properties in the northern districts of Tamil Nadu. In the subsequent years, the Vanniyar caste movement entered different phases with the formation of other organizations under the same leadership.
The year 1989 formed an important marker in the trajectory of Vanniyar mobilization. The VS boycotted the Assembly election in January of the year, which also saw the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) come to power in the state. Following the electoral win, the DMK government under M. Kaurnanidhi granted reservation of 20 per cent under the category of ‘Most Backward Classes’ (MBCs) for over 107 communities, including the Vanniyar caste. Although dissatisfied, the Vanniyar leadership considered this as a major breakthrough and attributed it to their decade long struggle. Coevally, another momentous development in the Vanniyar mobilization was the decision by the Vanniyar leadership to launch a political party, PMK 3 during the latter part of the year. The Party took the lead in the political activities and has made an impression in the electoral arena ever since. However, the coming to forefront of the political party did not mean the disappearance of the VS rather, the VS, in the following decades worked along with other organizations led by the Vanniyars, of which, one such significant entity has been the SIS. The SIS was launched in the year 1988. It was modelled on the Samooga Narpani Mandram (popularly referred to as ‘Social Service Society’ [SSS]) which was prominent in the late 1960s and 1970s (Dr S. Ramadoss was earlier associated with the SSS before founding the SIS). The SIS, largely comprising of government employees, professionals and entrepreneurs, aims to work for the development of the Vanniyars at different levels and is engaged in a plethora of activities for the welfare of Vanniyars (SSM, November 2007, p. 32). Indeed, the nature of Vanniyar politics therefore, can be understood by looking at the ways in which these organizations work and articulate similar concerns. In the section below we elaborate on some of the issues on which these three organizations (VS, SIS and PMK) have come together to work for the caste they represent and the larger community of the toiling masses that they claim to embody.
Reservations, Employement and Education
A key concern on which the VS, SIS and PMK come together is the issue of reservations, both for the Vanniyars per se and for the BCs as a whole. The Vanniyar movement of the 1980s emerged in the context of their demand for an exclusive reservation for the caste and this question has remained an important one both for the SIS and PMK right from their inception in 1988 and 1989, respectively. The SIS has consistently involved itself in the activities of the VS on this front, and the Vanniyar movement literature acknowledges this contribution in fairly vocal terms. The literature states that the Tamil Nadu government had announced over 2,000 vacancies in the government just before passing the government order of conferring the MBC status to Vanniyars which resulted in the latter and similar MBC groups missing out on the opportunity of availing the quota benefits meant for the group. The SIS, it is stated, took up the matter by filing a case in the Madras High Court against the recruitment and won the case (SSM, Special Number, 1996, p. 56).
It is important here to note that some of the activities taken up by the PMK have been connected to this very issue of reservations including being at the forefront of the demand for implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations since the late 1980s. The Vanniyar literature points to the number of demonstrations and rallies taken up by the PMK in relation to the issue (see Pattali Natkuripu [Pattali Diary], 2005). Alongside this demand, Vanniyar politics has consistently advocated for caste-specific quotas for the group which is reflected in another related demand for a caste-based census, and which has been advocated across all its organizations. Thus, for instance, in the year 2000, the PMK through its youth wing, demonstrated vociferously for a Caste Census, with S. Ramadoss leading a rally across the streets of Chennai to the Governor’s residence (SSM, April 2000, p. 15). Apart from this, there was yet another protest, the Pattai Naamam 4 agitation of the mid-1980s and early 2000s demanding caste-specific quotas led by the VS initially and later fused with the agitational strategies of the PMK during its period of ascendance. The protesters across these forums insisted that recruitments be made on the basis of the quotas prescribed by the government (see Kanal, November 2001, pp. 12–14).
While a caste-specific quota in education and employment is something that the Vanniyar leadership across all its major organizations have been demanding, there have also been efforts made towards creating new opportunities for the caste in terms of education (see Kanal, August 2007, p. 310). For example, the Vanniyar leadership has been instrumental in setting up educational institutions to provide educational opportunities to the Vanniyars as well as other backward masses. Three institutions that have made a mark in integrating standard education are the Dr Ramadoss Melnilai Palli (Dr Ramadoss Higher Secondary School) at Solaikottai, Dharmapuri district, the Vanniyar Kalvi Arakattalai Nigarnilai Palkalaikazhagam (Deemed University of the Vanniyar Educational Trust), and the PMK Arasiyal Payilarangam (PMK Political Training Centre), the latter two at Tindivanam in Villupuram district. One may note that the issue of providing educational facilities is a major plank on which all the major Vanniyar organizations (the VS, SIS and PMK) come together. Although the SIS literature mentions that an educational trust was floated by Dr S. Ramadoss in 1994 (see SSM, Special Number 1996, p. 57), more concrete efforts in this direction were forged in the early 2000s. A Vanniyar educational trust under the auspices of the VS was established in 2002 for the purpose of starting a school (see Kanal, June 2003, pp. 3–5). The Vanniyar movement literature mentions that the SIS had bought about 15 acres of land many years back and transferred the same to the Vanniyar educational trust operating under the VS (Kanal, February 2002, pp. 10–11). A significant venture on behalf of the Vanniyar educational trust was the launching of a donation drive for establishing educational institutions (see Kanal, February 2003, pp. 12–13). This donation campaign for the trust was initiated by Dr S. Ramadoss with an initial contribution of ₹200 thousand thereafter which the leadership insisted that every Vanniyar should contribute to the cause so as to feel a sense of ownership of the educational institution established (see Kanal, February 2003, pp. 12–13). Dr S. Ramadoss, in an open letter to his caste brethren, notified that land had been acquired by the trust and that facilities would be made available to educate and create professionals (see Kanal, June 2003, p. 1) following which contributions to the trust came from various places and segments, with Kanal publishing and acknowledging the names of those who had made donations (see e.g., Kanal, October 2003, pp. 4–6; November 2003, pp. 27–28; April 2005, p. 13; August 2005, p. 10, pp. 18–21; September 2005, pp. 8–9; October 2005, pp. 10–11; April 2007, pp. 16–17; January 2008, pp. 22–23, 34–35, 54–55; March 2008, pp. 22–24; February 2009, p. 30; November 2011, p. 32). Similarly, J. Guru, the VS president, wrote letters in Kanal urging the Vanniyars to contribute to the educational trust (see Kanal, November 2003, p. 1).
It must be reiterated that the SIS too, apart from the VS, has been playing an important role in the mobilization of the Vanniyar population. In fact, the SIS in doing so, often mirrored the agendas of the VS and PMK, as can be seen in the resolutions passed in its meetings. For example, at its general body meeting in February 2005, the SIS members resolved to contribute a month’s salary to the Vanniyar educational trust (see SSM, March 2005, pp. 11–12). In another instance, the SIS leadership had urged contributions for the ‘Dr Ramadoss Higher Secondary School’ from the Vanniyars maintaining that the schooling and boarding facilities were offered free of cost at the school (SSM, March 2007, p. 14). Likewise, a consultation to discuss the raising of funds for the Vanniyar educational trust was held under the leadership of the PMK president G. K. Mani in May 2005 at Chennai where more public contributions were sought (see Kanal, June 2005, p. 7).
Apart from these initiatives, the Vanniyar leadership across these organizations have also disseminated general information on education and employment opportunities through their organizational journals, Kanal and SSM (see e.g., Kanal, November 2002, pp. 22–26, 30–31; December 2002, pp. 12–13, pp. 16–17; June 2003, pp. 21–22, pp. 31–32; July, p. 4; see also SSM, September 2005, pp. 7–8; August 2006, pp. 9–12; April 2007, pp. 4–6). 5 The journals provide information on various loans and schemes such as the availability of farmer loans with government agencies (SSM, February 2002, p. 21), free tailoring machines by the government welfare department, training programmes and self-employment schemes run by government (SSM, August 2003, pp. 13–15). Likewise, the VS through its journal Kanal furnishes information on opportunities available to pursue medical degrees abroad (Kanal, May 2003, p. 14), tips on facing interviews (Kanal, August 2004, pp. 23–25), competitive examinations (Kanal, June 2004, p. 7), teacher training classes (Kanal, August 2005, p. 26), etc.
The VS also conducts free educational counselling for students (see Kanal, June 2008, p. 46), while the SIS, on its part, organizes meetings in which free notebooks are distributed to Vanniyar students (see Kanal, August 2005, p. 31) and honours students who have secured high marks in the state board examination (SSM, February 2002, p. 12). The SIS also has set up the ‘Dr Iyyah (Dr S. Ramadoss) Free Education and Employment Guidance Centre’ at Dindigul to facilitate Vanniyar youth, the inauguration of which was attended by functionaries from across the PMK, SIS and VS and the Dindigul SIS unit even donated over ₹65,000 for the Vanniyar educational trust managed by the VS (SSM, May 2005, p. 6). Thus, even as these organizations have sought to build and enhance the capacities of the Vanniyars, Dr S. Ramadoss has actively sought to promote the idea of self-help groups among women to empower them (see Kanal, January 2003, p. 22). He has constantly urged his caste brethren to start NGOs in every district, especially since (as he affirmed) there were not many Vanniyars in government employment, so that the diligent work of these organizations would draw the attention of the government and the Vanniyars in turn could make a difference by participating in government policy measures (Kanal, January 2003, p. 23).
Felicitations and Social Networking
Acknowledging and felicitating caste members who have worked for the progress of the caste remain a consistent form of activity in which all the organizations engage themselves. All the three organizations have been organizing events to felicitate not only achievers from their own cadres, but also those whose membership cross-cuts these forums. For instance, the SIS often felicitated lawyers, civil servants and other professionals and creative individuals belonging to the caste for their accomplishments (see SSM, Special Number 1996, p. 56; also SSM, February 1998, p. 31). Likewise, gatherings would also be held to celebrate Vanniyar success in competitive examinations, with caste notables frequently urging caste youth towards greater achievement (SSM, Special Number 1996, p. 59). These functions would invariably be attended by Vanniyar leaders from across the political spectrum and not just the PMK. These meetings were, accordingly, also ways of networking with caste members in both the governmental and the non-governmental domains. 6
The networking of the three organizations is also evident in some of the other kinds of functions and conferences organized by the Vanniyar leadership. The leadership across these forums have been regularly commemorating Martyrs Day every year on 17th September in an effort to keep the memory of the 1987 road blockade agitation alive, invoking the names of individuals who had lost their life in the September 1987 agitation (see Kanal, October 2005, p. 27; also November, p. 18). Calls would also be made urging all Vanniyars who had benefitted from the MBC quotas to contribute towards a fund established for aiding the families of the martyrs (see SSM, December 1997, p. 31; also Kanal, August 2001, p. 23, for similar efforts on the part of VS and PMK). Likewise, the annual Mamallapuram youth festival and the Poombuhar women’s festival organized by the VS would be attended by members of all the organizations (see Kanal, June 2002, pp. 14–15; Special Number 2006, p. 73).
Apart from this, attending social functions, such as weddings, house warming ceremonies and funerals, is quite common among the organizational leaders, and represents an important facet of the solidarity entailed by caste and its associational forms. In fact, the Vanniyar leadership at all levels makes it a point to attend social functions within the community, often using these occasions as a platform to articulate various political and social concerns affecting the Vanniyars and their development. The VS president, J. Guru, for instance, would make it a point to attend social occasions of the functionaries belonging to all the organizations. Likewise, G. K. Mani, the PMK president, would be seen attending functions of the VS members as well as those of other organizational forums. These social functions provide an opportunity for political mobilization wherein the leaders would emphasize on the political development of the caste as part of a holistic strategy for the advancement and social mobility of the community (see Kanal, February 2003, p. 19); political messages would be communicated to the people, as in the case of Dr S. Ramadoss attending the wedding of a PMK functionary with his family and delivering a speech there to the effect that the PMK needed to ascend to power if the Vanniyars had to progress (see Kanal, May 2010, pp. 3–4). So also, it was at a wedding ceremony held around the time of the 2009 electoral reversal that the leadership lashed out at the DMK for the losses it secured (see Kanal, August 2009, pp. 10–11). Likewise, at yet another marriage function, Dr S. Ramadoss asserted that the Vanniyar’s demand for caste-specific quotas needed to be reaffirmed especially since there was not much improvement in the recruitment of Vanniyars in government jobs (see Kanal, August 2009, pp. 24–25). Indeed, the various issues of Kanal document the different social functions attended by the Vanniyar leadership (see Kanal, July 2003, February 2004, p. 26; April 2007, p. 29; May 2007, p. 3; January 2008, p. 87; June, p. 47; October, pp. 3–4; March 2010, September 2011, pp. 13–14). In an obvious effort to develop the social and political networks among the Vanniyars, the leadership across these organizations (and specifically the SIS) have sought to organize family gatherings in which the members socialize with their families and develop new affinities and allegiances (see SSM, August 2002, pp. 2–4).
Issues beyond Caste: The Masses and Development
The formation of a political party in the shape of PMK has certainly meant extending the contours of the Vanniyar articulation beyond caste, although it must be reiterated that caste-specific concerns remain an important focus for the party. The larger issues taken up by PMK relate to the economic development of the toiling and marginalized sections, be it preventing alcoholism among these groups or addressing agriculture and livelihood possibilities for them. The PMK, especially through its women’s wing, has organized several demonstrations and rallies against alcohol, often targeting the government for easy availability of alcohol and its wide circulation (see Pattali Natkuripu [Pattali Diary] 2005; see also Kanal, May 2008, p. 47). The SIS has actively participated and extended support to the PMK in its campaign against alcohol and drugs. In fact, in one instance during 2007, the SIS joined hands with PMK in organizing a campaign tour to create awareness among the youth and women against drugs (see SSM, June 2007, p. 9).
Likewise, the question of agriculture and the plight of farmers has remained a focal point for the social base of the PMK. In a major demonstration, the PMK through its farmer’s wing confronted the government for its apathy over the issue even as it discussed various other issues related to the welfare of the farmers (see Kanal, March 2002, pp. 18–20). Similarly, in early 2009, Dr S. Ramadoss implored the farmers to gear up for a massive protest against the government, both at the centre level and at state level, for the agricultural crisis. He urged the government not to withdraw free electricity to farmers and to make available free seeds and fertilizers to them. Demands were also made to formulate a separate budget for agriculture, as well as to ensure more remunerative prices for agricultural products (see Kanal, January 2009, pp. 22–23). Moreover, the PMK through its affiliated labour union has also sought to voice issues relating to business and industrial labour over the years (see SSM, April 2000, p. 16).
Given its pronounced political ambitions, the PMK has also taken up issues concerning price hike and related concerns such as hike in bus fares and frequent power cuts in the state that affect the common people (see e.g., Kanal, December 2011, p. 18). Thus, one can see the VS president, J. Guru, as a politician and legislator taking to the streets and demonstrating against the government over issues like rise in the prices of essential commodities, hike in bus fares and frequent power cuts in the state (see Kanal, December 2011, p. 18). This apart, the educational policy of the government too, has been a point of concern for the PMK and the leadership has consistently articulated the need for an accessible and effective educational system for the marginalized. For instance, the PMK protested against the irregularities in the admission of students to professional courses, with the PMK student’s and the women’s wing participating in it (see Kanal, July 2004, p. 11, p. 30). In another instance, the PMK student’s wing organized a rally demanding the abolition of entrance examinations at Chennai with Dr S. Ramadoss flagging off the proceedings (see Kanal, January 2006, p. 19). Further, in 2006, the PMK student’s wing organized a major protest all over Tamil Nadu in support of the 27 per cent reservation for OBCs in central educational institutions and demonstrated against those opposed to the same. This protest demonstration also saw the VS and the SIS joining hands with the PMK and in support of OBC reservations (see Kanal, June 2006, pp. 16–18; see also SSM, July 2006, p. 19).
The Vanniyar leadership, largely represented by the PMK and VS—the two organizations, while separate, had clearly fused during the years of the PMK’s political ascendancy—has also shown a passion towards questions related to the Tamil language and Tamil identity. We have the leadership insisting on a single language policy (as opposed to the dual language policy of the Dravidian parties) and for Tamil as a medium of instruction at various levels of education (see e.g., SSM, April 2000, p. 14). Similarly, the PMK established a public trust in early 2002 called Pongu Tamil Valarchi Arakattalai (Pongu Tamil Development Trust) as part of its Tamil cultural orientation which would strive for the development of Tamil culture in all its forms, namely, literature, music and art (see Kanal, February 2002, pp. 4–7). The SIS, on its part, has been constantly voicing the views of Dr S. Ramadoss on Tamil language and culture (see SSM, March 2005, pp. 5–7; also SSM, March 2007, p. 29).
Elections and Electoral Considerations
It must be recognized that electoral politics has always formed a major part of the Vanniyar movement and its articulatory strategies. In fact, it may not be an exaggeration to state that the kind of recognition that Vanniyar politics received in the larger context of Dravidian politics is due primarily to the shifting fortunes of the PMK in the electoral arena. The PMK has been trying to make alliances with both the regional and national political parties since the 1991 elections despite the fact that active alliances with the two major Dravidian parties started relatively late in the political trajectory of the PMK. 7 However, the working of organizations within the Vanniyar fold to consolidate the PMK’s base has been an important feature of the Vanniyar mobilization since the late 1980s.
The SIS, albeit claiming to be a non-political entity, has always been working for the political success of the PMK. Some of the resolutions passed at SIS meetings also reveal this active support for the PMK’s electoral endeavours (see SSM, February 1998, pp. 3–5). As part of the campaign, the SIS would publish details of all the candidates in the electoral fray, while also felicitating the PMK candidates who had won the elections (see SSM, July 2006, p. 11). In the PMK general body meetings before the elections, resolutions would be passed to support the decisions of the leadership to form alliances with other political parties. Members from across these organizations who are present at these meetings would resolve to work for the electoral success of PMK and its alliance partners (see e.g., Kanal, January 2004, pp. 10–14; March 2004, p. 23; April 2009, pp. 3–5). Indeed, one can see SIS members actively supporting PMK as a party at the local level. Ponnusamy, a member of the SIS in Villupuram district, confidently asserted that he had been campaigning for PMK in every election. He reported that SIS members had actively involved in electoral campaigning, apart from the tasks of fund collection for the elections. He also believed that the non-political face of the SIS has influenced people to vote for the PMK. Although the PMK has not been able to garner as much electoral success since the 2014 elections, the leadership has been actively articulating different concerns across these organizational platforms, issues specific to the caste as well as issues of general concern. For instance, in a recently held VS conference the leadership expressed the PMK’s commitment to prohibition, and its stand on the Eelam Tamil problem, in addition to voicing the concerns of the caste (see The Hindu, 2017).
Conclusion
Even as we map the networking and interrelation among the organizations of the Vanniyars, it is important to point out the nature of the politics in an era of democracy and identity. While there have been scholars dealing with the developments of the post-1980s period who have mapped the emergence of political parties from the movement even as they point to relationship between movement and party, what is important to note in the case of Vanniyar politics is that the emergence of the political party does not mean a complete end to the working of the movement/caste organizations. Rather, what we see is the twinning together of the Vanniyar ‘movement’ organizations (whether it be the VS or the SIS) with the Vanniyar ‘political party’ (PMK) where this twinning has meant a collaborative agenda involving (in Goldstone’s terms) ‘the same actors, targeting the same bodies, and seeking the same goals’ (Goldstone, 2004, p. 342). The PMK which represents the institutional form of politics, although emerging from the caste movement, has been working alongside the movement organizations, that is, VS and SIS in the socio-political space, be it on the issues of education and social mobility of the Vanniyars or on issues concerning reservations. Clearly, one could also see the VS and SIS, although engaged with activities concerning the social and cultural development of the Vanniyars, have also striven to mediate the space of active politics. Similarly, the PMK while representing the institutional form of politics has also ‘movement’ attributes and characteristics which are visible in its agitational forms and protest modes. Indeed, the three major organizations work as a network and in alliance on various socio-political issues that represent the blurring of the distinction between the political role of caste and its social role. What is more, in a democratic milieu, caste and its associational forms have come to acquire multiple dimensions, mediating as they do the spaces of both institutional and non-institutional forms of politics.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
This article has been culled out of my PhD thesis titled ‘Caste, Democracy and Identity: A study of Vanniyar politics in Tamil Nadu’ that I submitted at the Department of Sociology, University of Hyderabad. I would like to thank my research supervisor Professor Sasheej Hegde for his interventions in the work. I also thank the reviewer and editor for the useful comments. And of course, all the errors are mine.