Abstract
‘What is there to defend in case of an atomic war? I think I wouldn’t even have time to find a cozy place at the cemetery.’ 1 The words of activist Traudl Kulikowsky in a letter refusing military service for women, submitted to the East German government in 1983 when the stationing of Soviet and the US missiles on East and West German territory increased fears of escalating cold war violence and an atomic war. Peace, human rights and environmentalist groups emerged challenging peace politics propagated by the government. Peace prayers and meetings took place during which children drew pictures, created art work and wrote letters to their respective governments to advocate peace, disarmament and non- proliferation. Messages resemble children’s artwork for a peace festival in Mumbai in 2006 as shown by Raminder Kaur in Atomic Mumbai. One needs to wonder if anything has changed. Context may vary but content remains the same and as pertinent as ever. Yet it is frightening how easily atomic lingo and imagery has entered our lives, not just in India but everywhere, and how blissfully we accept, ignore and/or embrace terminology and metaphors without questioning or seemingly understanding its wider implications.
Kaur’s ethnographic and cultural approach to an ‘atomic’ history of Mumbai is a much-needed and thoroughly eye-opening analysis of the immersion and normalization of the nuclear bomb into every-day life and the broader social and political arena, a nuclearization of contemporary India/Mumbai so to speak. One of the strengths of this anthropological study is the variety of views represented, ranging from nuclear scientists to anti-nuclear activists to ordinary people living in the city including children, auto drivers, secretaries and dhaba walas. Thestories and experiences of the people is what adds flavour and sets this work apart from others. Additionally, these lived experiences are further interwoven with popular culture and the representation of India’s nuclear history and developments in films, advertisements, comic books and documentaries. The choice of the city of Mumbai is an interesting and seemingly underestimated one even in the minds of many Mumbaikars themselves. The city often portrayed as segregated along material lines appears in Kaur’s study as an intertwined network of essential and needed interdependencies. Moreover, Mumbai has a long legacy of activism, mobilization and a varied political landscape compared to other parts of India. The unambiguous association with finance, industry, Bollywood, mafia, scandals and sex effectively distracts from the fact that Mumbai is ‘India’s first “atomic city”‘ (p. 6). Kaur lists and explains in detail the assortment of nuclear-based institutions that exist in Mumbai and its vicinity and the often magical invisibility that surrounds them.
The starting point of Atomic Mumbai is the 1945 dropping of the atomic bomb on Hiroshima and Nagasaki from which the monograph explores the partially schizophrenic development and representation of the atomic bomb in India/Mumbai up to 2008 when India ‘ratified an unprecedented agreement with the USA for cooperation in developing nuclear power and related resources and technologies for civilian use’ (p. 4). The beginning chapters discuss the perception and evolution of the atomic bomb from its decisively destructive character and implications to humankind to an apparently desirable, indispensable, must-have boys’ toy mirroring phallic strength and power in the name of peace. Chapter two highlights how the nuclear topic and the bomb itself were introduced into nationalist discourse while India was still under colonial rule. Kaur utilizes Mumbai-based print media in her discussion on ethics in the ambiguous relationship between colonizers (immoral) and colonized (moral) and the peaceful development of nuclear science for the benefit of (all of) society following India’s independence. Asian solidarity, anti-Americanism and non-alliance were of the essence in fostering the development of atomic energy. The principle of non-violence was now, in India’s search for modernity, used under very different premises; ‘the utopian spirit of a new nation-state was yoked with the euphoric possibilities of science, where atomic science became a beacon of hope for developing a formerly colonized country’ (p. 47). In addition, Kaur reminds the reader that ‘initially, radioactivity was not fully understood’ (p. 27), a notion that lingers throughout the book, despite the ‘progress’ in nuclear development since the 1940s.
Chapters three and four take an in-depth look at the cultural implications of the nuclear-based developmental strategies of the Indian state ‘under the rhetoric of peace’ (p. 49). Kaur introduces the term ‘atomic schizophrenia’ (p. 57) to discuss the ambiguous relationship between ‘thrill and terror, seduction and repulsion’ (p. 57) of atomic power. Ancient religious texts (particularly the Bhagavad Gita) are used to highlight the existing discourse on the parallels of the divine and nuclear science, including atomic weapons and the fact that religion does not offset scientific development and dialogue. Chapter four continues this debate with examples of the ‘atomic culture industry’ (p. 83) such as films, documentaries and advertisements. It appears the atomic bomb became in icon of popular culture whereas the ‘real bomb’ was conveniently ‘removed’ from collective memory. Hindi cinema engaged with the nuclear theme as early as 1947, when often overlooked, yet the theme remains an important aspect of the movie (though often in disguise) and advertisement industry (mostly undisguised) until today.
Chapter five tackles the ambiguous relationships between nuclear scientists and anti-nuclear activists (and in between the media and government) in the wake of the 1998 nuclear tests in Rajasthan and the resulting socio-political consequences for the wider region. Kaur describes the livelihood and the ‘world’ (Anushaktinagar) of the nuclear scientists which reminds one almost of The Stepford Wives or to some extent The Truman Show or an ‘atomic version’ of these. Her discussion on religious practice and spirituality of the scientists supports religious debate in earlier chapters and appears as important as the discourse on nationalism or even ‘nuclear nationalism’ (p. 138), which is further emphasized by ordinary Mumbaikars’ perceptions on nuclear developments in the city. Nuclear, nationalism and development enter a peculiar form of interdependence; they cannot be divorced from each other without raising serious questions about one’s patriotism towards the nation. Chapters six and seven continue some of these debates and are the most interesting and best intertwined chapters of this volume.
These two chapters highlight the ‘ground-up’ approach the author discusses in her introduction, the perceptions and widely accepted needs of modernity, and the people and facets of Mumbai society that lay outside the nuclear framework discussed so far. Risk and its various interpretations are debated. It becomes painfully clear that the majority (and this is not idiosyncratic of Mumbai alone), despite living in close proximity to nuclear institutions, avoid, reject and/or deny the possible impact of nuclear disasters (since they do not happen in the Indian democracy) and health concerns to do with radiation for instance (wilfull amnesia). The city itself provides distractions which are reflected in its ‘get knocked down, then pick yourself up’ attitude’ (p. 164).
Chapters eight and nine examine how nuclear developments (and dangers in form of [Muslim, separatist, Pakistani] terrorists) are embodied in Hindi cinema and superhero comics. Though both chapters are vital to the discussion of ‘nuclearized’ popular culture a clear link to Mumbai is missing in chapter nine. The film industries’ preoccupation with destructive nuclear weapons (not science) opposes the state’s representation of safeguarding the nation (p. 217). Just as the superhero controls his atomic powers, the state controls its atomic weapons/energy for the benefit of society. The nuclear scientist is elevated to superhero status leading us back to the ancient Hindu texts. Here the notions of nationalism and development surface again as shown at the example of Fanaa and Amir Khan, mirroring experiences of ordinary Mumbaikars seen in previous chapters. Kaur concludes with several looming questions about full nuclearization of India, and states that ethics, the driving force behind India’s nuclear development, have long been replaced by self-acclamation and pride (p. 276). The question remains whether nuclear know ledge and capability prove to be humanities’ joy or tragedy?
Atomic Mumbai is a well-examined, well-written, sometimes almost poetic, analysis of the first atomic city of India, Mumbai; adding further nuances to an already captivating, exciting, yet at times schizophrenic urban conglomerate. It captures the readers’ attention from the very beginning and draws lessons not just for Mumbai but any other city or country in the world engaged in nuclear sciences and the development of nuclear technology/energy in the name of peace. The focus on popular culture and use of print media, films, superhero comics, as well as ancient texts enriches this work tremendously as compared to other works which remain within the realms of political boundaries and parliamentary walls. Visual materials used and endnotes were indispensable to the argument and further explanations of the text. However, though probably a preference by the author or a prerequisite by the publisher, the use of footnotes instead of endnotes would have made reading more enjoyable and easier to consult. Furthermore, though useful, some quotations are rather long. Despite the obvious recommendations of readership on the book’s jacket, the book will be of interest to (former) nuclear scientists, anti-nuclear activists and politicians in Mumbai, India and the rest of the world.