Abstract
Post-war Sri Lanka is heavily dependent on the promising future of the Information Technology (IT) industry to contribute considerably to the economic and social development of the country. Given the reported skill shortage and gender imbalance in the IT sector, female participation and retention is greatly advocated and promoted. In this milieu, we aim to understand what happens to female employees in male-dominant IT project teams, and the challenges and issues they face, as well as the related causes, using Kanter’s Theory of Group Proportions as the theoretical lens. Such understanding will provide a backdrop to develop ways and means of attracting and retaining females in the IT industry in Sri Lanka. Employing qualitative inquiry, we carried out in-depth interviews and focus-group discussions with 14 informants—10 female team members and four male team counterparts—from six IT companies. We identified four main challenges and issues females face in working alongside males where females strive to prove their technical and leadership capabilities, gain acceptance of the dominants in the team, overcome role entrapment and gain due recognition for their hard work. In facing these challenges females use various strategies and changes of behaviour which can ultimately lead to work pressure, strained relationships and anxiety for females. While these challenges are largely comparable to the main phenomena and experiences explained by Kanter, it appeared that gender-role stereotyping and sexist attitudes prevailing in the work setting, rather than the numerical minority status of females as mentioned by Kanter, gave rise to these situations.
Keywords
Introduction
Women in employment is an area that has been extensively studied and discussed during the last few decades, especially in a Western context (Acker, 2012; Bielby & Baron, 1986; Moore, Griffiths, Richardson & Adam, 2008; Reskin, 1988; Seymour, 2009; Watts, 2009). Issues such as the underrepresentation of women in certain industries and senior positions in organizations, gender stereotyping in the workplace and work–life balance are widely explored (for example, Acker, 1990, 2006, 2012). Gender discrimination and metaphors such as the glass ceiling, brick walls and glass cliff have also been extensively discussed. Yet issues related to women in employment remain resilient (for example, Seymour, 2009; Tolbert, Graham & Andrews, 1999). This is particularly the case in relation to employment of women in South Asia.
The focus of this article is Sri Lanka, which also faces the issue of underrepresentation of females in the labour force with a female participation rate of only 35 per cent, to a male participation rate of 65 per cent (Department of Census and Statistics, 2013), in a context of higher female population (Department of Census and Statistics, Sri Lanka, 2001) and increasing educational attainment of females (United Nations Development Programme Sri Lanka, 2012). The unemployment rate for females is 6.6 per cent compared to 3.2 per cent for males. The unemployment rate among educated women (General Certificate of Education/Advanced Level, the highest qualification gained in the secondary education system) is much higher than for men with the same educational qualifications (11.6 per cent unemployed rate for females, compared to 5.7 per cent for males). These statistics indicate the need to explore issues of gender disparity and gender inequality in Sri Lanka, when human development stands at the core of a country’s growth and progress. This article discusses the IT industry which employs skilled labour and is male dominated in employment, where gender disparity, inequality and the associated issues are said to be prominent and pervasive (Ainsworth, Batty & Burchielli, 2014).
Employment of women in male-dominated work settings has received considerable attention from scholars for decades (Fernando & Cohen, 2011; Kanter, 1977; Reskin, 1988; Stichman, Hassell & Archbold, 2010). Issues thus explored include the difficulties of integrating into male-dominated work settings (Wicramasinghe & Jayathilake, 2006), barriers faced by women in entering and advancing in their careers (Ahuja, 2002), strategies women use to overcome gender stereotyping (Fernando & Cohen, 2011), experiences of women when they interact with male colleagues (Kanter, 1977), balancing work and family (Watts, 2009), expectations of female workers (Scandura & Lankau, 1997), gaining acceptance from male colleagues (Kanter, 1977; Watts, 2009), and working and managerial styles of women. However, women’s underrepresentation continues in industries such as IT, and much is still unclear about the issues in women’s employment in male-dominated work settings, the challenges they face and how women attempt to manage these various issues. It is this knowledge gap that the present article attempts to address by exploring what happens to female employees and the issues females face as minorities in a specific male-dominated work setting.
Kanter’s Theory of Group Proportions (Kanter, 1977), also known as Tokenism, is widely used to explain the experiences of females in male-dominant occupations (Powell, Bagilhole & Dainty, 2009), how they interact in these male-dominant work settings and how they react to their token status (Kanter, 1977). We aim to revisit Kanter’s theory in this article to explore what happens to women and the challenges and issues they face when they enter the IT industry in Sri Lanka, which is numerically and normatively male dominant. Kanter’s theory is used as the theoretical lens to understand and identify these challenges and their causes. In what follows, we will provide a background to IT and female employment in IT in Sri Lanka and move on to a description of Kanter’s Theory of Group Proportion. After describing the research design, we will discuss findings, highlighting four main distinctive challenges and issues identified as being faced by females in the IT industry in Sri Lanka. The findings of this article will help in understanding the issues and challenges women face, in order to identify specific causes that might keep women out of this sector (Jayaweera, Sanmugan & Wanasundara, 2006: pp. 1–95; Information and Technology Communication Agency, 2013) as well as to help inform future training and policy.
IT and Female Employment in IT
The Information Technology (IT) sector has been identified as a key driver of the economic growth of post-war Sri Lanka through its direct and indirect contribution to investment, employment, productivity, innovation and the overall sustainable development of the country. With these expectations placed on the IT sector, various strategies and practices have been introduced to develop this sector. Major emphasis has been placed on the supply and increase in human resource capability to meet the high demand in the sector. However, the IT sector faces the dilemma of low female participation, especially in a context where there is a short supply of competent and skilled employees (Information and Technology Communication Agency, 2013). According to the National ICT workforce Survey (2013), female participation in the IT sector remains very low with only 29.7 per cent participation rate, and this rate drops to 25.6 per cent if the Business Processing Outsourcing (BPO) companies are removed. This low female participation rate is notable, especially at a time when the demand for IT workers has increased significantly (Information and Technology Communication Agency, 2013).
Female participation in the IT sector is particularly promoted in Sri Lanka’s national policies (The National Human Resources and Employment Policy for Sri Lanka, 2012) as women are identified as an untapped resource which needs to be used to meet the objectives and developmental goals of the sector and country. While this low participation of women in the IT sector is not unique to Sri Lanka (Bhattacharjee & Takruri-Rizk, 2011; Fountain, 2000; Von Hellens, Nielsen & Trauth, 2001) cultural barriers embedded in the Asian context such as gender role stereotypical beliefs, patriarchal beliefs and norms and the resultant subordination and suppression of females and sex segregation of occupations (Jayaweera et al., 2006) exacerbate the issue. Additionally, research suggests that there is a major tendency for women to move out of core IT areas (Glover & Guerrier, 2010), although studies in the Asian context are scarce (for example, Arun & Arun, 2002; Bhattacharjee & Takruri-Rizk, 2011). With increasing demand from women for education in IT and related fields (Jayaweera et al., 2006; University Grants Commission, Sri Lanka, 2012), greater employment opportunities in the sector, and high unemployment rates for women, the question arises as to why women are hesitant to select a job in the IT industry and why women leave jobs in IT?
Multi-functional and multi-skilled project teams are identified as a common work arrangement in the IT sector (Alvesson, 1995; Glover & Guerrier, 2010; Sapsed, Bessant, Partington, Tranfield & Young, 2002). Studies have indicated how working in male dominant teams can be difficult for women, especially due to their numerically minority status (Kanter, 1977) and gender biases (Cartwright, 1995; Henderson, Stackman & Koh, 2013). Hence, we have specifically focused on women working as team members in IT project teams in order to explore the issues and challenges they face.
Kanter’s Theory of Group Proportion
First introduced in 1977 by Rosabeth Moss Kanter, “Kanter’s Theory of Group Proportions”, popularly known as the “Tokenism Theory”, argues that relative numbers in groups (relative numbers of socially and culturally different people in a group such as in terms of sex, race, religion, ethnic group, age or some other special characteristics set upon them culturally), are vital in shaping interaction dynamics and thus in shaping perceptions and social interactions among those group members. Having identified groups of varying proportional compositions such as uniform groups, tilted groups, balanced and skewed groups, Kanter (1977) explains the behaviours, perceptions and experiences of and towards members in skewed groups. With the understanding of the role of men and women in gendered organizations and in a skewed group, Kanter (1977) identified three phenomena associated with tokens (that is females in male-dominant teams): visibility, polarization and assimilation. These three phenomena in turn lead to related interaction dynamics. Visibility is said to lead to performance pressures on the token while polarization is said to lead to heightened group boundary and isolation of the token. Assimilation is identified to result in the token’s role entrapment. These various interaction dynamics generate different types of responses from tokens.
Tokenism is widely used to explain experiences of women (and men, in a few instances) in various industries and occupational categories (Stichman et al., 2010). However, the idea of tokenism is not without its critics. A major criticism is that tokenism presents a gender-neutral theory, where more emphasis is placed on the numerical make up of the group (Stichman et al., 2010) without sufficient consideration being placed on the effect of gender per se and other aspects such as sexism that exist in society (Yoder, 1991; Zimmer, 1988). As Yoder (1991, p. 178) further affirms “continued reliance on numbers as the theoretical cause of, and as the solution to, gender discrimination in the workplace neglects the complexities of gender integration”.
The intention of this study is neither to test the use or validity of tokenism nor to explore solutions for gender discrimination. We use tokenism as a theoretical lens to understand and identify more thoroughly the hidden and unique challenges females face, given the popularity of this theory in studying women in male-dominated work settings.
Research Design
Based on the interpretive paradigm, this study inevitably lends itself to qualitative research approach. Fourteen informants including 10 female team members and four male team counterparts from six IT companies were the key respondents of the study. Initially the female respondents were selected through purposive sampling and after the initial analysis, the male respondents too were selected to validate and corroborate the information gathered from the female respondents. Further, this triangulation of information from both genders helped to ensure the trustworthiness of the study as well as the ability to gain more in-depth information from different viewpoints. The respondents were purposively selected based on three main criteria. First, the number of years of experience of the respondents in the IT industry (having not less than three years working experience) was considered. Second, tertiary qualification from a state or foreign university and third, male-dominance in IT project teams were considered in selecting the respondents.
Eight of the 10 female respondents were working for software development teams, one for an IT-solutions team and the other female respondent was working for a quality assurance team. Three of the male respondents were working for IT-solutions teams and one respondent was working for a software development team. Only one female respondent was a team leader, while the other female respondents were ordinary members of their respective teams. Two of the male respondents were team leaders while the other two were team members. All the teams were skewed teams with only one female member in each team.
In-depth interviews and group discussions were the main methods of data collection. These interviews and focus group discussions were carried out mostly in the English language, while a few were carried out in the Sinhala language (the main language of Sri Lankans) and translated to English while transcribing. The focus group discussions were carried out for an average of two and a half hours and the in-depth interviews averaged one and a half hours. Interviews and focus groups were tape recorded and transcribed verbatim. The information thus gathered was qualitatively analyzed starting from the very first interview, following a meticulous process of coding and categorizing (Miles & Huberman, 1994) using Kanter’s “Theory of Group Proportion” as the theoretical lens.
Findings
In-depth interviews with the respondents clearly indicated the issues and challenges women face as tokens in male-dominant IT projects. It was evident how visibility, polarization and assimilation occur in varying degrees in these IT project teams.
Proving Themselves
Almost all the female respondents of the study candidly indicated that they have to work harder to prove themselves in their male-dominant work teams. They were of the view that they had to exert an extra effort compared to males in their teams in order to establish their capabilities and performance and thus be accepted and survive in the team. This appears to put pressure on them which makes their work more challenging and demanding when compared with that of men employed in a similar capacity. For example, one female engineer reported that
There exists a kind of negative situation for us [women]. We have to work a little harder than our male counterparts to prove ourselves in the team. Since I’m the only female in my team, my performance is always noticed by others including the management…Though we all get equal duties and responsibilities, some male members have a mindset that girls are incapable of performing assigned duties. I have also got those kinds of comments. Sometimes I have heard them saying “how would girls know these things”. Therefore we have to put in more effort than males to show that we are working and performing well in the team. (Kokila is a 34-year-old married woman, working as a senior engineer and possesses seven years work experience in the IT industry).
Another woman software developer provided similar comments:
…with the changes in the work environment, no woman can avoid challenges in the workplace. They have to move (behave) according to work demands. They can’t behave like traditional females. Especially in our field (IT), performance is expected similarly from both genders. Yet, we as females do have to face lots of issues due to mismatch of our gender with industry expectations. To survive in the field, we have to put in much more effort than males. (Vijini, 29-year-old unmarried female with three years of working experience in the IT industry as a software developer)
Women face this challenge in proving themselves especially during the initial stages in team formation:
…when you are assigned to a team where you don’t know others, then you have to work a little bit harder than guys do, because at first glance males might not respect you much as a member. You have to be pretty confident in what you are doing. If you ask questions at the beginning, they quickly think, ok this is because it’s a “SHE”.…With time, once we show our talents, we also can survive. (Geethika is a 35-year-old female, unmarried and who has moved into her tenth year in the IT industry and who has been employed in three IT companies in Sri Lanka.)
Geethika reveals how women struggle from the outset to establish their technical capabilities, which she believe is clearly not a condition that men generally face when they join an IT project team.
This issue of proving themselves is directly linked to “Attention to a Token’s Discrepant Characteristics” discussed by Kanter (1977) under performance pressure. According to Kanter, while women as tokens attract attention, their technical capabilities always go unnoticed by the men in the group, making women work harder to prove their capabilities. Statements by Vijini and Geethika highlight this situation.
It is a widely prevailing gender stereotypical belief in Sri Lankan society, as in many South Asian countries, that women are less technically capable than men (Abhayadeva, 2007; Jayaweera et al., 2006). However, all team members would have undergone the same recruitment and selection process to these IT companies and IT project teams, and possess the same educational, technical and other competencies. Hence, questions arise as to whether women really are less capable than men, or are they just made to feel that they are less capable by men? Or due to the gender specific norms and beliefs in society, do women feel inferior about their capability, even though in reality such perceptions and treatment of women do not exist? These social perception are reflected within the IT project teams, where the male respondents explicitly acknowledged the existence of these beliefs:
It depends strongly on the people who are there in the team. But most of the time guys are very capable when providing technical solutions and analytical skills. (Samitha, a 43-year-old married male who is a senior engineer with more than 15 years working experience in the IT industry) Most of the time, IT jobs need technical soundness. Males show more passion towards technical stuff. This field is evolving very fast. Males by nature have the thirst to seek new knowledge, have the technical curiosity, and technical interest. (Nuwan, 32, unmarried male team member with seven years working experience as a software engineer)
These statements unmistakably indicate the presumption men hold, where they believe that women lack technical and task oriented work skills and that males are more technically competent and are properly updated.
Whether Samitha’s belief is based on prior experience or just speculation is not known; however Nuwan went on to say that he has had negative experiences with female team members in the past, where the whole team has suffered due to the “feminine qualities” of the female team member. The “feminine qualities” Nuwan refers to is the inability to remain at work late to meet deadlines of the project. Nuwan extends this experience to provide a general opinion about all women with whom he works: “we [male leaders] are a bit reluctant to get female team members after that incident”. This application of one experience to the whole group of tokens can be related to Kanter’s “extension of consequences” under the broader category of “performance pressure”, where it is stated that the “females were visible as category members, and as such their acts tended to have added symbolic consequences” (Kanter, 1977, p. 973). Here too, women are visible as tokens, and their behaviour and performance thus tend to have added symbolic consequences where experiences garnered with them will be extended to other tokens. This can also be a very valid reason for women to put extra effort into their work to prove their capability as they know that the perceptions the team members form about them will affect how these team members look at other women in IT. As such, “They were thus not acting for themselves alone but carrying the burden of representing their category” (Kanter, 1977, p. 973). Overall, it is clear that the male respondents and their male team members assume women to be less capable technically, and therefore it is not surprising that women feel the need to prove their capabilities to these males.
It was not only female team members’ technical capabilities that males in these IT teams looked down upon. Female participants also drew attention to how their leadership capabilities and skills are overlooked and marginalized by the men in these teams. Geethika, for example, shared an experience of a colleague of hers, who became a leader of a male-dominated IT project team. Though this particular woman leader was capable as far as her work was concerned, she could not continue in the position due to the pressure she was put under by her male counterparts:
She was very capable and was a high performer. The management was happy about her, and they promoted her as our team leader. I was really happy and I felt more comfortable than earlier. But the other team members didn’t recognize her as their leader. They refused to work according to her decisions and ultimately the management took back her powers and gave the authority to the former leader (a man) who is currently working as the manager of our team. She became very unpopular, and most of the team members didn’t accept her leadership.
Chekani’s (29-year-old female team member, unmarried and possessing three years of working experience in the IT sector) recollections also support the assertion that males in these IT teams are reluctant to accept the leadership capabilities of women, thus creating a challenging situation for women:
This happened in my previous company. There were two girls who were promoted as team leaders in two different teams. The majority disagreed with these promotions and it was unbelievable to witness that about 10 males left the company because of this situation. They said that females cannot do this (be successful leaders) and this decision will definitely end in failure. But after two years, everybody accepted that these two girls were highly capable team leaders.
The experiences of Geethika and Chekani demonstrate how women’s leadership capabilities are not acknowledged or recognized by males in these teams, once again making women work harder at proving not only their technical competence, but also their leadership capabilities. Past research also highlights how leadership opportunities are rare for women in IT (Ahuja, 2002; Fountain, 2000). This evidently creates further implications to women where their career advancement opportunities also become limited. It is thus clear how gender role stereotypical beliefs about females’ capabilities and skills spill over to the workplace and continue to persist in these work settings creating challenging and testing work environments for women.
The discussion hitherto suggests how women face performance pressures (Kanter, 1977) in their teams where they constantly strive to prove their technical and leadership capabilities. As also discussed above, while two of the sub-concepts identified by Kanter under performance pressure (attention to tokens’ discrepant characteristics and extension of consequences) were reflected here, there was no evidence to indicate the presence of the other two sub-concepts (public pressure and fear of retaliation). In other words, the female respondents of the study did not appear to feel performance pressure due to being overly observed (public pressure) or due to fear of outstanding performance in group events and tasks (fear of retaliation).
Do the women feel the need to prove their capabilities due to a heightened visibility and the intense scrutiny they face as a result of their numerical minority status, as suggested by Kanter? In light of the discussion above, rather than their numerical minority status it appears that the existence of stereotypical gender role beliefs and sexist attitudes (Izraeli, 1983; Lewis & Simpson, 2012; Zimmer, 1988) about women’s capabilities, work roles and gendered occupational segregation appear to be the predominant cause for this need for women to prove themselves.
Gaining the Team’s Acceptance
There was also a very strong sense of exclusion among the female respondents, where they felt like “outsiders” within the team. This feeling of exclusion was manifested in many forms from the language men spoke to the way they behaved. One aspect the women highlighted was the language men spoke and the nature of what they discussed within teams or in team gatherings. Consider, for example this statement by Chekani:
I am the only girl in my team. Though I’m an adult I feel embarrassed sometimes in front of my team-mates. When they talk while at work, they use mostly informal language (sexualized language) with so many unusual words (sexualized words). You know…many unnecessary stories. Because of team spirit I can’t avoid these situations. Because of the fewer number of females in the team I don’t have a voice to speak against this. Even when the team members go for a team outing they talk about high tech matters or do “guys’ talk”. They have a perception that “she” doesn’t match our gang.
It is interesting to note how Chekani feels uncomfortable and excluded within her team due to the use of sexualized language as well as talk of a technical nature. This poses an important question whether the men in her team actually perceive Chekani as an outsider who “doesn’t match their gang” or whether it is Chekani’s insecurity and perceptions that lead her to believe that she does not belong. With the IT sector having always been identified as a masculine sector in Sri Lanka, females come to the IT field with the preconception that it is male dominant and that women are a minority group. The numerical dominance of males in IT companies as well as their behaviour and underlying attitudes (as discussed above under “proving themselves”) reinforces this belief, with women being conscious of this fact in their day to day dealings at work. Hence, technical discussions outside work time and use of sexualized language/comments might be making women feel like outsiders.
As female respondents shared similar experiences of embarrassment and discomfort with team members’ use of slander or comments and jokes of a sexual nature, further explorations and analysis in this regard is important. Similar to Chekani, both Vijini and Samanthi (34-year-old married female team member, working as a software developer) too stated how difficult it is for them to be among the male majority when jokes and stories shared by these males cause them frequent embarrassment. It is important to note that girls and women in Sri Lankan society are socialized to adhere to gender role expectations of the “respectable girl” and the “good girl” image through the manner they dress and behave (De Alwis, 1997, 2002; Obeysekere, 1984). It is in this context that female respondents indicate their embarrassment at the language men in their teams use. Thus, how women face the pressure of adhering to gender role expectations within their teams are also indirectly highlighted by the perceptions of women towards the language men use. It further indicates how women become or feel more visible, and excluded as well as exposed in these teams as they do not (or are not expected to) participate in these discussions.
In addition to feeling excluded from teams due to the use of language, women felt excluded from these teams because they could not socialize with men or were not invited to socialize with them. Vijini outlined the details:
Because of tight deadlines we cannot socialize during work. So they [men] had unofficial team outings in which we never participate. Then building a rapport with the team is difficult for me.
Similar sentiments shared by many female respondents strongly signify how outcast and reclusive the women feel among their male colleagues. Hence, these women apparently face the challenge of gaining entry into this tight-knit male group and receiving their acceptance or surviving in the team while being secluded. This appears to be a common situation that minority group members face. Members in the majority are identified as the in-group and the minority members are identified as the out-group (Baxter & Wallace, 2009; Syed & Murray, 2008; Tolbert et al., 1999). Kanter (1977) also highlights how male members sometimes refrain from sharing in-group understanding with women by treating them as the out-group under “boundary heightening” an outcome of “polarization”. However, the dynamics of boundary heightening as suggested by Kanter did not surface during this study where there was no indication that men in these IT teams intentionally exaggerated their dominant culture, reminded women of their differences, informally isolated the women or tested their loyalty. However, the incidents Kanter (1977) mentioned such as use of sexual innuendo, and talk about sports and high-tech matters were very much present in these teams. Yet whether this “guy talk” was used intentionally to heighten the difference between genders and make women feel left out was questionable. Rather what surfaced primarily was the existence of gender role stereotyping beliefs about what is proper and appropriate among women and men, which lead women to feel uncomfortable and isolated. Female respondents have felt the difference between them and their male colleagues, leading them to feel isolated due to a persistent consciousness about their token status, both numerically and normatively.
In this setting, women appear to seek acceptance in the group by attempting to blend-in through various means. One such method is by dressing in a manner so as not to bring attention to their female status/sexual attributes. Consider, for example, this statement by Chekani:
I’m extremely careful about my attire. Since I’m the only female in my team; I feel it is not nice to be fashionable in front of them.
However, here, Vijini brought to notice her concern about how such dressing can contradict social expectations about the appropriate dress for women.
Usually I don’t wear fashionable clothes when I go to work. You know, as I am the only girl, I don’t want to be highlighted through my dress. Usually we dress in denims and T shirts, but then it is a kind of a problem to the outside world.
Hence, while women try not to bring attention to their femininity in their teams, in certain instances they are also confused, where they attempt to balance the expectations of the “outside” world and the inside world (that is, inside their teams). As Vijini highlights, denims and shirts will not fall within the gender role social expectation of a working woman.
This attempt of women to blend into the background or into their teams is discussed in prior research (Kanter, 1977; Schwarzwald, Koslowsky & Bernstein, 2013). The response of women in attempting to gain the acceptance of the rest of the team is in contrast to Kanter’s potential reactions of women to boundary heightening. Kanter (1977) specifically speaks of the female’s attempt to be socially invisible and blend into the background, as a response of women to visibility and related performance pressure they face in the work setting.
Women tried to adopt masculine qualities in order to be accepted by the teams. While Kanter does not talk about this, more recent scholars have identified similar behaviour of females in male domains, who adapt the masculine characteristics, which is also called “doing gender” (Kvande, 1999), “fixing the females” (Martin, 2003), “defeminization” (Denissen, 2010) and becoming a “social man” (Lohan & Faulkner, 2004).
Dulini (32, an unmarried female member with five years of work experience in IT) acknowledged this explicitly when she stated, “When working with males I don’t want to differentiate myself with them. I’m one of them.” Dulini went on to describe how she changed herself and adopted more masculine characteristics:
When I become tougher, more committed towards my job, I sacrifice a lot from my personal life. Though I didn’t like to move with males, I changed myself. I have given up my female character. When the team is going through a hard time, by default, I also spend my whole life at work, just like my male counterparts. Most of the time I work till late.
Vijini described how she had to adopt masculine qualities:
Most of the time males talk about guy’s things. Initially I was a little upset since I did not have things to share with them. Gradually I adjusted myself. Now I also prefer to watch and talk about things such as cricket matches and other sports. Now I show a little interest in vehicles and technologies. If not, I will definitely be isolated in my team.
Yet, it was also revealed that while women adopt this masculine role, they feel that it is sometimes not appreciated or valued by male counterparts since these “masculine” women are often disliked and disrespected. What is considered assertive for a man is considered aggressive for a woman (Syed & Murray, 2008). Most women will be less successful than most men in acting like a man (Denissen, 2010; Dodge, Valcore & Gomez, 2011; Syed & Murray, 2008). Thus, women are more likely to fail if a “Fixing the Woman” strategy is adopted. If they succeed, they do so by learning to act like a male by assimilating male norms (Martin, 2003).
Samitha, for example, stated how this happens in IT teams:
Females are expected to be soft but at the same time they should be able to deliver their work properly. She (a woman) should not go beyond her feminine limits. Males don’t like it when females exceed their limits.
Women are thus faced with disrespect and disdain when they try to be accepted by teams. This places them in a confusing and difficult situation. This complex situation brings definite work related issues for women such as stress and demotivation which in turn can be a reason for leaving the industry.
Overcoming Role Entrapment
Female respondents also recalled many instances where they are trapped in “feminine” roles within the team, which undermines their technical capabilities and thus blocks their career advancement. Overcoming this role entrapment is a key challenge which is also related to the challenge of proving their technical capabilities as discussed above. Vijini, for example, explains her experiences:
I have a sort of special role in my team. When the whole team is under pressure or under heavy stress, male members usually come to me and discuss their problems, sometimes even their personal problems. By talking to me, they get some sort of relief from me. Sometimes it disturbs me. But I can’t avoid such incidents since they expect my help during certain situations.
Vijini’s and other respondents’ observations indicate how women are assigned “feminine” roles such as relationship building, customer care, team documentation and other clerical work.
Vjini clearly indicates her unease with this role she has to play, but seems helpless to do anything about it. In contrast, Kokila appears to accept this role entrapment:
Females can bring social balance to a team. IT project teams are very stressful. Here girls are important in building team relations. Even in the celebrations of birthdays, it’s really nice to have a girl in a team. Girls contribute a lot to building relationships.
The male respondents supported this observation when they explicitly stated how women are more suitable for certain work which is socially accepted as more appropriate for women, such as secretarial work. Amal (40, married male team member with 12 years working experience in the IT industry) described how he assigns such work responsibilities to female team members in his team:
Since my team consists of a male majority, for back-office support and management areas such as coordination of teamwork, female members will have to participate. My point is, these ladies are very good at this kind of work. They are very particular about actions and deliverables and they contribute a lot in these areas. They establish good relationships with team members. Their follow-up is superb, much better than males. I always encourage having females in our teams.
While Amal talks positively about the women in his team, he also highlights how he expects women to play socially accepted work roles rather than technical roles:
In general, females are methodical and carry out documentation to perfection…Most of the time we assign duties related to documentation to a female project member.
Similar sentiments are shared by Samitha:
It has been proven that females are best at performing follow-up activities and secretarial work. When a project team has a female, she is the one who sends reminders and does the follow up to make sure that delivery is on time. Secretaries are always females. I have not seen any male secretaries. Females are good at following up and work on time and they are good at secretarial work.
Observations of Vijini, Kokila, Amal and Samitha strongly suggest how women in these male-dominant project teams are trapped in gender stereotypical work roles and how these stereotypical work expectations have become informal work organizing mechanisms in work settings. Role entrapment is also discussed by Kanter under the broader phenomenon of “assimilation”, where she states that “…the distortion of the characteristics of tokens to fit preexisting generalizations about their category. Stereotypical assumptions and mistaken attributions made about tokens tend to force them into playing limited and caricatured roles in the system” (1977, p. 980). Looking at “status leveling” and “stereotyped role induction”, two sub-areas under role entrapment that Kanter discusses, evidence for the presence of “status leveling” could not be found, as information did not reveal any instances of misperceived and misjudged status of women in the teams such as receptionists, secretaries or wives. Yet, as discussed above, while women were not misperceived to be secretaries, the men in these teams tended to provide work responsibilities and duties of secretaries to women. Nevertheless, it was observed how stereotyped role induction takes place where men inducted women into stereotypical roles such as mother and iron lady (Kanter, 1977). Samitha’s comments clearly indicate how stereotyped role induction takes place in these teams:
My personal experience as a kid was that our mother always pushed us to work hard. And now my wife is doing exactly that, always providing behind-the-scene support to me. That’s our culture. Most of the males are driven by females. So similarly ladies in project teams drive the males and provide the background support.
Hence the challenge women face is moving out of this role entrapment to realize their full potential as equal members of their project teams. The findings indicate how this challenge of overcoming role entrapment is linked to gender stereotypical beliefs rather than numerical minority status of women.
Gaining Due Recognition
Another challenge and issue women face in these IT teams is gaining due recognition. Iresha (37-year-old female, married and possessing seven years working experience in the IT industry) described her observations:
My team leader doesn’t want to recognize my potential in front of other team members. He normally uses my work and learns from me and shares that with the management and the rest of the team. He doesn’t like others to recognize my potential.
Iresha goes on to say:
When it comes to promotions and recognition, we (females) get less compared to males. I have seen in some other teams how females need to build unnecessary relationships with managers to be team leaders…But most of the time males get the opportunities. I know there are girls who work very hard but they stagnate in the same position without any recognition. That’s nature.
These negative experiences shared by female respondents can be related to the ideas of Kanter (1977, p. 974) who states that “paradoxically, while the token females felt they had to do better than others in order to be seen as a competent and allowed to continue, they also felt in some cases that their success would not be rewarded and should be kept secret”. This happened in the case of Vijini:
I remember when I worked in my previous team I had a male counterpart who worked in a similar capacity as myself. We both worked equally, but I was a very silent character. I just did my work and that was it. So when it came to appreciation and appraisals he got a better ranking than me. People don’t recognize their female team members.
According to Samanthi, even if women do get recognition for work, it is accompanied by backlash:
Males have a predetermined mindset that girls won’t fit in IT teams. My husband also works in an IT project team in another IT company. In his company, a girl recently got recognition in her team with an increment. But other team members, including my husband, told me that this lady doesn’t have enough to do at home, in a very sarcastic way.
This statement also indicates how men are reluctant to accept good work/recognition of women and try to play down their achievement by criticizing and pointing out some other area in which they are lacking. It is also noticeable how men expect women to bear the responsibilities of housework while they are also in paid employment and how they are sarcastic about women they assume do not fulfil that main role of domesticity.
Even when a woman is successful, it was be attributed by men to an ulterior reason as they appeared to be reluctant to accept her capability. Vijini discussed such a case:
Once I got an increment, but some of my teammates didn’t accept it. I didn’t know that. After that increment, some of them had monitored my behavior. They had observed my telephone conversations and had even monitored the number of times I went to the wash room. All these things were because they suspected something about my increment and they thought that, I had received this increment because my team leader had favoured me unnecessarily. It was a very embarrassing incident for me.
Vijini’s experience also indicates “over-observation” related to public performance, yet not in the context that Kanter mentions. Vijini has not received automatic notice where all her actions are public (Kanter, 1977), but rather, she attracted the attention due to the increment she received, as the males wanted to prove their assumption that she (the female) is not sufficiently capable. Here, too, it is highlighted how men stick to their gender role stereotypical and sexist beliefs about women’s capabilities in this male dominant industry. Samanthi’s and Vijini’s observations also strongly indicate how challenging it is for women to gain recognition and how men are reluctant to grant due recognition to women.
It was not only in relation to promotions and increments that women felt that they were not recognized. Women also stated that their voices were not recognized in their teams and their opinions and ideas were overlooked in many instances. Dulini’s account of her experience illustrates this:
Usually we have team meetings and in those meetings we (females) too have ideas and opinions related to work issues. But if we voice them first they will not be accepted directly. There will be many arguments. But if the same idea comes from a male, it will be more readily accepted without any reluctance. Males sometimes just say OK to certain matters, but that too is recognized as significant. Even the males who joined the team after me received that privilege (the privilege of being heard at discussions) but I didn’t, because I’m the only girl in my team.
Chekani shared similar experiences:
It is difficult to voice my opinions at team meetings. When it comes to decision making, my voice gets only a little space. If I raise an issue, or point out a problem in the project, it might not get highlighted as when a guy raises that same issue or problem. It is expected that females should be silent of the team meetings and their contribution is immaterial when it comes to decision making.
This lack of recognition that women get in these teams can be linked to Kanter’s (1977) “attention to token’s discrepant characteristics” under visibility, where it is stated that female team members among male members do not have to work hard to have her presence noticed (her presence as a female being noticed), but she did have to work hard to have her achievements noticed.
Conclusion
Revisiting Kanter’s Theory of Group Proportions after more than three decades since its first appearance indicates that the interactions, processes and experiences that occur between men and women in male dominant work groups still remains to a certain degree. Revolutions in the business world, changes in attitudes or transformations in the formation of the labour force have not sufficiently changed the experiences of women in male dominant work settings. While Kanter’s arguments and concepts are not reflected in this study, some of her concepts and phenomena did emerge as the challenges and experiences women face in these IT project teams. However, rather than the numerical representation highlighted by Kanter, other cultural, organizational and contexual reasons can be the main causes which lead women to experience these challenges and issues. Steriotypical beleifs and sexist attitudes which have roots in the national culture, were found to be persistantly embedded in these male domiant work teams which impact on many of the challenges and issues women face. Further, it was clear that these experinces, challenges and issues are far more complicated and complex than those discussed by Kanter.
On the whole we identified four main challenges women face in these IT project teams. First, women face the challenge of working extra hard to prove their technical and leadership capabilities to their male counterparts, though they possess the same qualifications and experiences as the men. Gender stereotyping beliefs about appropriate occupations for men and women (gender segregation of occupations) and their capabilities exist in these work settings resulting in women feeling that they have to prove themselves to be accepted as capable team members. Second, these women feel isolated and excluded thus facing the challenge of gaining acceptance in these teams. In this setting, women change their dress and behaviour to be accepted by the team, which in turn leads to anxiety and a possible backlash. Third, women encounter the challenge of overcoming role entrapment to harness their full potential. They desire to move out from sexist labels and responsibilities such as “mother”, “secretary” and “iron lady” and perform the work roles to which they aspire in order to gain career satisfaction, advancement and recompense. Finally, women struggle to gain due recognition in terms of increments and promotions as they have to work hard to have their achievements noticed. While these four main challenges are founded on Kanter’s Theory of Group Proportions, Kanter’s concepts and explanations could not be replicated exactly to explain the findings of this study. The dynamics of visibility, polarization and assimilation could be seen in the challenges that were identified, yet in certain instances these occurred in different contexts to those discussed by Kanter. For example, respondents appear to have received the attention of the dominants (termed as over-observation by Kanter), not because they were a minority in the group making it difficult for them to be anonymous or hidden (public performance under performance pressure), but because they were scrutinized for the recognition they have obtained through increments or promotions, stemming from the sexist attitudes of male colleagues.
However, all in all, it was seen in the study how these challenges and issues emerge mainly due to gender biases, gender role stereotypical and sexist beliefs that exist. While the numerical dominance per se might not be the cause for these many challenges, it could have provided the basis for these gender, cultural and contextual factors to come to the surface in these teams. It is particularly important to understand the repercussions of these challenges and issues women face. In a setting where they constantly have to strive to prove themselves, gain recognition, be accepted and overcome role encapsulation, there is a higher possibility of women moving out of the industry as well as difficulty in attracting new talent. This will, in turn, have a counter effect where there will be even less representation of women in the industry which will reinforce gender role stereotyping and sexist beliefs that kept women out of the industry in the first instance.
In the light of these findings, we emphasize that the challenges and issues women in male dominant teams face are not linked to their token status as a minority group, but rather due to persisting gender role stereotypical and sexist beliefs that have spilled over to the workplace. Hence, in a context where women’s entry into the dynamic and promising industry of IT is encouraged and promoted to achieve the country’s developmental goals, policy makers and managers including HR professionals need to identify the requirement necessary to implement programmes to create awareness and dispose of these various detrimental sexist and gender role stereotyping attitudes that can bring negative consequences to female employees’ work lives and ultimately the performance of project teams and the overall performance of organizations. Companies should identify the need for a culture, where gender does not overshadow true capabilities and potentials of all employees, where all employees are treated equally and given the same opportunities and recognition, and where detrimental work environments do not exist for either gender.
Implications for HR professionals: The findings of the study provide important implications for HR professionals of IT companies. Given the labour shortage in the IT industry in Sri Lanka, it is critical for organizations to attract and retain good employees, more specifically female employees, who are considered to be an unused resource with much potential to integrate into the IT sector. For this to happen, HR managers need to understand and consider the negative perceptions and issues women face in these male dominant settings in order to design their recruitment and selection initiatives as well as other initiatives in career development in order to retain these female employees. HR should ensure that equality and fair treatment is guaranteed in selection as well as in promotions and this equality and fairness should be made visible to employees, specifically to female employees. Most importantly, HR should understand the many difficulties these women in male dominant work teams face and thus take necessary steps to create a culture of mutual trust, respect, recognition and inclusiveness. Organizational interventions such as building role models and developing mentoring programmes would help women address their concerns and issues. Further, partnerships with educational institutes which provide IT related education, to change and address these negative attitudes, perceptions and stereotypical beliefs will lead to reducing the challenges women face in the industry.
Limitations and directions for future research: As in any research endeavour, this article has a number of limitations. The fact that very few men were selected as respondents can be seen as a limitation, and an increased number of men could lead to a deeper analysis of some of the themes that were discussed in the article. It would also have helped to understand in depth how men actually perceive women in their teams and whether women’s perceptions about their own status and capabilities are shared by men. The fact that there was only one female leader among the respondents too was a limitation, in that, the difficulties and issues female leaders face in a male dominant setting was not sufficiently gauged or explored. Stemming from the limitations of the study stated above, future research can examine how men perceive women in male dominant work teams to understand how Kanter’s theory would apply from a dominants’ perspective. Further, exploration of career progression and continuous professional development of women as tokens in these IT project teams too will provide a worthwhile area of study to understand what happens to women in these male dominant industries.
