Abstract

The book attempts to cover the sociology of displacement through a multidimensional and broad canvas of developmental-induced displacement. It is a timely engagement with the Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation and Resettlement (LAR&R) Bill, 2011, that makes it special. It is divided into three parts—11 chapters excluding the introduction. It presents six case studies from different parts of India and one in China. It consistently focuses on the most deprived sections of the displaced populations—the landless, who depend on other’s land for their livelihood and are the worst hit in case of displacement. It uses a Bourdieuxian framework to argue that displacement is not only loss of land, property and right over common property resources but also a sense of cultural loss that robs the displaced families of their social capital.
The first section titled ‘Policy Issues’ constructs a base for the case studies and their arguments to strengthen the rehabilitation and resettlement (R&R) policies through the participation of the affected people. It discusses the LAR&R Bill comprehensively, dealing with the changes in the Bill through its various stages and from the promised bills of 2007 and 2009, respectively. It does a reality check of implementation of the R&R policies by government bodies and shows the apathy and often misuses of power by government functionaries to threaten and forcefully evict people. It criticises the role of the government and judiciary in acting in favour of business houses rather than affected population.
The second section deals with the issues of displacement under the ‘eminent domain’ (supreme lordship) whereby the state can exert right over property of citizens with appropriate compensation in case of its need for public utility. It shows that the tribes have been victims of multiple displacements in the process of development. Traditionally, land is treated as common property in most tribe culture and the state laws only recognises individually owned land. Within such conditions, land loss pushes tribal communities to impoverishment and marginalisation as they are unprepared for the neoliberal economic and society.
It has one case study each of displacement due to defence, hydel power, mining and private industries from different states under the ‘eminent domain’. It shows how displacement for national defence projects affects the displaced communities who do not gain directly and immediately from the project, but live in hope of future gains through direct and indirect employment opportunities.
At the same time, even when the local communities gain in terms of employment, often development projects have a high cultural and environmental cost. For example, in the case of hydel power development in Sikkim, the influx of migrant labour has brought the cultural lives of protected communities such as Lepchas in Dzongu under threat. Blasting and construction of tunnels in the region has caused landslides and drying up of water resources which has already started showing adverse effect on the fine ecological balance of the region. This has led to resistance from the indigenous communities.
It argues that many states misuse the various provisions of the land laws for the benefit of private industries. For example, in Andhra Pradesh, the government gives land to the landless poor as a ‘public purpose’ which is taken back and provided to industrialist as a new ‘public purpose’.
The last section engages with problems in policy implementation and design. It addresses the deficiencies in the national R&R policy. It calls for abandonment of the absolute state power in acquiring land under the ‘eminent domain’; narrowing down the scope of ‘public purpose’; exploring non-displacing and least displacing alternatives; prior information and transparency about land requirement with communities to be affected; universal applicability of the national R&R policy irrespective of the area and size of the project; changes in definition of occupiers and family so that the most marginalised families can take advantage of the R&R policies; mandatory Social Impact Assessment and updated land records.
The book offers an informative critique of the neoliberal development paradigm that is skewed towards capitalist industrialisation at the cost of impoverishment and further marginalisation of the subaltern. However, it falls short of engaging fully with the Bourdieuxian frame of social capital. It does offer us glimpses of loss of social capital due to displacement but fails to acknowledge the collective actions and protests of communities against displacement as processes that generates or reinvigorates social capital. It falls short of connecting displacement with larger socio-political life, whereby people’s protests and movements have kept alive the ideals of democracy even during these times of neoliberal onslaughts. Further, it fails to engage with the dominant notion of development that is the cause of the displacements and the changes that it has affected on the process and nature of displacement post the economic liberalisation.
