Abstract
Bernard Baruch, an influential presidential advisor from Woodrow Wilson to Harry S. Truman, invented the term ‘Cold War’ in 1947 to characterise the deterioration of relations between the United States and the Soviet Union in the wake of Second World War. Since then, the term has caught on, and it is now being used to describe the deteriorating relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Dilip Hiro’s latest Cold War in the Islamic World: Saudi Arabia, Iran and the Struggle for Supremacy is a welcome addition to the vast literature on the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. What sets it apart from the other similar works is that it not only dissects the complex history and rivalry in its proper historical context but also traces their origins objectively. Although he is not a trained historian, Hiro demonstrates a deep understanding of the origins of the contemporary conflict and its geopolitical dimensions. He beautifully contextualises and analyses the rivalry with great clarity. Besides, what adds further weight to the arguments presented in the book is that it traces the genesis of the current hostility between them in the developments in their recent past. Thus, with the journalistic brilliance that he is known for, he delivers an accessible, fact-based and well-researched account on the subject. His long journalistic career-spanning decades have made him an authority and a perceptive observer of the region. Therefore, his personal experiences and profound insights into the issues concerning them serve as the foundation for the book’s overall narrative.
Cold War in the Islamic World explores Saudi Arabia and Iran’s rivalry and their quest for domination in the Islamic world in more than a dozen chapters. At the very outset, the author rightly gives the reader a sense of how identity, mainly its sectarian trope, is essential in understanding one of the major rivalries of our times. However, given the significance of identity as one of the major factors driving and escalating this rivalry, it certainly deserves more space than the author has given to it. Nonetheless, the introductory chapter sets the stage for the rest of the book.
In the subsequent chapters, we learn how, from a strategic alliance that existed before the Islamic Revolution to the Cold War over the years now, relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have fluctuated between cooperation and confrontation throughout history. We also come to know that both worked as ‘pillars’ of the United States to fight against Soviet communism in the 1960s and 1970s. There was a great deal of cooperation on the political, military and security fronts during that time. However, the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia increasingly plunged into a downward spiral since the Islamic Revolution in Iran when Iran drifted away from both the United States and Saudi Arabia. Proxy wars have now replaced the Cold War in several theatres, including Yemen, Syria and Iraq, to which the author has given ample space in several chapters.
A separate chapter is also dedicated to the Iran–Iraq War, which beautifully highlights the overt Saudi and West’s support of Iraq. Although Hiro has adopted a balanced position on this sensitive issue, he, however, does not inform his readers how Iran’s sense of national victimisation, betrayal and humiliation suffered in this war highly informs not only its current political relations with Arab and Gulf neighbours but also many of its present-day regional and global policies. The most significant areas of conflict and disagreement between the two extend from the Syrian and Yemeni crises to developments in Palestine and Iraq, from issues concerning the Islamic world to Iran’s ballistic missile, and nuclear programs can be traced back to the Iran–Iraq War and the subsequent developments.
The Epilogue which focuses on the rise of Mohammed bin Salman and his implications on Iran and the wider region, brings the protracted imbroglio right up to the present day. With MBS poised to remain at the helm for the foreseeable future, and given the current level of antagonism between them, the author argues that the rivalry is unlikely to be reduced anytime soon (p. 362).
Similar to the Iran–Iraq War, oil rivalry is another recurring theme that finds ample space in the book. Going by the author’s account, it appears to be solely a regional affair between the two countries. However, that is not the case as it has always had global dimensions. Oil became a critical international commodity in the post-World War economy and began to play a central role in how the United States and other major powers tried to maintain their global dominance on oil. One of the key takeaways from the book in the context of oil rivalry is that it rightly informs the reader how the international oil market and the Saudi–Iranian confrontation impact and reinforce each other. The book, therefore, makes an essential read to understand the geopolitics of oil and Iran–Saudi rivalry.
Thus, in light of the previous discussion, it can be safely judged that Dilip does an excellent job by giving us a riveting account of the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Understanding the undercurrents of geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East would be impossible without this book. However, this work could have certainly been more compelling had the author not shied away from answering the million-dollar question that has bedevilled the experts on Iran and Saudi Arabia: is a Saudi–Iran détente possible in the present circumstances? Instead of addressing this question head-on, the author subtly and circumspectly manages to skirt it and, like many other scholars and commentators, falls prey to making too much of the religious and political divisions rather than drawing the attention of the reader to the potential areas where their shared interests could converge. No doubt, one cannot help but agree with the author that even a tepid truce between the two might look implausible given the present geopolitical realities. Both accuse each other of putting the region’s peace and security at risk of collapse. They support opposing political groups in the Syrian, Iraqi and Yemeni conflicts. Therefore, instead of focusing only on the irritants that hold them back, one must not lose sight of the fact that there also could exist what Gabriella Blum calls ‘islands of agreement’ which can possibly bring about the much-needed thaw in their frosty relations. For instance, maintaining steady oil prices, which their economies essentially rely on, is one area in which their shared interests lie. As a result of the fierce battle for dominance in the Islamic world, both nations have suffered significant financial losses, and oil prices have also fluctuated widely. They, therefore, share another common ground in their desire for a more peaceful Middle East as this is directly linked to ensuring smooth oil prices, supplies, revenues and the overall peace in the region and prosperity of their respective countries.
In recent years, the struggle between the Sunni Arab monarchy and the Shia Persian theocracy has been viewed as more of a sectarian conflict than a political one. There is, in fact, a tendency among many observers, including Hiro, to adopt a reductionist approach and thus trivialise the political confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia as one fuelled by sectarian differences alone. Their differences, however, are highly political and are therefore more nuanced and deeply entrenched than Hiro would have us believe. Furthermore, the author implicitly argues that sectarian loyalties and affiliations have begun to wane. In support of his thesis, he follows the path generally espoused by interdependence liberalism—a school of thought in liberal international relations that maintains that greater state interdependence reduces the chance of conflict. The author particularly mentions that countries such as Iran, Qatar and Turkey have placed their economic objectives well above sectarian divisions that generally characterise their broader regional policies (p. 341). This reviewer, however, believes that it is an aberration rather than a norm in a region as volatile as the Middle East and North Africa. Although being home to almost as many people like the European Union, it is still the world’s least economically connected region, according to the World Bank.
That being said, Cold War in the Islamic World serves as an excellent primer on Iran–Saudi rivalry for diplomats, policymakers, students and researchers interested in learning more about the issues that are seldom discussed in the mainstream media. With its focus on Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic, the book’s major highlight is its ability to put today’s conflict into proper historical context. New geopolitical realities like United States’ withdrawal from Afghanistan, Covid-19 pandemic, and the election of Ibrahim Raisi as new president of Iran certainly merit a revised addition of this book.