“Sharing is Caring”: Online Self-disclosure,Offline Social Support,and Social Network Site Usage in the UAE

Abstract

The Arab information about themselves through social networking sites and offline social support affect the pattern of online self-disclosure. The impact of the social network site (SNS), size of a user’s pool of friends, the intensity of SNS usage, and attitudes toward online self-disclosure are examined through applied qualitative and quantitative research methodologies. A total of 313 Arab residents of the United Arab Emirates living in Dubai and Abu Dhabi formed the sample of a survey. Constructed in-depth interviews were conducted with 69 Arab residents in the UAE. The findings indicated a positive significant correlation between online self-disclosures and the diversity of SNS audience, while intensity of SNS usage did not correlate to online self-disclosure. The more respondents had emotional and informational offline support, the more they were likely to be “honest” in their online self-disclosure. Females are higher in social companionship, emotional, and informational forms of offline social support than males, while the latter are more likely to disclose personal information online than females. Males practice “parental authority” with females to protect them from possible dangers of online self-disclosure. In-depth interviews showed that SNS users carefully govern the amount of information they post on SNSs and to whom they make it available.

Keywords

Social media social networking sites online self-disclosure offline social support computer-mediated communication United Arab Emirates

Introduction

As social media has developed from being just an interactive pastime among youth into a mainstream activity and a major mode of communication, SNSs have become a strong force in shaping public opinion, especially in politics, and social issues (Omekwu, Eke, & Odoh, 2014). Louis Leung (2011) has documented how adolescents spend a great deal of time posting photographs, videos, and personal information on popular websites such as Facebook and YouTube. Youth forms about 50 percent of Facebook membership worldwide. When participants upload photos and communicate news on an SNS walls or by posting comments, they reveal their preferred identity (Krasnova, Spiekermann, Koroleva, & Hildebrand, 2010, p. 382). Andrew Ledbetter and other have indicated that “the widespread usage of SNSs influences communication behavior in a variety of contexts in addition to identity construction and political participation, including collegiate teacher–student relationships and adolescent friendships” (Ledbetter et al., 2011, p. 28).

Although pioneered in the United States, social networking now has a substantial and growing global presence, leveraging the growth of smart devices. As of January 2014,

Facebook boasted 1.28 billion monthly active users by the end of the first quarter of 2014 globally, with 1.01 billion of Facebook’s monthly active users accessing it through smart mobile devices. Twitter has also seen similar strong growth globally, with 255 million monthly active users as of end of 1st quarter of 2014, and 198 million of them accessing the platform through mobile devices. LinkedIn, too, has seen healthy growth in users this year. LinkedIn had over 300 million members, and 39 million of them were students and college graduates. (Arab Social Media Report [ASMR], 2014, p. 6)

The growth of social media usage in the Arab world has been equally strong, particularly in Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar. As of June 2014, the number of social media users has increased by 49 percent on Facebook, 54 percent on Twitter, and 79 percent on LinkedIn since May 2013 (ASMR, 2014, p. 6). Saudi Arabia and the UAE make up almost 80 percent of Facebook users in the Gulf region (ASMR, 2012, p. 11). At the end of the first decade of 2000, Azza Mohamed (2010) found that Facebook was the most popular online social network among a sample from Egypt and the UAE for various age categories. Badreya Al-Jenaibi (2012) found that (42 percent) of UAE respondents were using Facebook in 2012, followed by LinkedIn and MySpace. The ASMR for 2014 revealed that the UAE had the highest rate among Arab countries in terms of LinkedIn penetration, at 22.4 percent, while Qatar climbed to first place in Facebook penetration, with 61 percent of its population using Facebook, followed closely by the UAE with 58 percent. On Twitter, Saudi Arabia has 40 percent of all active Arab users.

The growing popularity of SNSs has demanded significant online information disclosure, and users now provide a huge amount of personal information online. Apart from providing personally identifiable information, SNS users reveal in their profiles and online behavior other private information, such as hobbies, tastes in music, books, movies, relationship status, and sexual preferences. The literature indicates that online self-disclosure varies across various cultures. Guo-Ming Chen (1995) found that Americans generally disclose more information, across a variety of topics, to diverse audiences, than Chinese people. Croucher, Faulkner, Oommen, and Long (2010) found that Hindus disclosed more than Muslims in India. Elmasry, Auter, and Peuchaud (2014) conducted a cross-cultural content analysis of Facebook profiles for Egyptian, Qatari, and American university students and found that at all three groups appear to actively manage their online identities (p. 49) and the cultural differences play a role in terms of the amount of their online self-disclosure.

Edward Hall (1976) has argued that Arab cultures are “high-context” cultures, meaning they rely more on understood cultural distinctions to communicate messages to members of in-groups, and not as much on explicit word descriptions, a factor that could have an effect on SNS usage. Arab Social Media Report of 2015 indicated that social media in the Arab world is perceived as having numerous positive impacts that enhance the quality of life of individuals. Users do, however, show lack of trust in social media and they also believe that social media has negative effects on social culture and traditions (ASMR, 2015, p. 2).

Research has found cross-cultural differences in the self-disclosure of religious affiliation. In one study, the Facebook content analysis of Elmasry et al. (2014) showed that (49 percent) of the American students and (44 percent) of the American University in Cairo users did not list a religious affiliation. However, 77 percent of Qatar University students list “Muslim” as their religious orientation.

There has been little attention to studying the variables that affect preference to online self-disclosure in SNSs in the Arab world, and how online self-disclosure correlates to offline social support. This study investigates the variables that might predict tendencies toward online written self-disclosure and online visual self-disclosure. It also examines how offline social support correlates to types of online self-disclosure among a sample of Arab residents of the UAE.

Theoretical Background and Literature Review

A significant body of media scholarship has emerged recently on the concept of self-disclosure. Given that the social media revolution has impacted the everyday lives of people all over the globe, it has become important to study how social networking sites might encourage or discourage their users to online self-disclose through SNSs. Online self-disclosure and its literature comprise the focal point for the theoretical framework that the current study uses to examine the research hypotheses.

Self-disclosure on Social Networking Sites

The general topics of self-disclosure pertain to features of social media sites—such as status updates, writing posts, and privacy protection—that allow users to manipulate the amount of personal and public information they might share online. Scholars have defined self-disclosure formally from different perspectives. Lawrence Wheeless and Jams Grotz defined self-disclosure as “any message about the self that a person communicates with another; the process of self-disclosure is the process of communication, through self-disclosive messages” (1976, p. 338). According to others, “Conceptualizations of self-disclosure usually include several content categories of personal exposure, such as personal information (facts) and experiences, personal thoughts, and personal feelings” (Barak & Gluck-Ofri, 2007, p. 408). Further it is argued that self-disclosure refers to revealing personal or private information about self that is generally unknown and not available to other sources. Self-disclosure always involves an element of self-presentation (Kim & Dindia, 2011, p. 157). Dalmas Taylor and Irwin Altman defined self-disclosure in terms of traditional interpersonal communication theory and social penetration theory. They define self-disclosure as “a type of communication through which individuals make themselves known to other people and, when others reciprocate by sharing revealing information that leads to intimacy and relational development” (1987, p. 260).

Much research has investigated the degree to which SNS users find online self-disclosure essential to keeping their social networking friends and extending relationships to other spheres. Kim and Dindia (2011) explain how the growth of online social interactions and their impact on people’s personal and social lives make it worthwhile to examine self-disclosure in computer-mediated communication. Social contexts in which relationships can be formed and dissolved with relative ease tend to lend themselves toward greater self-disclosure (Schug & Maddux, 2010). SNSs contain numerous communication channels through which users can share content with individuals, groups, or their entire network. Status updates are the most common method for sharing information with one’s network; 44 percent of American SNS users update their status at least once a week (Hampton et al., 2011). These types of posts serve as a form of relational maintenance (Tong & Walther, 2010). “Such posts will enable users to share information about their day-to-day activities, ask questions, and request support” (Vitak, Caplan, & Jessica, 2012, p. 459).

At the same time, many factors intervene to condition the type of personal information people disclose online. Age must be considered given that the young may tend to reveal more information in SNSs than the old. It is found that as age increased, the amount of personal information in Facebook profiles decreased (Nosko, Wood, & Molema, 2009). Yet different arguments have been advanced as to levels and motivation.

Amanda Lenhart and Mary Madden (2007) have argued that

teens struggle to find the right balance point between sharing details that will facilitate meeting peers with similar interests on one hand, and keeping themselves safe from unwanted online attention on the other. They found that teens who have online profiles are generally more likely to believe it is permissible to disclose certain pieces of information, such as a cell phone number or an e-mail address, in an off-line situation than they are to have such information actually posted to their profiles. They are more likely to share online the city and state where they live. (p. 25)

Furthermore, it seems that the more the information is personal, the less people tend to share it online. It is suggested that “the information provided in Facebook profiles can lower the barriers to initial interactions and facilitate formation of common ground” (Ellison et al., 2010, p. 138). It is also argued that “complimentary, pro-social statements by friends about profile owners improved the profile owner’s social and task attractiveness, as well as the target’s credibility” (Wright et al., 2008, p. 44).

On the other hand, it has been articulated that a lack of anonymity, the public availability of personal information, and the interplay between online and offline communication contexts may all influence the way SNS users disclose personal information in terms of its type and amount (Krasnova et al., 2010). An interesting discrepancy between the way privacy and disclosure function in face-to-face communication compared to that in computer-mediated communication too has been noted (Waters & Ackerm, 2011). They suggested that the Internet might affect levels of information disclosure and the consequences of disclosing that information (p. 105). Miriam Metzger and Rebeca Pure (2009) determined that a rational analysis would suggest that users decide not to disclose much information in SNSs due to their expressed risks to personal privacy (p. 2). However, it seems that many SNS users are likely to disclose a lot of information about themselves through SNSs, despite their privacy concerns. It is also suggested that “social network sites seem to challenge traditional habits of self-disclosure by imposing new and rewarding interaction styles to its users and their use may accelerate societal changes” (Trepte & Reinecke, 2011, p. 22). Among a sample consisting of residents of Egypt and the UAE from various age categories, Azza Mohamed (2010) found that nationality was the most easily disclosed personal information respondents put in their online profiles, then the country where they live, age, name, and finally cell phone number, which only 10.8 percent of respondents provided (p. 83).

Self-disclosures made through SNSs are distinguished from many offline interactions in that the audience is not always known. The audience in an SNS depends on a number of factors: these include the “Friend” status a user has established, privacy settings determining visibility of content to groups like “Friends of Friends,” and the use of algorithms selectively blocking views on an individual or group basis (Vitak et al., 2012, p. 453–454). Blogging encourages student self-disclosure in a qualitative study with students using focus group discussion as well as content analysis methodology of students’ blogs (Harper & Harper, 2006). The results demonstrated that communication in blogs may elicit increased self-disclosure compared with face-to-face communication. “The configuration of online environments enables individuals to be more open and forthcoming about aspects of the self” (Gibbs et al., 2006, p. 156). The anonymity of computer mediated communication is thought to accelerate intimacy as the SNS partners engage in more intimate questions and a deeper level of self-disclosure than face to face interactions (Tidwell & Walther, 2002).

It is argued that a use-based reward feedback mechanism may promote self-disclosure, that is, online self-disclosure stimulates social interaction with other users and is experienced as socially rewarding for users. Accordingly, social rewards may interact with the relationship between SNS use and self-disclosure, and strengthen its reciprocal influence. The more people disclose, the more reward they may receive (Trepte & Reinecke, 2011, p. 4).

Variables Related to Online Self-disclosure

The literature on the extent of online self-disclosure in SNSs has revealed several important variables, including number of friends, diversity of audience, intensity of SNS usage, attitudes toward self-disclosure, and offline social support.

Size of friend pool in SNSs: Much research has suggested that the number of online friends via SNSs might serve as an indicator of the level of online self-disclosure undertaken. Computer-mediated communication venues vary in the number of users who participate in exchanges (High & Solomon, 2011, p. 123). Information disclosure plays a role in forming connections as they found that “the more SNS users completed information in SNS profile categories, the greater the size of a person’s network” (Lampe, Ellison, & Steinfield, 2007). As online networks increase in size, so does the need to maintain those relationships. One technique to relationships maintenance is self-disclosure (Rui & Stefanone, 2013a, p. 111). An interpretation of this correlation was introduced as follows:

As network size increases, so too do the demands associated with maintaining a range of interpersonal relationships; as a result, individuals may feel pressure to disclose more about themselves to maintain reciprocal social exchange. Thus, they link self-presentation with personal network maintenance; because keeping positive public impressions helps maintain existing relationships and develop new relationships. (Rui & Stefanone, 2013b, p. 1300)

Therefore, it can be hypothesized that online self-disclosure can be predicted by the number of SNS friends that a user maintains.

Diversity of SNS audience: The type of online audience with respect to anonymity might affect the way people disclose themselves. In SNS, “users seek out others who display similar traits and values, therefore being more likely to disclose those individuals they deem as being similar to themselves” (Robinson, 2013, p. 6). Rui and Stefanone (2013b) noted how one’s family and close friends have different expectations regarding appropriate images than one’s employer. Therefore, presenting oneself to heterogeneous audiences becomes challenging as users attempt to balance these varied audience expectations. “When self-disclosure is risky, humans tend to withdraw from this behavior and disclose less personal information” (Rui & Stefanone, 2013b, p. 1292). Currently SNS users “have increasingly diverse social networks comprised of close friends, family members, acquaintances and strangers” (Hampton et al., 2011). This diverse audience is likely to affect the self-disclosure tendency. Rui and Stefanone (2013a) found that audience diversity was associated with engaging in protective self-presentation to manage unwanted information that is provided by others and the frequency of updating wall posts (p. 115).

Zick Rubin (1975) in his study of self-disclosure among airline travelers in Boston found that “self-disclosures made by out-of-town participants were far more friendly than those of Boston residents, as well as lengthier.” This perhaps was because these nonlocal participants were certain they would never interact with the experimenter again and therefore could “unburden [themselves] of private thoughts and feelings with relative impunity” (p. 256). Moreover, having family members and close real life friends as SNS friends might affect the type of information SNS users are willing to share. It has also been pointed out that barriers to disclosing potentially negative aspects of the self to others are lessened online because users are less likely to face disapproval from those close to them, such as friends or family (Bargh, McKenna, & Fitzsimons, 2002). Thus, the diversity of SNS audience might affect the tendency toward online self-disclosure.

Intensity of social media usage: The relation between levels of SNS usage and other variables to the nature of information shared (intimate versus general, textual versus photo) has been a matter of active research. Information shared online in SNSs can include contact information, background data, and personal characteristics such as favorite music, films, or other preference indicators (Boyd & Ellison, 2007). Intensity of social media usage measured on a scale ranging from 1 (less than once a week) to 5 (several times a day) to be positively related to self-disclosure for online communication in general (Peter, Valkenburg, & Schouten, 2005). Therefore, it can be predicted that the intensity of SNS usage might determine online self-disclosure.

Attitude toward online self-disclosure: Researchers have investigated the relationship between individual tendencies toward online self-disclosure and actual levels of self-disclosure. It has also been found that a general tendency to disclose and a need for popularity were the only significant predictors of information disclosure on Facebook (Christofides, Muise, & Desmarais, 2009, p. 343). Stephen Caplan (2007) identified lack of communication competence as a theoretical motivator to online disclosure, arguing that those with high social anxiety prefer online communication’s “greater control over self-presentation” and “less perceived social risk, than in traditional face to face communication” (p. 235). Andrew Ledbetter (2009) found that attitude toward online self-disclosure and online social connection influence media-use patterns. An individual’s attitude toward the medium might be addressed by these two attitudes, which then influences the formation and interpretation of online messages. Badreya Al-Jenaibi (2012) concluded that attitudes toward social media among a sample of UAE residents were quite positive, and led to a generally favorable level of interaction with these sites by residents. Azza Mohamed’s (2015) research found a positive correlation between perception of online self-presentation success and the diversity of social categories of the respondents’ friends and the diversity of their nationalities. Thus, attitude can predict the type and extent of online self-disclosure.

Visual form of online-self-disclosure: Online self-disclosure includes photos of self with accompanying verbal descriptions. A profile image is considered one of the most important personal attributes on social networking sites (Zhao & Jiang, 2011). In SNSs, users can tag and identify photos of each other, and post publicly accessible text messages on each other’s profile pages (Rui & Stefanone, 2013b, p. 1287). Visual self-presentation can vary cross-culturally. It has been pointed out that members of more conservative cultures tend to post very neutral photos of themselves or no photo of themselves at all, while members of less conservative cultures are more likely to post less discrete imagery (Zhao & Jiang, 2011). Further, it is argued that Americans verbally reveal themselves more than East Asians in CMC, specifically, Koreans, who presented more photos of themselves than Americans (Kim & Dindia, 2011). On the other hand, Chinese users are more likely to customize their profile images (Zhao & Jiang, 2011). Examining the difference between Middle Eastern and US cultures in terms of the usage of profile photos, Mohamad Elmasry et al. concluded that:

Yet QU (Qatar University) and AUC (American University of Cairo) students were more likely to post symbols not representing the account owner as profile pictures compared with nearly all sampled US student profiles. Americans tend to use profile pictures that featured the account owner, either in a solo shot or as part of a group photograph. (2014, pp. 47–48)

This dissimilarity might be due to a cultural difference based on the tendency toward more social conservatism in Qatar and Egypt compared to the US, especially among females. Moreover, students in the Middle East tend to use the profile photo space in their profiles to reflect their emotional status or show support for certain issues, individual(s), and groups, including a political movement or party.

However, the tendency to share photos in SNSs is determined not only by culture, but also by other factors. Rui and Stefanone (2013b) indicated that how often users sharing photos is determined by both network size and diversity of audience. Gender also was found to be an important variable to predict the tendency to online self-disclosure. Mohamed (2015) found males are higher than females in online self-presentation strategies classified as ingratiation, supplication, and enhancement. Mohamad Elmasry et al. (2014) also found that “many of the QU female account owners were either uncomfortable with—or perhaps prohibited by family from—posting their own pictures on Facebook” (p. 47). Therefore, the visual form taken for online self-disclosure should be investigated in terms of its relation to SNS size, intensity, diversity, and attitudes toward online self-disclosure.

Offline social support and online self-disclosure: Cumulative research reveals that online self-disclosure may be accelerated by other means of communication that contribute to a growing confidence in interactions and, therefore, enhances the use of online self-disclosure for relief and mutual social support (Barak & Gluck-Ofri, 2007, p. 408). Kahn and Antonucci (1980) defined social support as “interpersonal transactions involving affect, affirmation, aid, encouragement, and validation of their feelings.” Social support involves the flow between people of emotional concern, instrumental aid, information, or appraisal (House, 1986). Louis Leung defined various types of functional social support as consisting of:

(1) emotional support, which involves caring, love, and sympathy, (2) instrumental support, which provides material aid or behavioral assistance, and is referred to by many as tangible support, (3) information support, which offers guidance, advice, information, or feedback that can provide a solution to a problem, (4) affectionate support, which involves expressions of love and affection, and (5) social companionship (also called positive social interaction), which involves spending time with others in leisure and recreational activities. (Leung, 2006, p. 8)

Though earlier online research characterizes online communication as reducing a sense of social connection, work countering this claim demonstrates that those who build social connections offline also tend to do so online and, consequently, experience positive relational outcomes (Ledbetter et al., 2011, p. 34). For example, Leung (2011) found that “individuals who have less offline emotional and affectionate support tended to have a stronger desire to live out a fantasy online to obtain it” (p. 382). Stern and Taylor (2007) found that college students use Facebook to maintain social connections developed on campus and with old friends, and in this way it played a role in functional social support. Leung introduced an interpretation of how SNS users manage their offline social support and online communication in the context of online self-disclosure:

Adolescents with real lives troubled by low self-esteem, boredom, lack of social support, and unsatisfactory personal relations may find identity experimentation (testing different aspects of social roles) more gratifying an online communication environment, such as online chat rooms, blogs, or SNSs such as Facebook and MySpace. This was perhaps because people perceived that the fluidity of online identity may help them enjoy and experience things they cannot in the real world, such as escaping from who they are, living out a fantasy, and trying out new identities. They may prefer online social interaction to obtain emotional support and affectionate companionship. The Internet allows adolescents to grasp their identity more easily and intensively, and the freedom to experiment with self-expression is thus attractive to them. (Leung, 2011, p. 383)

To clarify the correlation between offline social support and online self-disclosure, Ledbetter et al. (2011) suggest that “communicatively competent people do not seek online communication because they wish to avoid discomfort attendant with face-to-face communication, but rather because they perceive online communication as a useful method for sustaining preexisting weak and strong social ties” (p. 32). Therefore, a correlation between online self-disclosure and levels of offline social support can be hypothesized as follows:

H1: Online self-disclosure is predicted by:

Size of online SNS friend

Diversity of SNS audience

Intensity of using SNS

Attitudes toward online self-disclosure

H2: Visual forms of self-disclosure (sharing photos online) is determined by:

Size of online SNS friend

Diversity of SNS audience

Intensity of using SNS

Attitudes toward online self-disclosure

H3: Correlation between self-disclosure and offline social support is determined by the relation between:

A tendency toward online self-disclosure (honesty—amount—positive valence—conscious content)

Levels of offline social support (emotional and informational supports, affectionate and social companionship)

Both quantitative and qualitative methodologies were applied to test these hypotheses. As for the quantitative approach, samples (N = 313) filled out a questionnaire that was based on the literature about online self-disclosure, and that included established scales and measurable quantities of interest. The sample included Arabs (from various Arab countries of origin) living in the UAE. The questionnaire was written in Arabic, the mother tongue of all respondents. The data was collected during December 2014 and January 2015 from two Emirates: Dubai, the largest city by population in the UAE, and Abu Dhabi, the capital of the UAE. These have the highest percentage of Arab residents in the UAE. The sample was almost evenly divided by gender, and consisted of 149 males (~48 percent) and 164 females (~52 percent). Levels of education among participants varied, with approximately 60 percent (N = 187) at the university level, 26 percent (N = 82) at the high school level, and 14 percent (N = 44) at the postgraduate level. The age ranged from 17 to 33, the mean age being 23.6 with an SD (standard deviation) of 3.725

The study incorporated qualitative research in the form of in-depth interviews to investigate perceptions of the benefits and drawbacks of online self-disclosure as well as the correlation of these perceptions to offline social support. The interviews (N = 69) were conducted during December 2014 and January 2015 and each interview lasted from 40 to 70 minutes. Participants ranged in age from 17 to 29 years, and included 41 females and 28 males. Levels of education varied as follows: high school (34), university (26) and postgraduate education (9). Interviews included nine questions that covered the following topics: SNS used, motivation for using SNS, preference of SNS versus Face-to-Face (FtF) connections to friends, benefits versus drawbacks of online self-disclosure, honesty in online self-disclosure, offline social support versus online self-disclosure, sharing photos online, and perception of the impact of social media on their personal life.

Table 1 displays the demographics of the participants in the qualitative in-depth interviews.

Table 1.

Demographics of the Participants in the In-depth Interviews (N = 69)

Demographic	Characteristics	N
Gender	Males Females	28 41
Education	High school University level Post-graduate	34 26 9
Emirate	Abu Dhabi Dubai	45 24
Profession	Students (high school and university) House wives Employers Reporter—AD TV	22 16 30 1
Nationality	Emiratis Omani Egyptian Libyan Palestinian Qatari Syrian	30 10 8 2 9 4 6

The interviews took place partly in the city of Al-Ain in the Abu Dhabi Emirate (39 interviews) and partly in the Dubai Emirate (30 interviews). The setting varied from public places, such as coffee shops and restaurants (22), home settings (29), and work places (18), as selected by each interviewee according to his/her preference. Five undergraduate students in the Mass Communication Program at Abu Dhabi University assisted in collecting the data. They attended five intensive training sessions that provided them with the skills required for conducting in-depth interviews and relied on pre-screened fact sheets. One interview was recorded, and the remainders were written down, according to interviewee preferences. The interviews were analyzed by dividing the open-ended questions into different themes.

Research Variables and Measurements

Online Self-disclosure

For “self-disclosure,” four subscales of the General Disclosiveness Scale (GSD) introduced by Wheeless and Grotz (1976) and Wheeless (1978), and developed by Gibbs et al. (2006) were used to measure four dimensions of self-disclosure: honesty, amount, conscious intent, and positive valence. A 5-point Likert scale was used ranging from strongly agree (5) to strongly disagree (1). Minor changes were made to some sentences’ phrasing. Negatively worded items were reverse coded. To measure the “honesty” dimension, 6 statements were used using Likert scale, such as “I am always honest in all self-disclosures to those I meet online”; “The things I reveal about myself to those I meet online are always accurate reflections of who I really am”; and “I’m not always honest in my self-disclosures with those I meet online” (Reverse Coded). It was reliable at α = 0.792.

Visual Forms of Self-disclosure

The “visual forms of self-disclosure” variable was defined as the tendency of SNS users to share their photos online. The scale ranged from 0 to 12. Four questions were asked to measure this variable: frequency of sharing photos with SNS friends (range 3–0: always [3], sometimes [2], rarely [1], and never [0]); number of photos posted in SNS profiles since starting to use SNS (range 3–0: 50 photos and more [3], from 10 to less than 50 [2)] less than 10 [1], and none [0]); frequency of writing posts (range 3–0: always [3], sometimes [2], rarely [1], and never [0]), and frequency of updating status (range 3–0: daily [3], from 1–2 weeks [2], every month [1] and none [0]). It was reliable at α = 0.723.

The SNS “size” refers the number of online friends. Respondents were asked: “How many friends do you have in SNSs?” The choices ranged from less than 50 friends to 300 and more with a reliable rate at α = 0.615.

SNS audience “diversity” was measured through two sub-variables, type of friends (in terms of relationship to respondent), and nationalities of friends. The questions asked about how frequently respondents connected through SNSs (range 3–0: always [3], sometimes [2], rarely [1], and never [0]), to a list of friend types that included: friends, colleagues at work, family members, relatives, strangers, work partners). Α = 0.651. For nationality of friends, respondents were asked how frequently they connected through SNSs (range 3–0: always [3], sometimes [2], rarely [1], and never [0]) to a list of various nationalities, namely, Gulf people, Egyptians, Syrians and Jordanians, Americans, and Europeans). α = 0.734.

To gauge the “intensity” of SNS use in their daily lives, respondents were asked three questions. First, “How long have you used SNSs? (1) less than 1 year, (2) from 1 year to less than 3 years, (3) from 3 to less than 6 years and (4) 6 years or more.” Second, “How frequently do you use SNSs during a week: (0) never, (1) 1–2 days a week, (2) 3–4 days a week, (3) 5–6 days a week, and (4) daily.” Third, “How many hours a day do you spend in SNS? (1) less than 1 hour, (2) from 1 to less than 3 hours, (3) from 3 to less than 6 hours, (4) 6 hours and more.” α = 0.658.

For the “type” of social networking used, respondents were provided a list of SNSs. They had to mention the frequency of usage for each of them (ranged from 0 to 3): always (3), sometimes (2), rarely (1), and never (0). α = 0.886.

The “attitude” toward disclosure refers to the tendency to disclose personal information online. A set of nine items measuring attitude toward self-disclosure via SNSs was adopted from Ledbetter et al. (2011: 36–37), with some minor modifications in phrasing. A 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 = strongly disagrees to 5 = strongly agree was used. Some of the items included in the questionnaire are as follow: “I feel less nervous when sharing personal information online”; “I feel like I can be more open when I am communicating online”; “When online, I feel more comfortable disclosing personal information to anyone who might be different from me”; and “It is easier to disclose personal information online.” α = 0.875.

To measure the “amount” of self-disclosure, 5 items were used, such as: “I often discuss my feelings about myself with those I meet online”; and “I don’t express my personal beliefs and opinions to those I meet online very often.” The measurement was reliable at α = 0.765.

To measure “positive valence” for self-disclosure, the following 3 items were used: “I often disclose negative things about myself to those I meet online”; “On the whole, my disclosures about myself to those I meet online are more positive than negative”; and “I usually disclose only positive things about myself with those I meet online.” It was reliable at α = 0.633.

To measure “conscious intent” for self-disclosure, the following 2 items were used: “When I express my feelings with those I meet online, I’m always aware of what I am saying” and “When I reveal my feelings about myself to those I meet online, I consciously intend to do so.” It was reliable at α = 0.563.

The total score of self-disclosure ranged from 0 to 30. Respondents were divided into three categories accordingly: low in self-disclosure 0–11 (36.7 percent), moderate 12–21 (48.9 percent) and high 22–30 (14.4 percent). Its reliability was high at α = 0.746.

The measurement of “offline social support” was adopted from Leung (2011, p. 387) who identified three dimensions of social support using factor analysis. A 5-point scale was used to answer the question: “The following items are available to you how much of the time: (1) none of the time, (2) a little of the time, (3) some of the time, (4) most of the time, and (5) all of the time. It was reliable at α = 0.792. The items included the following dimensions:

Emotional and informational support: To measure this dimension, four items were used such as: “Someone to give you good advice about a crisis,” and “Someone you can count on to listen to you when you need to talk.” The total score ranged from 0 to 16. Respondents were divided according to this dimension of offline social support into three categories: weak emotional and informational support, range: 0–5 (0.2 percent); moderate, range 6–11, (44.6 percent), and high, range 12–16 (45 percent). α = 0.746.

Affectionate support: To measure this dimension, four items were used, such as: “Someone to share your most private worries and fears with,” and “Someone who comforts you sincerely.” The total score ranged from 0 to 16. Respondents were classified accordingly: low affectionate support ranged from 0 to 5 (10.9 percent); moderate affectionate support ranged from 6 to 11 (44.7 percent); and the high level ranged from 12 to 16 (44.4 percent). α = 0.752.

Social companionship: Three items were used to measure this dimension: “Someone to get together with for relaxation,” “Someone to do something enjoyable with,” and “Someone to have a good time with.” The total score ranged from 0 to 8. The respondents were classified into three categories according to their responses: weak social companionship ranged from 0 to 2 (8 percent), moderate level ranged from 3 to 6 (54 percent) and high level ranged from 7 to 8 (38 percent). α = 0.756.

Type and amount of information disclosed in SNSs: Respondents were provided with a checklist of information fields typically included in social media profiles. Respondents checked whether they always (2), sometimes (1), or never (0) included them in their SNS profiles. These 16 items listed were: general interests, political points of view, type of work, country, relationship status, gender, and date of birth, class schedule, phone number, photo album, favorite movie, and favorite song, date of birth, favorite book, my work place/university, and religion.

The following demographic characteristics of the respondents were assessed: age, gender, nationality and education level in both qualitative and quantitative analysis.

Statistical Techniques

The mean, standard deviation, ANOVA (analysis of variance), post hoc test, Pearson correlation, and t-test were used to examine the research hypotheses using SPSS.

Results and Discussion

General Results

The results showed that the mobile application “WhatsApp” (M = 2.73, SD = 0.63) is the most common application used by respondents of the current study, followed by Facebook (M = 1.77, SD = 1.20 and Instagram (M = 1.73, SD = 1.27). In addition, the qualitative analysis showed that Facebook is the predominant SNS among the majority of the interviewees along with WhatsApp.

The Arab Social Media Report (2015) indicated that WhatsApp (84 percent) and Facebook (87 percent) were the top used social media channels among a sample of (7000) respondents from (18) Arab countries namely, UAE, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Jordan, Palestine, Iraq, Yemen, Libya, Egypt, Morocco, KSA, Kuwait, Syria, Lebanon, Sudan, Tunisia, and Algeria. This indicates two things: Facebook still occupies the first place in terms of SNS usage in the UAE; and the smart phones play a key role in changing the usage of SNS habits and making them more accessible and manageable.

The quantitative results indicated that 70.9 percent of respondents tend to disclose their gender (M = 1.42, SD = 75 percent), and 60.4 percent disclose their religion (M = 1.3, SD = 0.85) in their online profiles. In this context, Lenhart and Madden (2007) indicated that 81 percent of 886 online teens in 2006 provided information about the state where they lived, 71 percent provided their school name and 29 percent provided their cell phone number (p. 21). This diverts the attention to the idea that there is no stability in the type of information the SNS users are likely to disclose online.

H1: Online Self-disclosure

This hypothesis stated that online self-disclosure is predicted by:

Online SNS size friend

Diversity of SNS audience

Intensity of using SNS

Positive attitudes toward online self-disclosure

Correlations are shown in Table 2.

Table 2.

Correlation (r-value) between Online Self-disclosure and Friend Type, Intensity of SNS Use, and Diversity of SNS Audience (n = 313)

Size of SNSs	Diversity of SNS Audience	Intensity of Using SNS	Attitude toward SNS
0.298 (*)	0.179 (*)	0.072 (NS)	0.162 (**)

Notes: (*) p < 0.000; (**) p < 0.001; (NS) nonsignificant.

The Pearson correlation showed that there was a positive significant correlation between online self-disclosures and the size of SNSs (r = 0.298) as well as the diversity of SNS audience (r = 0.179). As the diversity of SNS audience was measured in terms of type of friends and its nationalities, ANOVA and Post HOC tests were used to see the correlation tend to be for what type and what nationality. The results showed that the respondents tend to self-disclose themselves more with family members and relatives (M = 2.43, SD = 0.86, F = 5.717, P < 0.002) than other kinds of friends. They also tend to self-disclose themselves to Arabs (M = 2.70, SD = 0.62, F = 14.903, P < 0.000) rather than to their American and Asian friends.

This finding might be explained in the light of the understanding of Arab culture that is conservative and high-context type of cultures. According to Edward (1976), in higher-context communication, a few words can communicate a complex message very effectively to an in-group (but less effectively to those outside that group). Therefore, Arab respondents might feel more comfortable in disclosing themselves with the Arabs, who are many their families and close friends, rather than any other nationalities.

A significant (p < 0.004) positive correlation (r = 0.163) between online self-disclosure and attitude toward social connection via SNSs was found. There was no correlation between intensity of SNS usage and online-self-disclosure. This means that the more respondents have a positive attitude toward SNS and online self-disclosure, the more they will tend to disclose themselves online regardless of the intensity of SNS usage. At the same time, it can be predicted that the amount of time and number of days the respondents spend using social media will affect the level and tendency of their online self-disclosure; rather the attitude will have the desired effect. These findings support Mohamed’s (2015) results who concluded that the more the diversity of the type of friends, the more people perceive their online self-presentation as successful. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis supported the same findings as it showed the participants’ tendency to use SNSs to communicate with family and friends more than strangers as it will be discussed in the qualitative analysis.

Based on these results, the first hypothesis is accepted in terms of the correlation between online self-disclosure and size of SNSs, diversity of SNS audience, and attitudes toward online self-disclosure. However, it was rejected in terms of its correlation with the intensity of using SNSs.

H2: Visual Forms of Self-disclosure

This hypothesis stated that visual forms of self-disclosure (sharing photos online) is determined by

Online SNS size

Diversity of SNS audience

Intensity of using SNSs

Positive attitudes toward online self-disclosure

Table 3.

Correlation between Visual Forms of Self-disclosure (Sharing Photos) and SNS Size, Type, and Level of SNS Connection

Online Social Networking Size	The Diversity of SNS Audience	Intensity of SNS Usage	Attitude toward SNS Usage
r = 0.242(*)	r = 0.441(*)	r = 0.269(*)	F = 4.551 (**)

Notes: (*)P < 0.000; (**) P < 0.01.

A Pearson correlation indicated a positive significant (p < 0.000) correlation between a visual form of online self-disclosure and the size of SNSs (r = 0.242), the diversity of SNS audience (r = 0.441) and intensity of SNS usage (r = 0.269). Moreover, an ANOVA revealed that the higher the attitude toward online self-disclosure via SNS, the more the respondents are willing to share their photos online (F = 4.551, P < 0.01). The second hypothesis is accepted.

These findings indicate that the more the size of SNS friends and the diversity of their nationalities and types, the more respondents tend to post visual images online in their profiles. Unexpectedly, the intensity of SNS usage is correlated positively to the visual form of online self-disclosure unlike the online self-disclosure. This might be interpreted as when SNS users are intensively use SNS and they can see that their friends post images and photos of their activities online, they are likely to share their photos online as they find it as socially accepted among their friends and counterparts.

H3: Correlation between Self-disclosure Tendency and Offline Social Support

This hypothesis examines the relation between:

A tendency toward online self-disclosure (honesty—amount—positive valence—conscious content)

Levels of offline social support (emotional and informational supports, affectionate support, and social companionship)

Results are shown in Table 4.

Table 4.

Correlation between Offline Social Support (Emotional, Affectionate, Social Companionship) and Online Self-disclosure Dimensions (Honesty, Amount, Positive Valence, Conscious Intent)

Offline Social Support	Online Self-disclosure
Offline Social Support	Honesty	Amount	Positive Valence	Conscious Intent
Emotional informational	0.178(*)	−0.105(NS)	−0.118(**)	0.100 (NS)
Affectionate	0.090(NS)	−0.095(NS)	−0.095(NS)	0.034(NS)
Social companionship	0.094(NS)	−0.132(**)	−0.087(NS)	0.195(***)

Notes: (*) P < 0.002; (**) P < 0.02; (***) P < 0.001; (NS) nonsignificant.

The Pearson correlation showed a positive significant correlation between the “honesty” dimension of online self-disclosure and emotional and informational offline social support (r =.178, p < 0.002). In other words, the respondents who gain emotional and informational support offline are likely “honest” in their online self-disclosure. However, “honesty” does not correlate to other dimensions of offline social support (affectionate and social companionship).

“Amount” of online self-disclosure does not correlate to “emotional informational supports” and “affectionate” dimensions of offline support; while it correlates negatively with the “social companionship” dimension (r = −0.132, p < 0.02). This means that the more the respondents have offline social companionship, the less their amount of online self-disclosure. This finding supports Leung’s (2011) results who found that “individuals who have less offline emotional and affectionate support tended to have a stronger desire to live out a fantasy online to obtain it” (p. 382). It could be interpreted that SNS users tend to have more online self-disclosure to gain virtual companionship and make up for the lost affections offline.

The results showed that the “positive valence” dimension of online self-disclosure does not correlate with the “affectionate” and “social companionship” dimensions of offline social support; while it correlates negatively with “emotional and informational offline supports” (r = −0.118, p < 0.02). This indicates that the more respondents have emotional and informational offline support, the less they are likely to disclose positive matters online. In addition, “conscious intent” correlates positively with “social companionship” dimension of offline social support (r = 0.195, p < 0.001).

Therefore, each component of offline social support can have an impact on online self-disclosure, either positively, or negatively, where some individuals become more conservative in terms of disclosing themselves in SNS. Thus, third hypothesis is accepted.

Demographics Effects on the Research Variables

The t-test showed a significant difference between males and females (t = 3.793, p < 0.000) in the tendency to online self-disclosure. Males (M = 1.93, SD = 0.669) are likely to disclose themselves through social media sites more than females (M = 1.64, SD = 0.664). However, there was significant difference between males and females in their online self-disclosure attitude (t = 0.791, p < 0.003). Females were higher in their positive attitude toward online self-disclosure (M = 2.40, SD = 0.572) than males (M = 2.19, SD = 0.633). The t-test showed a significant difference between males and females (t = 7.252, p < 0.000) in their visual form of online self-disclosure. It was higher among males (M = 2.25, SD = 0.697) than females (M = 1.67, SD = 0.710). Moreover, t-test indicated a significant difference between males and females in two of the offline social support components. The females were higher in the emotional and information offline support (M = 2.43, SD = 0.608, p < 0.01) than males (M = 2.26, SD = 0.699) and females were higher in the social companionship dimension of offline social support (M = 2.40, SD = 0.572, p < 0.002) than males (M = 2.19, SD = 0.633). However, there was no difference between males and females in the “Affectionate” dimension of offline social support.

As for education, the ANOVA revealed that education level makes a significant difference (F = 6.841, P < 0.001) in visual online self-disclosure. Post Hoc Test showed that visual disclosure was higher among high-school level participants (M = 2.21, SD = 0.749) than university level (M = 1.85, SD = 0.740) and postgraduate level (M = 1.86, SD = 0.765) ones. This indicates that the higher the education level, the more people will be alert to protect their privacy and consider possible risks to disclose themselves online.

The results showed no difference among age groups in the tendency of online self-disclosure. This contradicts the findings of Nosko et al. (2009) who found that the amount of personal information in FB profiles decreased as age increased.

Results of the Qualitative Analysis

The answers of the (69) interviewees were classified into the following themes and subtopics.

Intensity/frequently of using social media: Facebook is the predominant SNS used by the majority of the interviewees. Most of them use Facebook because it was the most popular among their friends: “FB is the most prevalent among my closest friends, and millions of people from different nationalities get to know each other though it” (Interviewee quote). Many interviewees also use Instagram to share photos and LinkedIn to connect to people in various professions. Most of the participants are using Twitter. Many interviewees mentioned WhatsApp as a favorite smart phone application: “WhatsApp is the most convenient way to talk to my friends. It is easy to handle, high in security and all my friends use it” (Interviewee quote). Ask.fm, Flipboard, Tumblr, Pinterest, Snap chat, BBM and Kik were also mentioned by many interviewees.

Motivation for using SNSs: Most of the interviewees mentioned that they use SNSs to communicate with friends, relatives and colleagues as they make communication easier and faster than other types of communication. They expressed how SNSs provide them with “endless connectivity” with friends and family. Some of them mentioned that they started using it when they recognized its popularity among friends: “I used SNS to become popular and to follow the trend of being socially active” (Interviewee quotes). Other interviewees pointed to social rewards of sharing memories and expression of feelings as main reasons of using SNS. “It makes me feel like I am living with my friends online” (Interviewee quotes). Some interviewees use SNS in studying and sharing ideas about joint research projects at the university. One of the interviewees referred to its importance in sharing photos: “It is really cool to share photos with friends in SNS” (Interviewee quote). “I enjoy sharing my special moments on photos and it is nice to read the comments from friends.” Many interviewees stated that it helps them to discover more about the world and be connected to people from other nationalities. Playing games, being well-informed, acquiring facts, getting fashion updates, buying products, finding jobs and getting local and international news were some of the motivations stated by the interviewees.

Connection to friends online versus face to face (FtF): Unexpectedly, many of the interviewees expressed that SNSs do not replace interpersonal communication, although they are intensively using it. They do not believe that friendships reside in any social media platform; these are used just to facilitate communication with friends and family. They also believe that there are some matters that are better discussed FtF than online. “FtF makes it easy to remove any misunderstanding” (Interviewee quote). Many interviewees find friendships more real and fun in FtF encounters. “I found myself lonely talking with 100 SNS friends,” “I still prefer eye contact,” and “FtF communication makes people feel closer to each other rather than facing screens and writing texts” (Interviewees’ quotes). Most of the time, words used online do not disclose the actual feelings or emotions as expressed by some interviewees. It was said: “Sometimes I type (hahaha) while I’m not actually laughing or feeling happy” (Interviewee quote). Some interviewees look at SNS as a supplementary device to reinforce FtF connections: “if you meet a friend and forget to tell him something, you can send a message via any SNS to clarify or expand” (Interviewee quote).

Some interviewees said that preference of FtF or SNS connection depends on the type of friend and the situation itself. Many interviewees find SNS as a perfect way to avoid meeting people FtF: “SNS helps to be connected to those you hate their physical presence; while FtF is better in connecting close friends and family members” (Interviewee quote). They also prefer disclosing their opinions and feelings online more than FtF. “I feel more comfortable to disclose myself when texting than speaking” (Interviewee quote). They think that interaction through social media keeps a relationship healthy as it keeps them away from commitments and formalities. Interviewees who described themselves as “conservative” find SNS to be a great way to stay socially active, as they can express themselves openly and better through SNS than in FtF. “Meeting personally makes me shy and unable to say things that I can say online” (Interviewee quote). Many interviewees find SNS as the best way to be connected to friends with their busy daily schedule that makes it difficult to meet them FtF: “SNS reminds us that we have friends although we hardly have time to meet them FtF” (Interviewee quote). It seems that the new media helped people to stay connected; however, many still believe in FtF as a major way to communicate effectively.

Drawbacks of online self-disclosure: Most Emiratis preferred keeping their personal information to themselves for many reasons, such as: to feel safe, to avoid problems and to be away from possible dangers from strangers. They expressed that “sensitive” personal information should not be shared online. They explained that online self-disclosure means loss of privacy, which affects all relationships on both personal and professional levels because everything is saved online and could be misused: “Being too opened on social media makes you an easy target for those who have bad intentions toward you” (Interviewee quote). Some interviewees said that people tend to judge each other through what they see on their SNS profiles. Some added that it is possible to be a victim of scams, spams, or unwanted marketing campaigns. Moreover, it can ruin social status or lead to lose a job opportunity. “It might be distorted when applying for a job” (Interviewee quote).

Another interviewee summarized the negative effects of online self-disclosure:

It leads to three things: ‘judgment’ of what I do or I do not do!’ ‘Expectations’ people expect me to do things and then keep on asking me or nagging me to do things for them which I either can’t or don’t have time to do or simply I don’t want to do!’ and ‘Humiliation’ I feel when something doesn’t work out or at times if something embarrassing someone tags me in! (Interviewee quote)

On the other hand, some interviewees expressed that there is no harm if they disclose their personal information in SNS. They can protect their privacy by making their profiles “private” and select friends who can see their profile information and posts. Some other interviewees show negligence: “I do not feel embarrassed when I publish something in SNS because I don’t care about people’s opinions” (Interviewee quote). Therefore, the majority of interviewees, especially Emiratis, are aware of possible negative effects of disclosing themselves via SNS.

Benefits of online self-disclosure: Ten interviewees agreed that online self-disclosure does not have many advantages. However, 29 interviewees see online self-disclosure as a reason to build a good reputation among friends and relatives and to empower self-esteem by getting huge number of “likes” and “comments.” “Sharing is caring: sharing personal details of our life makes people feel closer to each other” (Interviewee quote). Fifteen interviewees expressed that online self-disclosure improves self-confidence by reaping “praising” sentences when one reveals achievements: “this helps me to get encouraging words from my online friends to keep my achievements up” (Interviewee quote). Eight other interviewees expressed that disclosing personal information makes online communication easier and more comfortable as a person can extend his relationships with new people: “Psychologically, people feel comfortable with a person of clear personality rather than vague one” (Interviewee quote). Seven other interviewees explained that online self-disclosure can help find better jobs. Employers also can find important and interesting information about the applicants through SNS.

“Honesty” in online self-disclosure: Most of the interviewees use every method to protect their privacy online. They find no harm if they fabricate their personal identities, or use fake names or birthday dates: “SNS is used for entertainment only…it’s not a passport” (Interviewee quote). They believe privacy should be protected. Mostly, they do not regret being “dishonest” in disclosing themselves online: “I do not feel embarrassed when I have to fabricate” (Interviewee quote). Some of the interviewees said that they must be honest and all information should be accurate because it is better not to share information if one intends to post fake information or to be dishonest: “A person should be honest in disclosing via social networks, but he should be really careful about the amount of the information he’s sharing” (Interviewee quote). They related honesty to credibility and gaining trust from online friends: “there is no reason to lie online … it is either to say or not to say” (Interviewee quote).

Some interviewees refer to cultural boundaries in determining the extent of “honesty” online by claiming that “in our Arab traditional communities, women should not be honest in revealing their personal information or achievements but for males there will be no harm” and “women should be more careful in sharing their personal information” (Interviewee quotes). Other interviewees mentioned that being “honest” depends on the type of information that should be disclosed: “I’m always 100 percent honest in expressing my opinions and ideas, but the matter is different when it comes to my mobile number or my birthday” (Interviewee quote). However, another interviewee said: “I will be honest in opinions when there is no fear that the opinion can backfire on me.” Therefore, there is no agreement among interviewees in terms of honesty in online self-disclosure.

Offline Social Support and Online Self-disclosure

Most participants felt offline social support does not obviate online social disclosure, but instead strengthens the tendency to be more open to others and more confident to have successful social relationships with online friends. They said people can gain social support from SNS friends, especially the emotional support: “positive comments on a post lead to encouragement; also constructive criticism leads to productivity” (Interviewee quotes). Many of the interviewees said that one of the advantages of social media is that they can help in getting social affection and support that are not to be gained offline. Those who are unable to find their perfect companion in the real world tend to search for people in SNSs, which can be a good option, “there are people who are unable to share their problems openly in FtF situation or do not find any one trustworthy to share their personal problems with, in such cases SNS can help” (Interviewee quote).

Some interviewees mentioned that disclosing personal information helps to have more friends who will eventually be very supportive when needed: “when I post sad news, I get emotional support from my online friends … they write encouraging words to overcome the bad situation” (Interviewee quote). Two interviewees did not believe that online social support is realistic and powerful. One of them said: “social affection and companionship is better when friends are present in person rather than online.” Some interviewees expressed their fear of online self-disclosure for the sake of receiving social support. They pointed to cyber bullying that is widespread in social media: “self-disclosure can lead to cyber bullying and different kinds of crimes by showing social affection!” and “to avoid being a victim; one should avoid posting personal information just for support and compassion” (Interviewee quotes). Some of the interviewees, who have offline social support, said they did not need to disclose any information online: “I receive all support offline … whenever I feel I become ‘popular’ online; I delete my accounts and make new ones.”

Some interviewees expressed a fear of seeking social support online and expressed that social affection, achieved by online self-disclosure, can be false and a source of trouble rather than true affection and a source of calmness: “if the person reading the information is unaware of online frauds, he would fall into traps of social affection … etc” (Interviewee quotes). Nine interviewees found offline social support as very important to avoid the disadvantages of online self-disclosure. They stated that family, siblings, cousins and friends are there to share personal problems with and to find social support, affection and companionship with them rather than searching for it online: “One can always discuss his problems with family members or close friends. They are more reliable than random people on SNS” (Interviewee quotes).

Visual forms of self-disclosure (sharing photos online): Most Emirati respondents did not express a preference for sharing their personal photos online. This might be due to local traditions of the UAE and the conservativeness of the Gulf community in general: “if the photo reveals the person’s face or body then I disagree because it is against our tradition” (Interviewee quote). The majority of females agreed that there is no reason to post personal photos online; mainly because “Arab traditions do not support that idea” (Interviewee quote).

However, males did not have objections like females did about sharing their personal photos: “People would rather look at and get attracted to pictures and ignore reading text” and “SNSs make it really easy to share photos only among family members and friends” (Interviewee quotes). The also said that photos can be shared among friends in a private account and among family members, so that one can avoid problems caused if someone misuses the photo: “I think it is unnecessary to give others too much access to your personal life by sharing your pictures” (Interviewee quote).

Males expressed the practice of “parental authority” toward females with regard to disclosure. They expressed that girls are always in danger and should protect themselves by not sharing their photos online: “Girls should not post their personal photographs on SNSs; but boys are free to take such a decision” (Interviewee quote). One interviewee pointed to the dangerous effects of sharing photos, saying: “people who share photos online are easily subjected to blackmailing or inappropriate usages of these photos by bad people, leading to defamation, especially females.” In addition, “Sharing photos might be socially superficial and yield false comments or praises too” (Interviewee quote).

However, some females indicated that SNS disclosures are part of a new communication era that is interactive and open: “It is a part of today’s interaction and communication with the world; photos help us know each other and new places through the pictures that other people upload” (Interviewee quote). They also described it as “important” if the SNS is for sharing professional information, such as “LinkedIn.” Social connectivity was noted positively: “It is really great that I can see, via SNSs, my nephews’ and nieces’ photos and videos!” and “my close friends or distant-living relatives can be updated of what’s happening in my life via SNSs; not necessary photos of only me, but my friends, events and so on … Its fine and nice idea to share photos” (Interviewee quotes). In addition, one of the interviewees said: “sharing the photos of the places I visit makes me happy; at the same time, I inspire others to visit same places.”

General comments from the interviewees: In general, interviewees realize that every social media site has certain benefits to its users. They noted how LinkedIn has allowed people to search for work places; Facebook has kept them connected to school friends who have moved to other countries, and both Twitter and Instagram allow them to speak out and tweet random thoughts and interact with others. Many interviewees explained how SNS plays a key role in making them closer to family members and friends as it enables them to identify what they like/dislike and know more about their personalities. They also noted that SNSs help in making new overseas friends. Some interviewees explained that online self-disclosure brings pleasure and happiness to them: “sharing your information, achievements, and problems with your good friends, make you relax and happy” (Interviewee quote). Some interviewees also explained how the online self-disclosure improved their personalities and self-confidence.

On the other hand, two interviewees described how SNSs had a negative influence on their relationships with family members and friends and made them feel lonely: “I feel I am far away from my family and friends in spite of the fact that we live in the same place” and “I think SNS has made me less social because I don’t meet my friends frequently and we hardly chat through SNS” (Interviewee quotes).

Some interviewees refer to the role of SNSs in forming people’s perception of their online friends and how online self-disclosure might change these perceptions: “I understood that you can be a different person behind the screen’ and ‘social media allowed me to know who fake people are and who the honest ones are” (Interviewee quote). Some interviewees explained that the SNSs have changed the way people deal with each other in the sense that they recognize that people do not disclose everything accurately through social media. One also explained that online self-disclosure “might help people to know more about you without even you knowing who they are” (Interviewee quote).

A small number of interviewees pointed out that they learned how to keep “boundaries” in SNS and to be more careful because people do not always provide accurate information about themselves: “I learnt, while surfing online, to keep my personal information confidential such as mobile phone, account number... etc.” and “I have become careful in what info to share and what to hide” (Interviewee quotes).

In general, interviewees agreed that SNS users should carefully control what information they post on their social networking site accounts, and to whom this information is available. Even if users try to protect their privacy by restricting the visibility of their personal information and posts on SNSs, they should be cautious of what they post in social media sites.

Conclusions

For this sample of UAE residents, a Pearson correlation showed that there was a positive significant correlation between online self-disclosures and the size of SNSs and diversity of SNS audience. ANOVA and Post HOC tests showed that the respondents tend to self-disclose more with family members and relatives than other kinds of friends. They also tend to self-disclose to Arabs rather than Americans and Asians. A significant positive correlation between online self-disclosure and attitude toward social connection via SNSs was found, but there was no correlation between intensity of SNS usage and online self-disclosure.

In terms of a visual form of online self-disclosure (sharing photos), Pearson correlation indicated a positive significant correlation between this form of online self-disclosure and the size of SNSs, the diversity of SNS audience, and intensity of SNS usage. The ANOVA revealed that the higher the attitude toward online self-disclosure via SNSs, the more the respondents are willing to share their photos online.

Relating components of offline social support with dimensions of online self-disclosure, the Pearson correlation found respondents who gain emotional and informational support offline are likely “honest” in their online self-disclosure. However, “honesty” did not correlate to other dimensions of offline social support (affectionate and social companionship). It also concluded that the more respondents have offline social companionship, the less their amount of online self-disclosure. This was expressed in the way the “amount” of online self-disclosure did not correlate to “emotional informational supports” and “affectionate” dimensions of offline support, while it correlated negatively with the “social companionship” dimension.

Moreover, the more respondents have emotional and informational offline support, the less they are likely to disclose positive matters online. Thus the “positive valence” dimension of online self-disclosure did not correlate with the “affectionate” and “social companionship” dimensions of offline social support, while it correlated negatively with “emotional and informational offline supports.”

More generally, the WhatsApp application was the most popular SNS, followed by Facebook and Instagram in both quantitative and qualitative results. Age was not found to make any difference in online self-disclosure for the sample. Results showed that the respondents tend to self-disclose more with family members and relatives than other kinds of friends, and they also tend to self-disclose to Arabs rather than to their Americans and Asians friends. Males were more likely to disclose themselves through social media sites more than females, but females held a higher positive attitude toward online self-disclosure, although they were less likely to share photos of themselves than males. Photo sharing correlated positively with higher education, though. Females scored higher than males in all forms of offline emotional support except “affectionate” support, which was equal in both.

Qualitative results confirmed the popularity of Facebook and WhatsApp and general enthusiasm for SNSs as a means to learn, connect, and share. Surprisingly, there was strong appreciation for the value of face-to-face communication, although at times the value lay in convenience versus emotional connection. Although there was skepticism about the benefits of self-disclosure on SNSs, some respondents noted its ability to generate praise or job opportunities. Most of the interviewees use every method to protect their privacy online. Honesty in self-disclosure was dependent upon cultural preferences and the sensitivity of the content.

Most participants felt offline social support does not inhibit online social disclosure, rather, it helps open up to others more confidently and build successful social relationships. Opinions regarding photo-sharing varied by gender. The majority of females agreed that there is no reason to post personal photos online, citing the lack of support for this practice in Arab tradition; however, males did not have objections like females did about sharing their personal photos. Interviewees generally agreed that SNS users should carefully control what information they post on their SNS accounts, and to whom this information is available.

The quantitative sample was limited to Arab residents of the UAE, and thus could not be generalized to the entire Arab population in other countries. Moreover, the qualitative study results could not be generalized due to the limitations of the qualitative methodology in terms of the number of participants and lack of statistical analysis of data; yet it provided indications to better understand the online self-disclosure trends among Arabs residence of UAE. Cultural differences in online self-disclosure require more studies to provide more detailed information about how culture might influence the type and extent of self-disclosure. For example, cross-cultural studies should be conducted to study how more traditional cultures and more secular cultures differ in online self-disclosure. In spite of these limitations, this study can be considered as a first step to explore online self-disclosure among Arabs and how it is correlated to offline social support.

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