Abstract
The year 2017 marks a number of memorable historic events in the Middle East. First and foremost is the centenary of the Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917. Many scholars trace much of the problems of modern Middle East to this 67-word brief statement of Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfour to British Jewish leader Lord Rothschild. Genesis says, “And God said: ‘Let there be light’ and there was light.” Since then, the humanity has not witnessed a more powerful sentence that shaped, transformed, and destroyed the destiny of many.
While recognizing the historic connection between the Jews and the Holy Land, the Declaration pledged British support for a Jewish national home in Palestine without affecting the “civil and religious rights of the existing” Arab majority population. As the Mandate power, Britain soon found out the inherently contradictory pledges to the Jews and Arabs, and if these were not sufficient, the contradictory interpretations of the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence only made matters worse. Some scholars tend to trace the origins of the Arab–Israeli conflict and in the process, the founding of Israel to the promises of Balfour.
The year also marks two landmark events, the June war of 1967 and the subsequent United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 adopted a few months later. The war established Israel’s military superiority over its Arab adversaries but also brought into focus the need for political accommodation and compromise outlined through Resolution 242. Adopted unanimously by the 15-member body (which at that time also included India as a non-permanent member), it called for the recognition of the political independence and sovereignty of all the states and their right to live in “secured and recognized” borders. Its calls for an Israeli withdrawal, however, were entangled over the absence of the definite article in the English text. At that time, it only talked about the “refugee” rights of the Palestinians.
Though remained unfulfilled even half a century after its unanimous adoption, Resolution 242 continues to provide the only viable framework for the “just and lasting” peace in the Middle East, namely, a political accommodation that recognizes the national rights of Israel and Palestine. Despite innumerable efforts by various regional and international players, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict lingers on and eludes a settlement. With regional upheavals in many other Arab countries, the Palestine question has become a lesser priority for the international community.
For a change, India has been actively engaging with the region since National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government came to power in May 2014. In line with his pro-active engagement with foreign leaders, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has visited the UAE (August 2015), Saudi Arabia (April 2016), Iran (May 2016), and Qatar (June 2016). Besides he has been meeting Saudi leaders during G-20 Summits in Brisbane (November 2014), Belek, Anatolia (November 2015), and Hangzhou (September 2016). He is also meeting or exchanging greetings with Israeli leaders at regular intervals.
There were high-profiled visits by other state leaders. President Pranab Mukherjee visited Jordan, Palestine, and Israel in October 2015; Vice-President Mohammad Hamid Ansari visited Morocco (May–June 2016), Tunisia (June 2016), and Algeria (October 2016). Not to be left behind, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj and her cabinet colleagues have been visiting many countries in the region.
The invitation to the Crown Prince of the UAE Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan as the Chief Guest of the Republic Day Celebrations in January 2017 also marked a recognition of the politico-economic power of this small country. This was only the fourth time such an honor was bestowed upon a Middle Eastern leader and the earlier ones were President Abdelaziz Bouteflika of Algeria in 2001, President Mohammed Khatami of Iran in 2003, and King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia in 2005.
Unlike its bigger neighbors, the UAE has no larger political ambitions and strategic calculus but has been leveraging its strength in economy and service sector. If handled prudently and effectively, the UAE could play the role that Singapore played in the 1990s when it sought to promote Indian engagement and influence in the Southeast Asia.
In this year, the Contemporary Review of the Middle East (CRME) is entering its fourth year of publications. With three special issues including a double issue, the journal is making slow progress on the academic scene. We need your continued support and patronage to make CRME, the premier journal from the South on the Middle Eastern discourse.