Abstract
Media researchers have often examined how film and television can have an impact on audiences. Media have various effects on audience members. When it comes to representing ‘the other’, the media often rely on stereotypes. Research has shown that ethnic Arabs are under-represented in US film and television, and their depictions are distorted with stereotypical portrayals. The current study joins the discussion on ‘media representation’ (in this case, informed by the construct of Occidentalism) by conducting a qualitative, thematic, content analysis (informed by narrative analysis, both socio-linguistic and socio-cultural) of the Jordanian television show My American Neighbor. Stereotypes can be both positive and negative, and they are often used by media storytellers regardless of their background or location in the World.
How people, places, and events are portrayed in the media are increasingly recognized and understood as being ‘constructed representations’ of a reality. These ‘constructions’ while chiefly produced for commercial purposes (that is, to attract an audience for advertisers or subscriptions) also have the potential for more considerable influence on both micro (individual) and macro (societal) levels. In the absence of direct knowledge of a subject matter (that is, issue obtrusiveness), media portrayals may increase awareness and influence audience attitudes and opinions.
Related to this notion that the media can create impressions in the minds of the audience is an area within communications studies that has received greater attention of ‘media representation’. In the United States, where many media products are created, there is a growing awareness of media programming’s past when it comes, for example, to ethnic representation, which can be summarized as ‘under-representation’ and ‘stereotyping’ of ethnic groups (Hodkinson, 2016). Over the years, researchers have written about the representation of Blacks, Hispanics, and Arabs. More recently, with the success of the film Crazy Rich Asians, the spotlight has turned to the representation of Asians and Asian-Americans in the media. Arguably, the discussions are chiefly held from what may be called a ‘Western’ or ‘Orientalist’ perspective. This article joins the discussion by utilizing an ‘Occidentalist perspective’ or a ‘lens of Occidentalism’ to analyze how westerners are portrayed in Arab media.
The concept of ‘West’ is one that has received ample coverage in the academic literature. Several related terms can be associated with this research area, for example, Orientalism, Occidentalism, post-colonial studies, global north, and global south. It would be impossible to address all these terms adequately; indeed, their definitions are often debated. Nevertheless, some of the prominent features of these concepts need to be mentioned to provide the necessary background for the present study (see the section on ‘Occidentalisms’).
This article joins the discussion on media representation by investigating how westerners and the West (specifically Americans and the USA) are portrayed in the contemporary Jordanian television show My American Neighbor. This article seeks to examine My American Neighbor, while also mentioning other instances where ‘the West’ and ‘westerners’ have appeared in Arab media, to gain insight into its central ideas and approach to cultural and ethnic portrayals.
Literature Review
When one thinks of the Middle East and media representations, one scholar’s work immediately comes to mind. Jack Shaheen (2012) wrote several articles on Arab representation, and his book Reel Bad Arabs: How Hollywood Vilifies A People explained the US media’s historical missteps when representing Arabs in Western film and television. Shaheen’s work made clear that the twin evils of ‘under-representation’ and ‘stereotypical’ representation were the norm for much of the Western media’s history with Arab ethnicity. While we draw on Shaheen’s work, our focus may, in some ways, be considered as the reverse, in that we are curious to know how westerners are portrayed in Arab media. This is an area with far less research attention, but one that is important nevertheless.
Theories of Representation
Shaheen’s work, ‘informed by a cultural imperialism perspective’ (Khatib, 2006, p. 64), also relies on theories of representation derived primarily from the academic field of sociology, though these are not directly mentioned in his work. To be sure, other scholars have expanded on Shaheen’s work (e.g., Alsultany, 2012). Wagner et al. (1999) stated, ‘A social representation is a collective phenomenon pertaining to a community which is co-constructed by individuals in their daily talk and action’ (p. 96). Media researchers have co-opted this idea and expanded it by factoring in the media’s role in creating representations of the world. At the same time, it is understood that audiences are not always passively absorbing media content, and we must also consider how the audience interprets the messages.
Over the years, this theory has been adapted to explain how ‘representations’ in media portrayals can come to influence audiences. Many researchers have written about this (and related) phenomenon, and various terms have been used to describe this effect, including, ‘social construction of reality’ (Gamson et al., 1992; Shapiro & Lang, 1991), ‘mediated construction of reality’ (Couldry & Hepp, 2018), ‘mediated authenticity’ (Enli, 2015; Gilpin et al., 2010), and ‘media representation’ (Fürsich, 2010; Kidd, 2016; Orgad, 2012). Others have written on how the media helps in the ‘construction of cultural identities’ (Barker, 1999; Gentz & Kramer, 2006). Ultimately, whether we consider ‘media representation’ as a concept, construct, model or theory is a matter for discussion and debate; but the result is that researchers understand that the media are perfect at ‘setting the table’ so to speak, when it comes to what people know about, and how they might come to think about, the world around them.
Occidentalisms
Invariably and because of the vantage point that we are taking in this discussion, the concept of ‘Occidentalism’ was at the forefront of our minds when we began gathering the episodes and transcribing the scripts that would be examined for the study. Although less has been written on this than about the reverse concept of ‘Orientalism’, we greatly benefitted from a handful of insightful and comprehensive works on this subject. Interestingly, Shaheen’s work makes only cursory mention of Orientalism in his book. For the current study, we sought to infuse the concept of ‘Occidentalism’ with the construct of ‘media representation’ to create a more focused theoretical lens through which to analyze the selected television program.
When it comes to issues of how the Arab world views ‘the West’, Abdel-Malek and El Kahla (2011) summarized, ‘Anti-American sentiments are much more pronounced [in recent years] but mixed with a fascination of American lifestyles and popular culture’ (p. xi). When we looked at the literature on Occidentalism, we found that different authors had different perspectives and definitions for the term. Bakhshandeh (2014) described the image of the United States in Iran as a ‘land of milk and honey [which] has long co-existed with another image of “hostility” and “arrogance”’ (p. 194). Whereas ‘Maier [1996] mixes history, literary criticism, film criticism, and a critique of Orientalism to analyze the way the East (mostly Morocco) portrays the West’ (Kapchan, 1998, p. 77). Ultimately, we note that the term ‘Occidentalism’ is often debated but is also very much an umbrella term used for referring to stereotypical visions of ‘the West’, both positive and negative. Inam (2018) suggested a new framework to consider that any divide between East and West ‘is fabricated on both sides by Narratives of Disparity (NoDs), which are often built on historical narratives’ (p. 226). For now, though, the Orientalism and Occidentalism constructs are more widely used and cited.
Definitions of the term ‘Occidentalism’ are likely to be continually debated in the literature. Ultimately, we decided to rely on a typology created by Woltering (2011) in his well-balanced book, which did an excellent job of analyzing and summarizing ‘Arab Occidentalisms’ (note: he introduces a plural form of the word) found in non-fictional texts over the last 300 years. He describes the use of the plural form in this way: ‘Images are subjective and therefore diverse, hence the plural noun’ (p. 1). He describes ‘five “Occidentalisms”, or five typical ways in which the West is perceived and portrayed in Egypt’ (p. 40; see Table 1). He mentions these as typical from an Egyptian perspective, and, while we acknowledge the differences between Egypt and Jordan, there are no texts which have created an Occidentalist typology from a Jordanian perspective. Thus, we chose to employ Woltering’s list (with limitations acknowledged). We should note that he does mention wider ‘Arab Occidentalisms’ in his book (p. 162); so, he does not exclusively focus on the views of Egyptian intellectuals. We also note that he did not engage with fictionalized entertainment content, another potential limitation. These are the ‘five major constructions of the West’ (p. 35) that will guide our study’s examination of the Jordanian television show and our cursory look at other relevant Arab media products.
The Case of My American Neighbor
Woltering’s Typology of Egyptian ‘Occidentalisms’
One of the main reasons this show stands out is that it is the only Arab media product with a regular ‘Western’ cast member. While newscasts may contain many references to the West and westerners, there are fewer Arab entertainment media instances when a ‘westerner’ may regularly appear. There was once a western contestant on Arabs Got Talent whose performance of a traditional Arab song went viral in the Middle East media in 2013 (Kingsley, 2013), and occasionally a Western celebrity will make a cameo in a show or music video (e.g., Lewis Hamilton in the show Zero4; Lewis Hamilton Appears, 2012). 1 These are rare exceptions, and, in this article, however, we seek out those instances to provide an expanded context for discussions on the topic.
The series aired for four seasons, which would indicate that it had achieved some level of success. Ratings for the show are not available, though it has been anecdotally reported that the show was relatively popular and that language schools in Jordan use episodes of the series for both English-speakers learning Jordanian Arabic, and Arabic-speakers learning English.
2
The following research questions are proposed:
What types of characters, events, and activities are portrayed in the television show, My American Neighbor? Moreover, why might these depictions have been chosen? What is the nature of the Western representation in Arab entertainment media? Can Woltering’s typology of ‘the West’ be found in Arab entertainment media?
Specifically, our main focus was the television program My American Neighbor, however, due to the exploratory nature of our study, we also left open the possibility of discovering other instances where the theme of ‘representations of the West’ might be occurring in other fictional/entertainment Arab media products.
Method
Our investigation of the program looked at the first two seasons of the show focusing on various scenes using a narrative analysis approach (Fulton et al., 2005). A narrative analysis looks at a range of elements but is chiefly interested in ‘the ways in which people make and use stories to interpret the world, and their place within it’ (Lawler, 2002, p. 242). Further, narrative ‘can shape what people see as possible, even as real, if it is attractive enough and repeated enough’ (Garner et al., 1998, p. 59).
With the help of research assistants, the first two seasons of the show were fully transcribed in both Arabic and English. We then combed through the series episode-by-episode, using a qualitative thematic content analysis approach to dissect the show’s narratives, that is, storylines, interactions, and contexts (Altheide & Schneider, 2013).
As we read the transcripts, we occasionally referred to the video of various episodes to parse out precisely what was happening in different scenes. Our top priority was scenes in which any cultural norms or mores were being depicted, usually as exaggerations or misunderstandings for comedic effect. In our study, we were interested in the specific cross-cultural nature of the discourses that were occurring. It was in the discussions about these scenes where the researchers’ backgrounds (West–East) were essential to the analysis. We wanted to uncover which cultural specificities were being utilized (in the storytelling, i.e., the narratives); why they might be considered as funny by one group of viewers versus another, understanding that television messages can be interpreted differently (see Hall, 2003; Livingstone, 1990); and how these portrayals might fit into Woltering’s typology of how the West and westerners were being represented (content analysis).
Findings
The first episode begins with the American character, Ricky (played by American actor Brett Weer) typing on his laptop while narrating:
An American in Arabia. I thought I was ready for the Middle East, well with all the books I’ve read. Shake with my right hand, never look a woman in the eye, especially if her husband is there. But these things are just the tip of the iceberg. (Weer & Mansour, 2013a).
Immediately following his self-narration, shots ring out as his neighbors fire their guns on the roof of the building to celebrate Traad’s (another main character in the series) passing of an exam. The neighbors then go to Ricky’s apartment (with their guns still drawn) to invite him to the celebration. Here in the first scene of the show, viewers are presented with an American character’s dichotomy confronting an Arab cultural situation. In addressing our first research question, we can say that there are many more scenes similar to this as the show features, one might say ‘plays’ around with, the perspectives of the characters in the show, as well as the expectations of audiences viewing it.
Throughout the series, Ricky is portrayed as helpful, caring, and eager to learn the customs of the Jordanians. His Arab neighbors are a lower income, provincial, traditional Muslim family. They are not at all representative of all Jordanians or Arabs, but, as stated earlier, the characters are portrayed to produce more contrast to create and highlight comical situations (and this addresses the second part of the first research question). Ricky, who represents Americans in particular and all westerners in general is portrayed in a much more favorable light than the Jordanian family members who are often the butt of the joke. Ricky is closest to the son Traad who, it is explained, has a better understanding of American culture than his father, Abu Traad. However, despite their unfavorable portrayal, the family’s generosity is highlighted throughout the show and is meant to reflect the renowned Arab hospitality where no effort is spared to put a guest’s needs above all. The Arabic title of the show, Al jar abl el dar, literally translates to ‘the neighbor before the house’. In this instance, ‘the house’ represents ‘the family’.
In Episode 2, when Abu Traad asks to make an appointment to visit Ricky ‘in the afternoon’, Traad responds by saying, ‘These are foreigners, they don’t understand “afternoon”. You have to give me a precise time, a precise hour’ (Weer & Mansour, 2013b). The common belief that foreigners have a better respect for time than Arabs is echoed later in the same episode when Abu Traad arrives late to the appointment. Ricky is eager to fit in and learn more about his neighbors, which is why he cancels a date with his girlfriend Lisa because Abu Traad asks to see him on a serious matter that afternoon. Abu Traad arrives late, which is a comment on Arabs’ notorious lack of punctuality, and it turns out he merely wants to borrow Ricky’s mustache trimmer. When Ricky gets angry about missing out on his date for a trivial matter, Abu Traad describes him and all foreigners as short-tempered.
Despite the communication issues and many other letdowns, Ricky continues to seek a strong bond with his neighbors. He even goes as far as helping them investigate a new neighbor whom Traad regards as suspicious (in Episode 3). The neighbor, whom Traad assumes is an American because he wears jeans, T-shirt, and a baseball cap (yet another stereotype) and is described as rude and dubious. So, in this episode, two American characters are portrayed as effectively having opposite motives and characteristics. Whereas Ricky is described as friendly and trustworthy, the new neighbor is characterized as impolite, aloof, and a potential terrorist. Ricky displays great bravery and folly when he helps Traad break into the foreigner’s apartment and cleverly steals the keys so that they can come back later to investigate further. At the end of the episode, it is revealed that the neighbor is wholly benign and Ricky and Traad end up looking like fools when the suspicious neighbor turns out to be a Jordanian. The packages of gas masks they saw him receive, which they assumed he needed to create chemical weapons, turn out to be for his use as a graffiti artist.
Traad’s function throughout the series is to act as Ricky’s guide, helping him navigate Arab culture. He sees himself as Ricky’s interpreter, as Traad thinks he is knowledgeable about American culture. However, Traad’s understandings are often revealed as very basic, stereotypical, and flawed. For example, in Episode 4, when Traad is smitten by an attractive girl, he asks Ricky if he can ‘act with her the way leading men do in American movies’ (Khawaldeh & Mansour, 2013). Ricky clarifies that not all Americans get intimate with the first person they meet and insists that Traad seek the father’s approval demonstrating his respect for Arab traditions. Traad also wrongly assumes that Ricky is good with guns, which he is not, as he accidentally shoots his own foot while the two of them are playing cops and robbers with a real rifle in Episode 9.
Interestingly, Ricky, at one point, declares that he is adept at handling guns. Ricky is also portrayed as very truthful when in the same episode, he disapproves of Traad making up a story about the rifle accident to the police so as not to get them both in trouble. Ricky is also shown to be a stickler for the rules in Episode 8 when he refuses to drive until Traad puts on his seatbelt and he rejects Traad’s suggestions to drive through a red light and ignore various other traffic rules. This is one of many examples where Ricky, who seemingly represents Americans and westerners, is portrayed as more civilized and respectable than Traad, whose attitude seemingly represents an aspect of Arab culture. Uncharacteristically though, perhaps in his effort to assimilate, Ricky agrees to race against a random car and honks aggressively in the episode.
The series is peppered with various other stereotypes such as Americans’ love of baseball, dogs, and peanut butter and jelly sandwiches, and their familiarity with working out and dating. They are also seen as prone to depression and likely to come from a broken family. Their approach to hosting parties is also commented on, in that they ask guests to bring their own drinks and snacks along, whereas Arabs would never do that, regarding it as poor hospitality.
In the first season, Ricky learns how to speak Arabic and tries his best to understand the local customs. By the second season, he is speaking and acting like an Arab to such an extent that he no longer gets along with his Western girlfriend Lisa and later starts courting a Jordanian girl. In the first episode of Season 2, he chides Lisa on her inappropriate dress. Later they argue about his newfound love of Arabic music and TV shows, and when he takes her on a romantic date to a traditional Arabian restaurant where they serve sheep’s head, it is the last straw for Lisa (Nelson & Mansour, 2014a). In the second episode of Season 2, Ricky plays paintball with his American friends against Traad, Abu Traad, and some other family members. Ricky’s American buddies try to trick the Arab team, which infuriates Ricky and he ends up joining Traad’s team, saying, ‘I am with you, I’m tired of those guys. We need to beat those Americans’ (Nelson & Mansour, 2014b).
Occidentalism and Foreigner’s Complex
A lot of the comedy in the series derives from Ricky’s unfamiliarity with Arab or Muslim customs such as eating during Ramadan and, in one instance, taking his bathing suit off in the locker room at the gym. However, he is always portrayed as being respectful and willing to learn and abide by the local Jordanian customs. Some humorous situations are built around the stereotype that all westerners, including Americans, are gullible and can be tricked by the locals. This occurs a few times in My American Neighbor but is also common in several Arabic films. In Assal Eswed (Black Honey), an Egyptian movie released in 2010, the main character, Masry, is originally Egyptian but grew up in the States (Brothers United, 2010). He comes back to visit his country of origin, but because he seems like a foreigner, he is taken advantage of by the locals. Taxi drivers overcharge him, and policemen make fun of him when he is trying to defend his rights as an American to film touristic sights. However, being a westerner also has its advantages. When Masry introduces himself as an American at a hotel, he is told there were rooms available, but when he explains his Egyptian origins, he is refused accommodation.
This notion of westerners being given preferential treatment could be linked to a concept often referred to as the ‘Foreigner’s Complex’ (see below) and is also found in My American Neighbor. In one episode, Ricky is let off the hook by a traffic policeman for honking, once the officer finds out that Ricky is American. However, the show also indicates that not all westerners are viewed equally. Ricky, we are told in several episodes, is quite aware of the hostility some Arabs might have against Americans, which is why he pretends to be Canadian in Episode 7 when he is thrown in jail with some hardcore convicts. This notion of treating westerners better than the natives of the country is a phenomenon known all over the Arab World as ‘The Foreigner Complex’, also known as the ‘Khawaja Complex’ in Egypt. It is a sense of inferiority in comparison with the West (Woltering, 2011, p. 98). Many Arabs revere the Western (meaning European or American) way of life and want to dress like them, listen to their music, watch their movies, and have more social freedom.
Occidentalisms in My American Neighbor and Arab Films
In this section, we look at specific scenes, and we attempt to address an aspect of our second research question by seeing if any of the five of Woltering’s Occidentalisms come into play, namely, ‘Benign West’, ‘Malign West’, ‘Weak West’, ‘Appropriated West’, and ‘True West’.
The first such Occidentalism to appear historically is one that is filled with admiration for the West, or what I would call the ‘Benign West’. In opposition to the Benign West is the image of the ‘Malign West’. It is the West, as seen from the perspective of Egyptians under English-dominated rule. It is the West of the French occupation of Algeria, the West of the Sykes-Picot agreement. They are both a picture of a towering entity, be it a great ideal to aspire to, or a formidable enemy. The third Occidentalism, known as the ‘Weak West’, counters this notion of Western supremacy. It is first found in Hasanal-Bannâ’s description of the West as being in decline. From there on, it has returned time and time. It is the West as a ‘paper tiger,’ an image that aims to take away the awe with which the West is often regarded (Woltering, 2011, pp. 81–85).
The first three types, arguably, are more prominent in Arab media. ‘Benign West’: The perception of the West as an exemplary region of which not only its science, technology and material wealth but also its application of principles of justice, equality, and democracy are admirable. The ‘Malign West’: The West perceived as the oppressive and racist (neo-)colonial power. The ‘Weak West’: The West as ‘empty suit’ about to collapse because of its immoral culture and mindless materialism.
The examples given earlier from My American Neighbor and Assal Eswed, it may be argued, are examples of the ‘Weak West’ category, personified by the gullible stranger who can be duped. However, there are also incidences of a ‘majestic’ West, which aligns more closely with what Woltering named the ‘Benign West’ where Arabs admire Western countries. Throughout My American Neighbor’s first two seasons, we see that Traad is always attempting to get closer to Ricky and often speaks longingly of wanting to live more like an American, especially when it comes to romantic matters. In Season 2 Episode 3, Ricky gives Traad advice on how to court girls. Traad is infatuated with Jessica, an American girl whom he met online. He is upset that she is not responding to him as regularly as he would like and calls her 35 times a day. Ricky has to explain to him that he is probably driving her away with his incessant calls.
Throughout the first two seasons, Ricky is revered by Traad and his family for his loyalty, integrity, and intellect. They seek him out to help investigate the suspicious new neighbor in Season 1 Episode 3, and he proves his loyalty to them by going as far as to put himself in harm’s way. He is also admired for his eagerness to assimilate into Arab culture and learn Arab customs, whether it’s drinking Arabic coffee, smoking Shisha (hookah), or dressing up to accompany them to a funeral. He goes so far to fit in with his fellow Arabs that he ends up losing his girlfriend Lisa at the beginning of Season 2. All of these are attributes of the ‘Majestic West’, or again the ‘Benign West’ as Woltering calls it.
Similarly, in the movie Heliopolis released in 2009, several characters express a similar wish that they could leave Egypt and live in the West, which offers more opportunities and freedom of expression (Mandour, 2009). Engy, a character in the film, daydreams that she is living in Paris, and Dr Hany, another character, tries in vain to obtain a Canadian visa. A university student trying to shoot a documentary is banned from filming by the police. He complains that in the West, citizens have better rights. In Hammam fi Amsterdam (Hammam in Amsterdam), a comedy released 1999, the titular character travels to Amsterdam seeking a job opportunity. When he gets there, he is met with hostility by the Dutch and is poorly treated by the police. Against the odds, though, he ultimately manages to buy his dream restaurant and makes a fortune (Adl Group, 1999).
When it comes to films (and series) that we can characterize as being less comedic and more politically oriented, envy is often replaced with hostility and images of a ‘Malign West’ tend to prevail. In addressing aspects of research question two, we note that in Tayeh fi America (Lost in America) released in 2002, Americans are portrayed as aggressive, rude, and discriminating against Arabs (Dagan, 2003). The main character, Shireef, immigrates to the United States in search of a better life and is confronted with anger and hostility.
Similarly, in Laylat al Baby Doll (The Night of the Baby Doll) 2008, Americans are portrayed as prejudiced against Arabs (Adeeb, 2008). When the main character, Hussam, goes to a nightclub in the United States, he is bullied and blamed for the events of 9/11. In another scene, Americans are shown to be cruel to Arab prisoners. Moreover, when an American human rights activist is giving a speech in Cairo, she is reminded that her government is responsible for the misery of the Palestinians and the Iraqis. Comparably, in Saidi fi al Gamaa Al Amrikiya (Saidi at the American University) 1998, the Egyptian students at the American University are being pressured by their Egyptian American teacher to adopt American ideology (Mandour, 1998). The students reject his teachings and challenge his definition of democracy. They organize protests to condemn American policy in Palestine and Iraq. In Laylat Suqoot Baghdad (the Night Baghdad Fell) 2005, Americans are portrayed as occupiers trying to take over the Arab World with no attempt by the international community to stop them (Misr, 2005).
Whereas there are more films that condemn America as being hostile to Arabs, this view also extends to other Western countries. In Halet Hob (A Case of Love) released in 2004, the French are portrayed as discriminating against Arabs even if they have French citizenship (Hindawi, 2004). A journalist, who writes an investigative report about the suffering of Arabs in France, is rebuffed by the publishers who insist she soften her piece, claiming that Arabs are getting all their rights in France.
Gender and the West in Arab Films
When it comes to the portrayal of foreign female characters in Arab series and movies, women are often seen with the same stereotypical eye no matter their nationality and often have similar physical and character traits. Bauhn and Tepe (2017) wrote on this subject with regards to how Western women were portrayed in Turkish newspapers; finding that they were often depicted in stereotypical ways, promiscuous and in need of rescuing by a Muslim male. In Arab films, Western women are often cast as white, blonde, and promiscuous.
In an episode of My American Neighbor, Ricky’s girlfriend, Lisa (who is white and blonde), leaves some personal items at Ricky’s house, the insinuation being that she sometimes spends the night there. Although this is never overtly mentioned in the series, it would be regarded as a very promiscuous behavior for conservative Arabs. Throughout the series, Lisa also seems oblivious to Arab customs and has an unwillingness to blend in. This is seen in Season 2 when she is appalled by Ricky’s appreciation of Arabic music and cuisine. As mentioned, she breaks up with him because he is assimilating with Arab culture, which makes him less appealing to her.
In another Arab series 0–4, an O3/MBC production, foreign women are similarly portrayed. The series revolves around the lives of four Arab men of different nationalities who live in Dubai. All the non-Arab females in the series are white and most are blonde. The recurring Western female character ‘Katherine’ has no notion of cultural sensibilities. In one episode, one of the Arab men, who finds her behavior pushy, explains to her that they are from different countries and have different mentalities and customs. He is expressing that there can be no common points of interest or communication between them, and, by extension, he means between all Arabs and foreigners.
In the movie El Tagroba El Denamarkeya (The Danish Experiment/Experience) released in 2003, the stereotype of the Western woman is full-blown. A beautiful blonde Danish woman visiting Egypt causes an uproar. She wears revealing clothes and engages in public displays of affection, not the norm between members of the opposite sexes in Egypt. She is invited to stay with an Egyptian diplomat and his four sons, all of whom fall madly in love with her and fight for her affections. Utterly oblivious of cultural sensibilities, she takes it upon herself to educate the naïve sons about sexual matters and jealousy ensues. As a result, the father, who is equally taken with her, leaves his sons behind and moves away with her. However, he eventually comes to his senses and returns to Egypt. Ironically, the ‘European’ female character is played by a Lebanese female performer.
In relation to our second research question, some might regard this film as an allegory of how Egypt and other Arab countries can be lured by the West which is seductive, yet harmful to them and so the embedded message is to advise Arabs to stay true to their culture and traditions which is ultimately better for them.
Discussion
The series My American Neighbor is told from several perspectives, but it can be argued that it is often told from an auto-Occidentalist or ethno-Occidentalist perspective (see Woltering, 2011). We come to this conclusion due to the nature of the various episodes and how instances are portrayed and how people and events are represented. For the most part, the American is portrayed as a reasonable ‘good guy’ who is just trying to make his way and fit in. The humor often comes at the expense of the cultural ways of the rural Arab population, that is to say, due to how the rural Arabs behave and how this then provides challenges for the American, whom we can assume is from a modern city in America or ‘the West’.
The show often relies on broad stereotypes and arguably never gets to the core of any of the main characters. They are essentially two-dimensional representations of the provincial Arab and the more educated Americans and so it is fair to state that they do not give a real understanding of the complex and varied perceptions of westerners in the eyes of Arabs. Such is perhaps the nature of the situation comedy television genre. Still, attitudes towards westerners in general and Americans, in particular from an Arab viewpoint, can be inferred.
In a way, it can be argued that the American, Ricky, is a kind of imaginative placeholder and stand-in for upper-class Jordanians who might view some of the provincial masses’ ways not to be modern and thus funny in some ways. The American character can then be the locus of both Arab criticisms as well as Arab ‘aspirations’ for so-called modernized development, represented by the ‘West’, a representation that occurs in both Occidentalist and Orientalized views.
There are numerous influences on media content, and that which ultimately gets created can be interpreted in many differing and distinct ways by audiences. For years, media researchers have been examining all of the aspects surrounding this equation from multiple vantage points. Much of the research has come from the places where the media industry and subsequent formal media education have flourished. This has meant that the content creators have had a head-start in the creation of media products, long before media researchers could analyze the content and its effects on audiences. Even as we probe the various realities of media content and its effects, we are also aware that not everyone has access to the same media literacy tools, or a desire to use them even when they do.
As the status of research into media representation matures, we have become more aware that ‘we are what we watch’ in some ways. That is to say, whether we are cognizant of it or not, the media we chose to read, listen to, watch, or engage with has an impact on our lives. Some media content creators may be aware of this, but commercial imperatives or constraints may hold a higher influence in the decisions they make when bringing a media product to the marketplace. Similarly, audience members may not have the ability to fully control the images and texts to which they are being exposed.
Historically, Jack Shaheen brought to our attention that when it came to Arab representation in the US film industry, this ethnicity rarely received a ‘fair shake’, or any type of nuanced or stratified representation. His ground-breaking work reminds us that media representation matters. This article sought to enter the discussion on these occurrences by reversing the lens and taking a look at the few examples of when the reverse occurs when media in the Arab World takes on the portrayals of the West and westerners. Moving forward, global media researchers will be tasked with helping to enhance our understandings of the importance of recognizing how certain mediated representations of ‘the other’ and ‘otherness’ (Coronil, 1996; Miller, 2008) may have an effect on global audiences and the way they perceive the world and how they come to understand how others perceive them, and that representational aspects found within the media are never a one-way street.
Footnotes
Acknowledgement
The authors wish to thank the following individuals for research assistance: Falak Kassab, Raghad Murad, and Farah Abelkarim.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.