Abstract
When one comes across discussions on Muslim OBCs in the media, it does not provide the viewers with a holistic understanding of the various problems and issues that exist among the Muslim backward classes. Indian Muslims are often presented and perceived by the general public as a monolithic group that is averse to modernization because of their religious beliefs. This line of understanding squarely puts the onus of development on the Muslims and ignores the socio economic structural barriers to development faced by the Muslim OBC community. Against this backdrop, Azra Khanam attempts to dispel existing stereotypes regarding the composition of Muslims in India or the reasons for their lower economic status and fill the knowledge gap through her book Muslim Backward Classes: A Sociological Perspective.
The author explores why in spite of egalitarian messages of Islam, the Muslims in India are stratified like their Hindu counterpart. She does this by reviewing the existing literature on the historical and sociological reasons for the caste like social structure within the Muslim community. Some of the variables that shape Muslim stratification include the date of religious conversion, foreign or Indian origin of the group, their pedigree in terms of their ruling status. However, much alike the Hindus, occupation is by far is the most important variable which has traditionally influenced social and economic status of Indian Muslims.
There is a tremendous regional variation in the composition and stratifications of Muslims in India. The proportion or the significance of the constituting variables which define their stratification varies across regions. But what remains consistent across India is the pattern that members of the lower caste are associated with menial or less prestigious occupation, lower educational status as compared to the members of higher caste.
As the main subject of the author’s interest is the Muslim OBCs, she provides extensive information on the origin and history of the term ‘backward classes’ and how the Indian Constitution explains and deals with this term. Azra also investigates the legal and constitutional provisions for the protection of minorities, policy frameworks and affirmative action for the betterment of Muslim OBCs.
To complement the macro level review of the trend, pattern and causes of Muslim stratification, the author provides an in-depth micro level empirical study of sociological profile of 500 Muslim OBC households in Pihani block, in Hardoi district of Uttar Pradesh. The overall profile of the Muslim OBCs is analyzed in terms of Millennium Development Goals (MDCs) in 2015. Much of her investigation agrees and confirms previous findings, such as the Sachar Committee Report in 2006, which highlighted how the Muslims are lagging behind in terms of most of the human development indicators—such as education and employment. Azra’s sample of Muslim OBCs also reveals low levels of literacy and land ownership for production, employment in the low skilled non-agricultural sectors and large family sizes. A gender analysis reveals very low level of women’s engagement in economic activities. Very few of those who worked did so from their homes by assisting their husbands in traditional family occupation.
What are the reasons for low levels of social and economic status of Muslim OBCs? The author lists various reasons after an exhaustive review of the existing literature ranging from historical, traditional, social and economical. These range from the impact of 1857 mutiny, partition of India, land reforms, abolition of the zamindari system or Ceiling Act, discrimination, negligence of scientific knowledge, lack of leadership, etc. However, the current lower socioeconomic status of the majority of Muslims and especially the Muslim OBCs stem primarily from their educational and economic status.
The quantitative data and qualitative descriptions of the Muslim OBCs make it easier for the reader to understand why the Muslims OBCs have not been able to take advantage of the economic development after liberalization of the Indian economy. The poor economic conditions in which they live means access to no or at best poor quality education that does not provide employable skills that would allow participation in developmental activities and process. Moreover, the general awareness level and political participation is low. In addition to structural issues such as poor living conditions and lack of proper schools, which inhibit development, Muslim women particularly have to bear the prevailing traditional, religious and patriarchal attitudes which favour larger family sizes and women’s seclusion which impacts their educational attainment and general awareness of their legal entitlements, work participation outside their house and political participation.
Based on her findings, the author wonders how India is going to achieve the targets of MDCs by 2015 if large chunk of Muslim OBC population is left behind. She therefore makes a strong case for policy intervention, especially in the form of reservation, for the advancement of Muslim OBCS as well for the success for democracy.
Those who are interested in understanding the Muslim social stratification and the reasons for their backwardness will surely benefit from the exhaustive background information which the author provides. This is important in the light that while the vast majority of us are aware of the Hindu social stratification system, we have very little knowledge of caste and class differences among Muslims in India. Muslims are often viewed as undifferentiated group with foreign origin. This study dispels such notion and highlights the striking similarities between the Hindu caste system and the Muslim stratification. Caste plays an important role in defining their socioeconomic status, age of marriage and mate selection. Muslim OBCs therefore face the double burden of caste and religious discrimination.
However, as the narrative of this book is steeped in details, similar to a doctoral dissertation, it might restrict the readership to academics and fail to attract wider audience. Often significant points, postulations and reasons regarding Muslim stratification and backwardness and most importantly why Muslim backward classes deserve reservation get lost in overwhelming and sometimes repetitive details. While filling in a very significant knowledge gap in social stratification and backwardness of large segments of the Muslim population, it might lose a chance to sway a vast section of the Indian public opinion in favour of extending support to include Muslim OBCs in the current reservation list because of its narrative style.