Ukrainian Displaced Women and Sex Work in Canada: A Qualitative Exploration of Experiences

Abstract

Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Canada has welcomed displaced Ukrainians through federal resettlement initiatives. Faced with challenges in securing employment and housing, some Ukrainian displaced women have engaged in sex work, either voluntarily or as a means of survival. This qualitative study utilizes a critical interpretive phenomenological approach to explore the lived experiences of five Ukrainian displaced women who engaged in sex work in Canada. This study was guided by two theoretical frameworks, social identity theory and critical feminist theory, which informed both the interview approach and the interpretation of participants’ narratives. The following themes were identified: (1) entry into sex work; (2) navigating power, autonomy, and risks in sex work; and (3) coping, resilience, and support needs. This study highlights how intersecting vulnerabilities foster an environment of precarity for Ukrainian displaced women and offers user-informed insight into improving accessibility of healthcare services, community resources, and federal policies to support a safe, long-term integration of this population in Canada and globally.

Keywords

sex work employment displaced women Ukraine Canada

Introduction

The ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict, which started on February 24, 2022, has left one-third of Ukraine’s population displaced, forcing them to seek refuge, support, and humanitarian aid from other countries (Edinger, 2023; UNHCR, n.d-a, n.d-b). The United Nations estimates that 87% of Ukrainian displaced people are women and children as men are prohibited from leaving the country due to martial law (UN Women and Care International, 2022). As of April 2024, Canada has welcomed nearly 300,000 Ukrainians through the Canada-Ukraine Authorization for Emergency Travel (CUAET) initiative (Government of Canada, 2024a). This measure enables Ukrainians to live, work, and enroll in educational programs in Canada until conditions are safe to return to Ukraine (Government of Canada, 2022). However, the temporary nature of the CUAET initiative heightens the ambiguity surrounding its long-term stability and integration of such Ukrainians in Canadian society (Government of Canada, 2022; Greenaway et al., 2022). Despite providing a pathway for Ukrainians, this program does not grant official refugee status and, therefore, does not include federal housing, income, and support for integration that are offered for refugee programs in Canada (Al-Hamad, Meterskey et al., 2024; Government of Canada, 2024c; Greenaway et al., 2022).

Shortly after their arrival in Canada, Ukrainians are faced with the challenge of securing employment to meet their basic needs. However, their entry into the workforce is complicated as they often have limited knowledge of English and lack North American employment history, often leading to precarious or dangerous working conditions (Bejan & Bryan, 2022). As a result, Ukrainians might find themselves accepting jobs that directly include sex work or some aspect of it, such as online content creation, erotic dancing, massages, companionships or other forms (International Organization for Migration, 2023). Despite the lack of current and accurate data regarding the gender composition of sex workers in Canada, approximately 75% of individuals in the sex work industry identify as women (Benoit & Shumka, 2021). Ukrainian displaced women involved in sex work constitute an overlooked and underserved community highlighting substantial gaps in health and protection services. The current literature reveals a significant gap in research and practical guidance on how to effectively support newcomers from war-torn areas who are vulnerable to or involved in sex work (Chahine et al., 2024). The challenges faced by displaced Ukrainians in Canada highlight the need for comprehensive support systems that address the gap in providing adequate employment support (Al-Hamad, Yasin, & Metersky, 2024). The aim of this study is to explore the lived experiences of Ukrainian displaced women in Canada regarding their engagement in sex work. In particular, the study focused on identifying the factors and forces leading to sex work, their experiences during this period, the impact of sex work on individuals’ health, including mental health, and their hopes for the future. Exploring the needs, challenges, coping, and resiliency of this population in Canada is crucial for understanding how to effectively support this vulnerable group. Such measures aim to create a supportive environment within the community that promotes the wellbeing of Ukrainian displaced women. Insights gained from this study can inform transnational debates on labor, exploitation and human rights, as well as refine refugee and immigration policies not only in Canada, but globally, by highlighting the intersection of forced migration and gendered vulnerability.

Background

Many Ukrainian displaced women have experienced instances of violence and trauma prior to relocation, leading to increased stress levels in their host country (Długosz, 2023). These women part ways with their belongings and most family members (often they travel with their children only) as they seek safety and security from situations that are life-threatening (Lieberman, 2022; Oviedo et al., 2022). Given the abrupt and unforeseen nature of their departure, they most often lack access to financial support from their home country. Upon arrival in Canada, Ukrainians are allowed to apply for open work permits (Government of Canada, 2024c), with sex work not being permitted under the conditions of these work permits (Habibinia, 2023). Any violations of this may result in infractions of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act and increase the risk of facing deportation (Habibinia, 2023). However, Ukrainian displaced women encounter challenges when attempting to secure stable employment and income, given the experiences of discrimination, language barriers, inadequate acknowledgment of foreign credentials, changes in gender roles and lack of work experience in the country of arrival (Bešić & Aigner, 2023; Długosz, 2023; Polkowska & Filipek, 2020). These challenges frequently position them into entering and obtaining lower-skilled and less stable employment (Polkowska & Filipek, 2020). Furthermore, the intersections of race, gender, and immigration status add layers of complexity to the process of social integration and securing employment for Ukrainian displaced women (Liebig & Tronstad, 2018). As a result of displacement and loss of stability, Ukrainian displaced women are faced with increased vulnerability to various forms of exploitation, including sexual exploitation or coercive recruitment in sex work (Cockbain & Sidebottom, 2025).

Widespread stigma regarding sex workers – based upon stereotyping versus empirical evidence – works to discredit individuals and justify their exclusion and marginalization from other socially acceptable in-groups (Chabot, 2022). The combined effects of stigmatization and criminalization of sex work ultimately affect the ability to obtain support and potentially lead to job conditions that increase the risk to violence and poor health (Krüsi et al., 2016). These challenges increase the likelihood of Ukrainian displaced women facing sexual exploitation, abuse, and sex trafficking as they navigate their precarious situations (Anjum et al., 2023; Lee et al., 2023). Researchers at Thomson Reuters have observed an increased demand for Ukrainian pornography since the invasion, a trend that may potentially encourage traffickers to act with greater impunity (Taylor, 2023). Additionally, an analysis of internet search patterns revealed a concerning rise in the prevalence of pornographic material depicting displaced Ukrainians, with searches for sexually exploitative phrases (e.g., Ukrainian porn) related to Ukrainian displaced women increasing by 300% (Taylor, 2023). In Canada, the attempts to lure Ukrainian displaced women into sex work have been noted in the news. Such news included Ukrainian displaced women being offered possibilities to perform “erotic webcam work” for pay after they were hosted by a host couple from London, Ontario (Lupton, 2023). Furthermore, another Ukrainian displaced woman was told she had the potential to make $450 USD per day (Habibinia, 2023). Upon her refusal, stating that her work permit prohibited her from sex work, her host offered to falsify a document saying that she was entering Canada to work in the sex industry (Habibinia, 2023).

While it is clear that some women have evidently decided to deny sex work and expose these instances of exploitation through the media, numerous others find themselves forced to engage in sex work as a means to survive (Fong, 2022). Ukrainian displaced women are particularly vulnerable to fall victim to sex trafficking during times of transition when they publicly declare their need for employment and housing (Fong, 2022). However, little is known about the lived experiences and needs of Ukrainian displaced women engaging in sex work in the North American context since the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The present study addresses this critical knowledge and service gap by identifying factors and forces leading to sex work, lived experiences and needs during this period, and Ukrainian displaced women’s hopes for the future, resulting in the development of resources for immediate impact to the community.

Methods

Theoretical Framework

Social Identity Theory (Stets & Burke, 2000; Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and Critical Feminist Theory (Clark, 2007) served as the guiding theoretical frameworks for the study. Social Identity Theory suggests that individuals define themselves through membership in social groups, and that identity formation involves three key processes: social categorization, social identification, and social comparison (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). These constructs were relevant in understanding how participants navigated their changing identities as displaced persons, workers, and women within a Canadian context. Further, the relationship between the psychological and evaluative aspects of self-categorization was examined using Social Identity Theory (Stets & Burke, 2000). In complement, Critical Feminist Theory was used to examine gender as a central focus of inquiry in exploring Ukrainian displaced women’s experience engaging in sex work (Clark, 2007). Critical Feminist Theory encourages the exploration of personal and systemic interactions, power relationships, and raising consciousness through the sharing of personal stories in order to illuminate a broader picture of women’ s treatment in society (Clark, 2007). These frameworks center on the ways in which identity, power, and systemic inequalities shaped Ukrainian displaced women’ s voices and self-perceptions. Such theoretical underpinnings shaped the way data was collected by informing the design of a semi-structured interview guide and optional prompts, allowing participants to reflect on the intersection of their identities and systemic inequalities. These frameworks also provided a means to examine both the psychological processes of identity negotiation and the structural conditions influencing Ukrainian displaced women’s engagement in sex work.

Study Design

A detailed description of the study rationale and study design has been previously reported (Metersky et al., 2025). In brief, this study employed interpretive phenomenology to explore the lived experiences of Ukrainian displaced women engaging in sex work in Canada (Frechette et al., 2020). Interpretive phenomenology acknowledges that researchers cannot fully detach from the participants in the study, making the co-construction of knowledge an essential component of data analysis (Burns & Peacock, 2019). The study team consisted of the principal investigator (PI) and co-principal investigator (co-PI), both registered nurses and qualitative researchers; two graduate-level research assistants trained in qualitative interviewing and data management; and a representative from a community partner organization who was also a former sex worker and is familiar with the Canadian sex worker industry. In this study, co-construction of knowledge occurred through dialogic, semi-structured interviews, iterative reflection, and participant feedback on emerging interpretations, thus ensuring both researcher and participant perspectives were active contributors to meaning-making.

Recruitment

Purposive recruitment of participants was facilitated through our community partner organization, a local organization run by sex workers, in support of sex workers. The recruitment flyer was disseminated widely through the community organization’s research channels and shared across various social media channels targeting Ukrainian displaced women in Canada. Purposive sampling was used to recruit and interview five Ukrainian displaced women. In line with SAGER guidelines, this study defines “gender” as socially constructed roles and identities, shaped by cultural and historical contexts that may vary across time and settings (Heidari et al., 2016). The inclusion criteria included Ukrainian displaced women 19 years old or above, who self-identify as women, are able to understand and read English or Ukrainian to give consent for participation, who had arrived in Canada since February 2022 under the CUAET program and had engaged in some element of sex work either willingly or unwillingly while in Canada for survival. Exclusion criteria for participants included being outside of the perimeters of the inclusion criteria, but also not be suffering from emotional trauma, experiencing amnesia as a result of traumatic events to ensure accuracy of and ability to recall experiences, and be in psychological counseling. Interested participants contacted the Principal Investigator (PI) directly via e-mail, and a bilingual consent form was shared at least a week prior to the interviews with participants who met the inclusion criteria. For in-person interviews, participants provided the PI with written informed consent prior to data collection and were given a $125 honorarium in the form of cash for their time to compensate for lost wages, potential childcare expenses and traveling to and from the data collection site. For online interviews, participants signed the consent electronically and confirmed verbally prior to the data collection. The honorarium to these participants was provided in the form of an e-gift card that could be used for retail, groceries or miscellaneous items. In total, five participants who met the inclusion criteria took part in this study; two participants directly engaged in some form of sex work, while the other three shared being coerced into such work for a period of time, but that this was not their main source of income.

Data Collection

Each participant (N = 5) engaged in an audio-recorded, individual semi-structured interview that lasted approximately 1 hr. Each interview was conducted solely by the study’s PI, in English or Ukrainian. Of the five interviews, two were conducted in person, in the private space of the PI’s office, which offered audio and visual privacy, and three were conducted via Zoom. The interviews encouraged participants to share factors and circumstances leading to engagement in sex work, their experiences during this period, and their hopes for the future. Based upon Malterud et al.’s (2016) concept of information power, the more information a sample holds, the lower the number of participants is needed for a qualitative interview. A sample size of five participants is justified for this study due to the relatively narrow aim of the study, the specificity and depth of experiences shared by the population of interest, and the choice of well-established theoretical perspectives to guide the present study (Malterud et al., 2016).

Data Management and Analysis

The audio recordings of the interviews traveled with the study PI and were immediately uploaded to the PI’s secure institutional Google Drive and erased from the recorder following each in-person interview. All interviews were transcribed verbatim by another bilingual (English and Ukrainian) member of the research team, then translated by the same member when necessary. Translated interview transcriptions were stored securely in encrypted files in the PI’s secure Google Drive. No video recordings were retained, and audio-recordings were deleted upon transcription.

By combining interpretive methodology with an in-depth examination of lived experiences, this integrated method enables broader and more complex knowledge to emerge (Frechette et al., 2020). Through the analysis, the data were aggregated and anonymized, with all identifiers removed to ensure the confidentiality and privacy of the participants. Lastly, the data underwent hermeneutic analysis to develop a collective understanding of the lived experiences of Ukrainian displaced women who engaged in sex work in Canada. This approach involves engaging with participants’ narratives to interpret the cultural, social, political, and historical contexts that shaped their experiences (Clarke, 1999; Frechette et al., 2020). Central to this methodology is the hermeneutic circle, whereby meaning is identified through an iterative process of moving between the parts and the whole of the text through frequent and repeated reading, reflection, and reinterpretation of the data (Clarke, 1999). Two members of the research team conducted independent data coding, followed by collaborative work to resolve any discrepancies that arose.

Rigor

To ensure appropriate rigor in this study, multiple strategies were employed. Dependability was supported by a detailed audit trail and regular team debriefings. Confirmability was addressed through reflexive journaling and an iterative data analysis process. Transferability of findings was facilitated by thick description of participants’ contextual factors, enabling external parties to assess applicability of findings to other environments.

Reflexivity

The PI is an immigrant woman with connections to Ukrainian displaced women involved in Canada’s sex industry and another member of the research team is a first-generation migrant woman from Ukraine. As such, it is not possible to fully dissociate from the topic as personal experiences and perspectives may inherently influence the research. The research team has maintained reflexivity by acknowledging their own biases and how their backgrounds and relationships with the community might have influenced the study through self-reflection and detailed field documentation. Both the PI and co-PI have extensive expertise in conducting over 50 qualitative research studies and working alongside vulnerable communities for the past 15 years, which has contributed to promoting methodological rigor and ethical practices at all stages of the study. Moreover, the recruitment for this study was challenged by societal online backlash from Ukrainian community members on social media due to the sensitive and stigmatized nature of the topic in society. The research team engaged in reflexivity and peer debriefing to protect themselves and potential study participants during the recruitment process.

Ethical Considerations

The study has been reviewed and received approval from the Toronto Metropolitan University Research Ethics Board (REB#2024-007). Written informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to beginning data collection. Participants were provided with detailed study information outlining their rights, the voluntary nature of participation, and the limits of confidentiality, explained in their language of choice (English or Ukrainian). Given the sensitivity of the topic, in-person interviews were conducted in a secure, private environment and online interviews took place at a date and time that was most convenient for the participant to ensure comfort and safety with careful attention paid to emotional safety and participant autonomy. Participants were assigned pseudonyms during the interview process but reassigned to numeric identifiers within the manuscript to further protect their identity by minimizing the risk of participants being identified through linguistic or cultural cues. Participants were provided with information about how to access free mental health resources and community support programs prior to engaging in interviews. Respect, empathy, and reciprocity was held at the center of researcher-participant interactions to emphasize relational ethics. The research team engaged in ongoing reflexive journaling and team debriefing to ensure that participants’ narratives were represented with dignity and integrity.

Findings

Three major themes were identified through our critical interpretive analysis, offering the opportunity to contextualize and deepen the understanding of the experiences of Ukrainian displaced women in Canada that led them to sex work employment to make ends meet. These themes are: (1) entry into sex work; (2) navigating power, autonomy risks in sex work; and (3) coping, resilience, and support needs. These themes reflect the progression in participants’ lived experiences: from the circumstances that led them to sex work, to the everyday realities of working within it, and finally to the ways they coped and the support they need. Participants’ unique lived experiences are captured below and supported by participants’ direct quotations to highlight contextual nuances and consistency with findings. All names of the participants have been replaced by unique numerical identifiers to protect their identities.

Theme 1: Entry into Sex Work

The first theme offers the opportunity to understand the challenges and vulnerabilities affecting participants’ lives prior to their arrival to Canada, and the forces which placed them in precarious circumstances and facilitated entry into sex work. This theme is divided into three sub-themes to reflect the different conditions and stages that led participants to enter sex work industry.

Sub-Theme 1a: Pre-arrival Circumstances

The escalation of war in Ukraine caused distress and uncertainty among participants as well as urgently forced them to flee their country with no preparation for such a long journey. For example, participants in the study reported feeling emotionally distressed due to war in their country. Participant 4 shared that:

At the beginning of the war, it felt like the earth had disappeared from under me. There was no footing, no understanding of where to live, how to live, or for how long. It was complete darkness, but I had to pull myself together and make decisions. (Participant 4)

While all participants shared gratitude to the Canadian community for the opportunity to live a safe and peaceful life, their migration journey was challenging. Participant 4, in her interview, mentioned how she “must always stay vigilant, especially as a woman, as a foreigner, and especially as a woman with a child. You cannot afford to relax, not even for a moment.”

Due to the sudden escalation of the war conflict, Ukrainian displaced women had no time to prepare for their future life in a new host country. This urgency to flee prevented many participants from acquiring foreign language skills or gathering resources that are typically necessary for international relocation. For example, one of the participants had to take loans in Ukraine to pay for the costs to travel to Canada, while another participant suddenly discovered that her Ukrainian credit cards were not functional in Canada. Thus, understanding the multiple vulnerabilities affecting Ukrainian displaced women prior to their arrival to Canada sets the foundation for recognizing the context influencing their decisions, behaviors, and choices as they settled in Canada.

Sub-Theme 1b: Navigating Life After Settlement

Following entry into Canada, participants encountered barriers to their successful integration into Canadian society. For example, participants reported mixed experiences related to obtaining accommodation. Due to the lack of credit history in Canada, some participants reported difficulty finding a suitable rental property, as landlords often asked for the rent to be prepaid 3 to 6 months in advance. In fact, one participant mentioned a situation where they were asked to prepay the rent for an entire year by a Toronto landlord. Other participants identified finding affordable accommodation through social media platforms. Particularly, one of the participants connected with a family who let her stay in their home through social media, while another discovered her rental by connecting with other members of the Ukrainian community in Canada through Facebook. Importantly, some participants also knew about cases of Internet deceit, as Ukrainian displaced women had started publicly sharing situations where they lost significant amounts of money to fraudulent offers.

Moreover, some participants expressed difficulty in finding employment. To manage their vulnerable financial situation upon arrival to Canada, these Ukrainian displaced women needed to urgently find employment in the host country, which was further complicated by Canada’s lack of recognition of their foreign credentials. In the case of Participant 3, despite holding several Master’s degrees in Ukraine, she found herself in a critical situation:

When you run out of money and don’t even know how you’ll make it to the next week, you end up looking for the fastest way to earn money. And, of course, your choices are very, very limited, especially when everything you had or were qualified for isn’t needed here. (Participant 3)

Additionally, employers required potential applicants to have some Canadian job experience even when applying for minimum-wage positions. For example, Participant 2 shared about not being able to get a job as a cleaner in a Canadian hotel despite having previous experience with this type of employment back home and in various European countries:

Even when I tried to find a job as a cleaner, they asked me if I had any experience. I said “yes”, but they asked me where I worked in Canada. . .I said not in Canada, in Ukraine [. . .] They said it’s different. (Participant 2)

Study participants also shared incidences of unfair treatment by their employers, who knew the urgent need for Ukrainians to find a job upon arrival. Participant 3 noted being asked to do an unpaid internship for a minimum-wage position, where they were fired right after the unpaid trial period ended:

Unfortunately, they take advantage of this - knowing we have no options and are desperate to accept any conditions. They hire us for some trial period and then fire us without any reason. They just look for someone else to pay less or push you out without any official or legal explanation for why they did it. (Participant 3)

Some participants noted an additional pressure created by their temporary displaced status in Canada. In the case of Participant 1, the need to urgently find employment was amplified by her fear of not receiving the Canadian Permanent Residency before her temporary status expires:

. . .a woman under constant stress, always being threatened with deportation, can’t handle that. They’d say, “Why aren’t you immigrating? Your time is running out, and your work permit is about to expire,” just like in my case. And a woman doesn’t know what to do—she’s forced to accept anything, under moral pressure, a lot of it. I’ve never experienced pressure like that before. . . (Participant 1)

As a result of being placed in a precarious situation, Ukrainian displaced women had no other choice but to accept any conditions that improved their living conditions, even if that involved tolerating some level of abuse or exploitation. That was the case for Participant 1, as they continuously experienced verbal and financial abuse from their distant relatives who agreed to host her and her child in Canada. Realizing that they cannot afford any other accommodation at the moment, this study participant had to accept any conditions made by the owner of the property they lived in, whether it involved non-consensual domestic labor or being not allowed to use the kitchen, “We were guests, so we couldn’t say anything. But we were so hungry, I can’t even describe it, we even felt nauseous. The hunger was constant.”

In the case of Participant 5, she believed that she had to tolerate her boss’s inappropriate behavior to keep her employment, “I tried to work as a waitress and a boss was making moves towards me. . .On one hand, I needed this job. On the other hand, I understand that they tolerate me here despite my lack of language skills.” As a result, lack of financial security and fear of losing employment or housing have impacted these Ukrainian displaced women’s choices and behaviors, leading them to tolerating exploitative conditions or abusive situations.

Sub-Theme 1c: When Sex Work Became an Option

The intersection of described hardships set the stage for participants’ eventual choice to enter sex work. The last sub-theme explores in detail how participants made this choice, preserving their voices and interpretations to respect the uniqueness and commonalities of their experiences. Although each participant had somewhat different experiences, they were united by a shared need to navigate the tension between necessity and agency in their decisions to enter sex work. For example, some participants shared being coerced into sexual acts or sexual work for money by their landlords or their new acquaintances in Canada that they met through social media platforms. In such circumstances, Ukrainian displaced women reported that the coercion into sex work was not explicit but rather was a continuation of abuse that they had to tolerate due to their vulnerability.

However, in other cases, Ukrainian displaced women decided to turn to sex work without the influence of others, realizing that it was their last choice for survival. For example, for Participant 3, her choice to pursue sex work employment was related to her financial precarity and inability to find employment in her field. The only type of employment available to her was physically demanding, which negatively affected her health and wellbeing:

I don't have the best health and have some mild disabilities, it eventually started having very negative effects on me. I realized I needed to find something else - any options - because I was spending most of my money on healthcare, and it wasn't helping. (Participant 3)

While searching for alternative employment, Participant 3 found a website where individuals can offer or request various regular services ranging from house cleaning to companionship. In such cases, the services were never directly advertised as sexual but rather progressed to such offers throughout their employer-employee relationships once the job began in person.

Participant 2, who had some experience with sex work back home, realized that she had to consider such employment again to survive in Canada. To find sex work, she turned to the Internet. She shared that she searched both websites specifically dedicated to sex work as well as regular social media platforms, such as a social forum called Torontovka for Russian-speaking members of the Canadian community, where sex work is one of the most common job advertisements. Notably, her decision to go with this specific sex work employer was influenced by the advertised accommodation and the speedy application process. The employer was not fully transparent about what the job would entail in exchange for “free” accommodations. While she had received a contract to sign before moving to the accommodation, she did not fully understand the details of this contract due to the language barrier, and no translation services were provided during contract signing. This participant’s narrative highlighted how individuals’ entry into sex work may appear voluntary, but deceptive practices by employers can undermine risk or omit important information to make an informed decision. As evident from these detailed accounts of participants’ paths into sex work, the intersection of economic hardships, limited language skills, and unstable living conditions produced an environment where sex work became a viable opportunity, whether it was directly sought or imposed.

Theme 2: Navigating Power, Autonomy, and Risks in Sex Work

The second theme captures the lived experiences of participants as they engage in sex work. Their experiences revealed the themes of power and autonomy that could be both enabled and constrained by the conditions of sex work. In addition, this theme explores the risks to participants’ health and well-being that resulted directly from their involvement in sex work. Participants’ accounts demonstrate conditional and negotiated experiences, revealing the need to constantly navigate such complexities of sex work while building a new life in Canada.

Participants’ experience of autonomy was noted to be situated and contingent rather than absolute, due to the working conditions that imposed a certain level of power and control. For example, Participant 2’s day-to-day work realities were organized and controlled by her recruiter. She was provided with shared accommodation, some living necessities, such as detergent and towels, and a once-a-week cleaning service. Nevertheless, living in such an accommodation required the participant to follow certain rules and a specific work schedule. For example, she felt that she had no time to integrate into a new Canadian society or attend English classes, as she worked 8 to 10 hr per day with 30-min break between clients and 1-hr break for lunch. She had to work for three consecutive days with 1 day off when she was not allowed to stay in the apartment as another woman would occupy her room to work there. During such a break, the participant shared walking circles outside in the vicinity of the building she lived in, as she had nowhere else to go. Moreover, Participant 2 and the women who lived with her were obliged to change their living accommodation every month in an effort to avoid raising suspicion and further stigmatization by neighbors or public authorities.

Participant 3 shared feeling in control over her workday, emphasizing that her employment relationships progressed to a more intimate level only with mutual consent at the beginning, at least. As such, she prioritized building long-lasting relationships with the same clients rather than having more clients. However, Participant 2 could not control choosing the clients. Driven by the necessity to adhere to the schedule created by her recruiters, she would accept clients from a broad spectrum of socio-economic backgrounds, “Some of my clients were homeless. When they do not have money they still come. . . in their torn sneakers. . .you can buy yourself 2 or 3 pairs of new sneakers for this money. . . And rich men also come.” To note, Participant’s 2 work schedule was also not flexible to her personal circumstances, such as in cases when she continued to work during her menstrual cycle, necessitating her to work through the physical discomfort.

Participants also described some moments that appear to represent care or support within sex work environment. For example, Participant 2 shared that she received gifts from clients, such as a tablet to learn English in her free time. In addition, her recruiters arranged for her to see a Russian-speaking doctor when she required medical care. Participant 3 described how some of her clients offered her to live with them for free as an attempt to ease her financial struggles. On the surface, these offers seem like acts of kindness, but they also reinforce unequal power dynamics, where participants become dependent on their recruiters or clients.

Regardless, sex work also involved several risks to participants’ health and wellbeing, because of the risk of non-consensual sexual acts, violence, privacy breaches, transmission of infections, substance abuse, stigmatization, and social isolation. For example, both Participant 2 and Participant 3 reported that they have engaged in sex work consensually. Nevertheless, there were instances when their clients overstepped their initial agreement. Participant 2 shared:

But men do a lot of things. . . they know that you discuss beforehand that this or that shouldn't happen, but they still do it. . . they still try to do it somehow. Sometimes, they try to remove a condom during sex.(Participant 2)

In addition, this study participant noted the risk to her privacy, as some clients would attempt to take her picture to post it on the website dedicated to sex workers in Canada. The participant believed that clients would share such photos to leave their reviews for others to see without discussing whether the participant consented to having their photos shared online. This violation of personal privacy can lead to intense challenges in an individual’s personal and social life.

In Participant 3’s experience, clients would push her boundaries slowly:

Then there are those who are, I'd say, very calculated, strategic, and take their time. They slowly build up to a point where they try to "test the waters," so to speak, to see if you'd agree to something. If you don't set clear boundaries firmly from the start, they just continue trying, pushing a bit further each time. (Participant 3)

Both Participant 2 and 3 noted the risk of physical violence involved in sex work. Participant 3 recalled a case where she was afraid of being kidnaped by the client that she was about to meet for the first time, necessitating her to run away for personal safety. In such cases, Ukrainian displaced women sex workers reported relying on themselves for protection against non-consensual acts and physical violence, “Where I should go or where I could go—no, I don't know, even to this day. What I could do in such a situation would just be improvisation based on the circumstances.”

Moreover, the risk of substance abuse was noted by Participant 2. For her, alcohol was used as a coping mechanism to cope with the realities of her sex work employment, “Sometimes when it was difficult to fall asleep, I would drink alcohol. Sometimes it was difficult to work, and if you drink a couple of glasses it would be easier.”

Furthermore, study participants discussed being affected by the societal stigma that exists toward sex workers; they also noted an increased sexual interest in them as a result of their nationality. Participant 2 reported a lack of respect toward her due to her decision to engage in sex work:

I think others hate us. These same men who come. . . many of them told me, "You make so, so much money" (. . .). They paid that money thinking it was a lot. Some men said, "This job is so easy. You just get satisfied the whole day while doing nothing". And women (. . .) I do not know. I think there are not a lot of women who are sympathetic to us. (Participant 2)

Feeling stigmatized by others led Participant 2 to experience feelings of shame and social isolation, “I did not have a man. I did not want to find friends, because. . .it is difficult as you have to lie about this job. It is really difficult to lie to people all the time.”

Theme 3: Coping, Resilience, and Support Needs

The final theme identifies supports utilized by participants during the transitional period and any outstanding participant-identified needs. Participants’ accounts revealed how they remained resilient despite challenges, finding meaning and connection amid navigating sex work complexities. This theme also preserves what participants emphasize as required systemic change to support others in similar circumstances. For example, to combat social isolation, some participants turned to social media to communicate with other members of the Ukrainian community in Canada and meet new people. Other participants engaged with their existing social support networks, such as family or friends, to cope with difficulties, but most chose not to reveal the nature of their work and experiences with sex work. As such, Ukrainian displaced women found time and opportunity to volunteer in the community, which positively affected their wellbeing.

Notably, participants discussed the positive role of non-governmental organizations in supporting members of the displaced Ukrainian community in Canada. Some participants believed they could safely turn to these organizations in a desperate situation, such as when they cannot find any housing or employment or require legal and psychological assistance. Nevertheless, they also noted the limited capacity of such organizations, as a high number of displaced persons arrived in Canada in the last years, significantly depleting available resources. When it comes to governmental support, Ukrainian displaced women noted the lack of knowledge related to what supports exist and how to access them. The most prominent issue is related to participants’ lack of knowledge of their rights and available support in cases of abuse or assaults as a result of such work, “Even if you try to go to the police, you don't know anything, how to call them or what to say.” (Participant 4)

Participant 2 also noted the difference between the governmental support offered in European countries and in Canada:

They (participants friends) had very different conditions when they arrived in Europe as refugees. They were given apartments. . .not in such big cities. They were given apartments, they got welfare payments, they learned a language, and they even got a scholarship to learn the language. And after learning a language they got a job.

Participants in the present study voiced a desire for equivalent resources, specifically those related to employment and housing support.

Furthermore, participants were asked to identify what kind of support the Canadian government can offer that would benefit people in similar life circumstances. Participant 3 noted the need to address systemic factors that led them to their vulnerable condition, such as having more employment opportunities and recognizing foreign credentials and work experiences:

(. . .) if a job requires education or a license, perhaps there could be programs or alternative ways to obtain those qualifications for people who have no money or no time. Just more diverse options that people can actually access would help. (Participant 3)

Other participants noted the need to increase access to programs and supports that could have addressed the abusive situations or exploitative conditions that they had to tolerate. For example, Participant 4 highlighted their lack of knowledge about the existing resources as a barrier to their utilization, “I wouldn't know how to act if someone attacked me, but I know that riding public transport without a ticket will get me fined. I understand these things because they were explained to me.”

At the end of their interviews, participants were asked to share advice to other displaced women to Canada who might experience similar life circumstances. All study participants warned other women that sex work is challenging, highlighting the need to be cautious and aware of possible risks involved. However, Participant 3 noted that sometimes circumstances are beyond one’s control, leaving individuals with no other choice: “(. . .) if you have absolutely no other options, how can I tell someone, "Don't do it"? How would they survive then? You just need to understand what you're getting into and accept it. That's all.” In such cases, sex work provides a temporary form of stability until other opportunities become possible. Ultimately, participants continued to be future-oriented, seeking ways of remaining connected and understood, despite the overarching circumstances that led them to pursue sex work and the constraints to autonomy and agency within this work.

Discussion

This study makes a substantive contribution to understanding how displacement, precarity, and gendered power relations intersect to shape Ukrainian displaced women’s experiences within sex work in Canada. By applying Critical Feminist and Social Identity theoretical lenses, this work extends current knowledge about how Ukrainian displaced women negotiate agency, identity, and survival in the context of gendered expectations and structural inequalities (Clark, 2007; Stets & Burke, 2000). Existing scholarship has explored the structural determinants of sex work in Canada (Benoit & Shumka, 2021) and how migration-related vulnerabilities are produced as a result of forced displacement and war-related trauma (Cockbain & Sidebottom, 2025); however, this study provides a close examination of these phenomena through the lived experiences of five Ukrainian displaced women adjusting to a new life in Canada shaped by intersecting social, economic, and political restraints.

Through the lens of the Critical Feminist Theory (Clark, 2007), Ukrainian displaced women engaged in sex work had to continuously negotiate their survival in the context of gendered expectations and structural inequalities. For example, they assumed the responsibility of the main household provider role, as many moved to Canada without their partner or family members and often with their dependent child(ren). This further exemplifies the gendered vulnerability of this population, as women are often the ones responsible for full-time caregiver duties because of displacement (Cindoglu, 2022). Further, the participants in this study shared that their survival was often dependent upon circumstances beyond their control, creating conditions where Ukrainian displaced women were more likely to accept exploitative conditions and offers from potential employers or landlords. This finding is consistent with a recent global report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime which notes that displaced populations are at increased risk of human trafficking for sexual exploitation (UNODC, 2024). In this study, such circumstances were related to structural barriers to their integration, such as the inability to find employment and obtain accommodation while feeling under pressure due to the temporality of their migrant status in Canada. When facing these challenges, participants felt that there was no other choice but to accept any offer that could provide a solution to these issues in a timely manner, including sex work.

While the findings of this study suggest that precarity and financial need are the key factors influencing participants’ the decision to engage in sex work, participants in this study identified tangible benefits that challenge the idea of engaging in sex work for survival alone, such as autonomy and flexibility in work schedule (Chabot, 2022). Additionally, sex work employers often advertise resources including housing, direct contact to clients, and defined health and safety measures (Chabot, 2022), which can be valuable to individuals in precarious financial situations. Some participants have noted that sex work was not as physically demanding as some minimum wage jobs, allowing them to feel in control over their workday and personal activities, including caring for family. Interpreted through a Critical Feminist lens (Clark, 2007), these participant insights reveal how Ukrainian displaced women actively negotiated their agency within constrained circumstances, reframing sex work as a strategic means of survival and self-determination, rather than a solely exploitative or last-resort effort.

These experiences also reflected participations’ ongoing reconstruction of identity and belonging (Stets & Burke, 2000) as sex workers. The ability to earn money independently and set one’s own work schedule contributed to a sense of independence for Ukrainian women whose social status may have been destabilized by displacement. However, this independence exists within a paradox: individuals who engage in sex work face significant stigmatization, resulting in the exclusion, discreditation, and “othering” of sex workers from various in-groups (Chabot, 2022). While experiences vary greatly, it is critical to recognize that sex work may involve intense power dynamics between clients and providers, including coercion and violence (Chabot, 2022). Ukrainian displaced women in this study also shared how they were negatively affected by the societal stigma that exists toward sex workers. Participants frequently cited social isolation as a major personal challenge; they noted difficulties in establishing and maintaining romantic and platonic relationships while engaged in sex work in Canada due to real and perceived fear of judgment and ostracization. Aligning with Social Identity Theory (Stets & Burke, 2000), such internal feelings might result from study participants positioning themselves as an “out-group” relative to other members of society who are not sex workers. This in-group and out-group dynamic (Stets & Burke, 2000) may have led to perceived feelings of social exclusion, impacting their ability to form social connections with members of the dominant out-group.

As discussed previously, displaced Ukrainians are not granted refugee status in Canada, limiting their access to tailored support that is available to refugees in Canada (Greenaway et al., 2022). Ukrainian displaced women demonstrated resilience through engaging in positive coping strategies, despite their precarious living conditions. However, none of the participants utilized Canadian mental health services to deal with high stress. Study participants noted financial difficulties and lack of knowledge about such services as the factors preventing their utilization of existing mental health services. This is consistent with findings from other Canadian studies that looked at both refugee and displaced peoples’ access to mental health services, revealing a number of barriers, such as lack of language competency, socio-economic vulnerability, stigma, lack of awareness about existing services and fear of repercussions (Salami et al., 2019; Thomson et al., 2015). The situation differs in European countries, where Ukrainians, recognized as refugees, could secure employment in their field and had greater access to tailored governmental support (Ellis et al., 2024; Riabovolyk et al., 2022). In such circumstances, displaced Ukrainians experienced less emotional distress and easier integration into the host society (Ellis et al., 2024).

Implications

In the present study, participants highlighted displacement-related vulnerabilities affecting their ability to survive in Canada. Further, they also discussed their lived realities of sex work – both positive and negative experiences – and shared how they utilized existing supports within the community to meet immediate needs; for example, some participants noted the ability to access safe support from non-governmental organizations for assistance with housing, employment, legal assistance, or psychological distress, despite the limited capacities of these organizations. However, other participants discussed a lack of knowledge related to available existing support. This clear identification of knowledge and outreach needs is an important consideration for policymakers and organizations who support displaced Ukrainians, particularly Ukrainian displaced women, in Canada. While all Ukrainian temporary residents (and family members) in Canada can currently access free settlement services, funding processes for settlement services through the Canadian government have been temporarily extended only until March 31, 2025 (Government of Canada, 2024c). These settlement services include language training, employment-related services, community connections, transportation, translation, and child-care, which are critical to the successful integration of newcomers into Canadian society (Government of Canada, 2024b). The cessation of these available services is likely to disproportionately affect more vulnerable populations, like the participating displaced women engaged in sex work in this study. Policymakers can use these findings to develop longer-standing solutions for Ukrainian displaced women to thrive in Canada, including clear pathways for migration and systems to match employment skills and relevant work experience to meaningful employment.

Participants also identified knowledge gaps related to accessible healthcare, especially in cases of sexual or physical abuse and assault, for fear of legal repercussions. Nurses are often the first point of contact for sex workers seeking healthcare services, therefore they must be aware of how their own biases associated with sex work might affect their clients’ disclosure of information and should strive to inform the worker of available resources and their legal rights in a non-judgmental way (Ma & Loke, 2021). As sex workers’ access to harm reduction strategies is sometimes restricted through criminal justice interventions (Chabot, 2022) or other external factors, it is critical for screening services and sexual wellness resources to be made widely known, available, and accessible to this population who is at increased risk for sexually transmitted infection. The findings from this study also suggest the need for more culturally sensitive care, including health services provided in the user’s preferred language.

The present study has addressed the critical gap in the literature by exploring an under-researched topic. While the study emphasized the conditions leading to sex work recruitment among this vulnerable population and their lived experiences, there is a need to conduct future research focused on the long-term effects of such employment on Ukrainian displaced women’s holistic wellbeing. Moreover, the present study had certain gaps, such as a limited sample size due to unanticipated public backlash during the recruitment process and a narrow focus on a specific population group. Future studies can shed light on the needs of larger and more diverse population groups, including but not limited to recruiting more diverse population samples or conducting research in different geographical regions and contexts.

Limitations

The target population for this study was 8 to 10 participants, but only five participants were recruited. This smaller sample somewhat limits the transferability of the study findings to broader populations. Vulnerable populations and persons are known to be hard-to-reach for research purposes due to stigmatization, power imbalances and further risks to their precarious status as a result of research-related activities (Ellard-Gray et al., 2015). However, the aim of this study was to capture the detailed and nuanced lived experiences of study participants, emphasizing the depth of obtained information rather than the number of perspectives. Furthermore, three study participants had reported only being lured into sex work but that sex work was not their main source of income. These study participants were included based on their shared experiences that have led to exploring vulnerabilities affecting Ukrainian displaced women in Canada and shaping their precarious living situations. Moreover, changes to immigration policies and the socio-political and economic landscape might alter the relevance of study findings, limiting their applicability in the future. Finally, member checking was not conducted due to the sensitive nature of participants’ experiences and the ethical priority to minimize burden. However, multiple other strategies were implemented to uphold rigor in this study, including reflexive journaling and interpretive dialog amongst the research team.

Conclusion

This study explored the meaning of Ukrainian displaced women’s lived experiences engaging in sex work in Canada for survival, with a particular focus on identifying the factors and forces leading to sex work, their experiences during this period, and their hopes for the future. By illuminating the experiences of Ukrainian displaced women who engaged in sex work in Canada, the study contributes to a growing body of literature which seeks to understand, and better support, displaced populations who engage in sex work, both willingly and unwillingly, as a financial means to provide for themselves and their families. As we continue to address the challenges faced by Ukrainian displaced women in Canada, fostering community-driven, accessible, and culturally sensitive solutions remain a priority to promote long-term wellbeing for these resilient people.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

We would like to acknowledge Ellie Ade Kaur, former Executive Director of our community partner organization, Maggie’s Toronto Sex Workers’ Action Project, who contributed their expertise during the study conduct and manuscript editing for accuracy of content and language used.

ORCID iDs

Kateryna Metersky

Areej Al-Hamad

Kristina Tsvygun

Ethical Considerations

Approval for this study was granted by the institutional Research Ethics Board (REB 2024-007).

Consent to Participate

Written informed consent (for inclusion and collection/use of data, as applicable) was obtained from participants prior to engaging in this study.

Consent for Publication

Written informed consent for publication was provided by participants prior to engaging in this study.

Author Contributions

Kateryna Metersky: Conceptualization, Methodology, Validation, Formal Analysis, Investigation, Resources, Data Curation, Writing – Original Draft, Writing-Review & Editing, Visualization, Supervision, Project Administration, Funding Acquisition. Areej Al-Hamad: Methodology, Validation, Writing-Review & Editing. Kristina Tsvygun: Data Curation, Validation, Methodology, Writing – Original Draft, Writing-Review & Editing, Visualization. Valerie Tan: Methodology, Writing – Original Draft, Writing-Review & Editing, Visualization. Victoria Hayrabedian: Writing - Original Draft.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada under Partnership Engage Grant (grant number 1352011). The funding source had no involvement in study design, data collection, analysis, interpretation, writing of the report, or the decision to submit the article for publication.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Data Availability Statement

Due to the nature of this topic, research data is considered confidential for protection of our participants.

Author Biographies

Kateryna Metersky, RN, PhD (N) is an Associate Professor at Toronto Metropolitan University, Faculty of Community Services, Daphne Cockwell School of Nursing in Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

Areej Al-Hamad, RN, PhD (HP), PhD (N) is an Assistant Professor at Toronto Metropolitan University, Faculty of Community Services, Daphne Cockwell School of Nursing in Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

Kristina Tsvygun, RN, BScN is a Master of Nursing student and a Research Assistant at Toronto Metropolitan University, Faculty of Community Services, Daphne Cockwell in Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

Valerie Tan, RN, MN is a Research Assistant at Toronto Metropolitan University, Faculty of Community Services, Daphne Cockwell School of Nursing in Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

Victoria Hayrabedian is a Research Assistant at Toronto Metropolitan University, Faculty of Community Services, Daphne Cockwell School of Nursing in Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

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