Kerala and the Gaza Crisis: Solidarity,Politics,and Media Responses

Abstract

Events that unfold in the Middle East profoundly impact the social and political environment in Kerala, India’s southernmost state. This article examines the response in Kerala to the attacks and counter-attacks by the Hamas militants and the Israeli forces in and around the Gaza Strip since October 7, 2023, which resulted in a humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip. Traditionally, a pro-Palestine sentiment has been prevalent in Kerala due to its geographical proximity to the Arabian Peninsula, its notable Muslim population, and its anti-imperialist political discourses under the influence of the dominant Left ideology. However, there has been an increasing appeal for Israel in Kerala recently, especially among some Christian denominations. This article considers these factors and analyzes Kerala’s response to the Gaza crisis using news articles, statements by political and religious leaders, and the editorials of five prominent Malayalam language newspapers. Despite debates around the Gaza crisis in Kerala being less unequivocal, the state’s social and political circles largely stood in solidarity with the Palestinian people.

Keywords

Gaza Crisis Israel-Hamas war Kerala Malayalam newspapers Middle East

Introduction

On October 7, 2023, Hamas-led Palestinian militant groups carried out a series of coordinated attacks on the “Gaza Envelope,” the populated areas of southern Israel bordering the Gaza Strip. The militant groups targeted Israeli military bases as well as civilian residences and cultural gatherings during the attack, which led to the deaths of at least 1,195 people, mostly civilians, and left many injured. Even women, children, and foreign nationals were not spared. To make matters worse, the militants abducted 251 people and took them to the Gaza Strip as hostages (Human Rights Watch, 2024). This assault on Israel is considered to be the deadliest episode in the country’s history since its establishment in 1948.

Hamas,¹ an Islamist militant movement governing the Gaza Strip since 2007, referred to their attack on October 7 on Israel as “Operation Al-Aqsa Flood” and justified it as “a necessary step” and “a normal response” against the continued Israeli aggression and occupation of Palestinian territories for nearly 75 years² (Hamas Media Office, 2024, p. 6). Hamas’ surprise attack shattered Israel’s “aura of invincibility” and “humiliated its intelligence and security apparatus” (Goldenberg, 2023; Hiltermann, 2023). International media reported the October 7 attack as Israel’s “9/11 moment” (British Broadcasting Corporation, 2023). Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that his country is “at war” and “will win” and promised “mighty vengeance [against Hamas] for this black day” (Bunkall & Balla, 2023).

The Israeli forces launched counter-attacks on the Gaza Strip to eliminate Hamas and other militant groups and secure the release of all the hostages. They indiscriminately besieged and bombarded the Gaza Strip, damaging or destroying much of its civilian infrastructure, including residences, schools, and hospitals, aiming for a “total victory” over Hamas (Tharoor, 2024; Human Rights Watch, 2024). The Israeli authorities blocked the entry of critical humanitarian aid into the Strip and cut off essential services, including food, water, fuel, and electricity to Gaza’s population. Between October 7, 2023 and July 1, 2024, at least 37,900 people were killed and 87,060 were injured in Gaza—these figures include an unreported number of militants (Human Rights Watch, 2024).

As a result of the war between Israeli forces and Hamas militants, the Gaza Strip is undergoing a humanitarian catastrophe. Around 90% of Gaza’s 2.1 million population has been displaced since the beginning of the Israel-Hamas war, with many being sheltered in refugee camps (Agence France-Presse, 2024). The lack of food, clean water, and sanitation alongside the Strip’s decimated healthcare infrastructure has left the population vulnerable to epidemics and deadly diseases (Masoud & Salem, 2023). Children in Gaza are the worst affected by the ongoing war. Around 15,000 children were killed by the end of June 2024, and an additional 20,000 children have gone missing during the war (Serhan, 2024). Children are also at risk of death due to hunger and malnutrition (Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2024). “The Gaza Strip is the most dangerous place in the world to be a child,” United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) Spokesperson James Elder remarked during the organization’s press briefing on December 19, 2023 (United Nations Children’s Fund, 2023).

There have been global reactions to the October 7 attack and the subsequent humanitarian crisis in Gaza. This article focuses on the response to the crisis in Kerala, India’s southernmost state. Kerala has traditionally maintained a pro-Palestinian position due to its geographic proximity to the Arab world, its significant Muslim population, and the general anti-imperialist discourses in its political landscape under the influence of Left parties that governed or dominated the state from the 1950s. Since October 2023, various political parties and socio-religious groups have organized several Palestine solidarity rallies and meetings across the state, demanding an immediate ceasefire between Israel and Hamas and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. Addressing a function on November 7, 2023, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan said: “Our Palestinian brothers are suffering. We all know that with the support of America, Israel is targeting Palestine, and the people there are facing genocidal aggression. We cannot take a neutral stand. We need to express our solidarity with the people of Palestine” (Press Trust of India, 2023).

However, Kerala’s position on the Gaza crisis is less unequivocal, especially on the events that unfolded in Israel on October 7. There are debates within Kerala’s social and political circles on whether or not to refer to the Hamas-led attack on Israel as an act of “terror.” Differences were visible while attempting to explain the Gaza crisis and the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as different groups look at the same issue from different ideological dimensions and historical vantage points. Moreover, the influence of American evangelical ideas among Christian denominations in Kerala and the growing Malayali³ diaspora in Israel has increased sympathy for Israel within the state (Oommen, 2016; Sreejith, 2023).

The article begins with a brief background to Kerala’s historical links with the Middle East and its understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It then surveys the responses in Kerala to the Gaza crisis using existing literature, news articles, and statements and remarks by various political and religious leaders. Finally, it conducts a content analysis of 76 editorials on the Gaza crisis and related issues in five prominent Malayalam language newspapers—Malayala Manorama, Mathrubhumi, Deshabhimani, Deepika, and Madhyamam—published between October 8, 2023 and June 30, 2024.

Kerala, the Middle East and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

Kerala is situated in the littoral of the Arabian Sea and enjoys strong links with the Middle East, especially with the Arab world, which dates back to the times before the advent of Islam. There are references to the trade between the ancient port cities on the Malabar Coast, such as Muziris, Tyndis, and Nelcynda, and the Arabian Peninsula in Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, written by an anonymous Greek merchant in the first century CE (Schoff, 1912, p. 44). The relations further flourished with the rise and spread of Islam in the seventh century CE. The Arab merchants enjoyed social and political influence on the Malabar Coast, especially during the reign of Zamorins of Calicut, which continued until the European conquests in the sixteenth century. However, the Arab merchants continued to arrive on the Malabar Coast until the 1970s (Osella & Osella, 2008; Veluthat, 2011).

The discovery of oil in the Gulf countries⁴ and the oil boom of the 1970s opened a fresh chapter in Kerala’s relations with the Middle East. The oil-rich, labor-short Gulf countries required foreign labor to cater to their developmental needs (Weiner, 1982). Kerala, which faced soaring unemployment despite its achievements in other social indicators (Isaac & Tharakan, 1995; Jeffrey, 1992), took this as an opportunity to export labor to the Gulf. Presently, Kerala has a robust expatriate community in the Gulf countries. According to the Kerala Migration Survey 2023, 80% of the 2.2 million Malayali diaspora live in the Gulf (Philip, 2024a). The Gulf migration had profound social, political, economic, cultural, and demographic impacts on Kerala (Ilias, 2019; Irudaya Rajan, 2004; Karinkurayil, 2019; Oommen, 2016; Osella & Osella, 2000; Osella & Osella, 2015; Prakash, 1998; Radhakrishnan, 2009; Seethi, 2022; Zachariah & Irudaya Rajan, 2012; Zachariah et al., 2002). Moreover, any development in the Middle East, especially concerning the well-being of its expatriates, becomes a domestic and sometimes a national issue, as witnessed following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in August 1990 (Quamar & Kumaraswamy, 2019).

The Gulf migration took momentum in the 1980s, the same time as the Palestinian resistance against Israeli occupation was at its zenith. The first Palestinian intifada (uprising) broke out on December 9, 1987 and received widespread support in the Arab world, including the Gulf countries (Wilson, 2013). Moreover, there was a vibrant Palestinian expatriate community in Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), playing a significant role in shaping pro-Palestinian discourses in the Gulf (The APS Diplomat, 1984). As a result, migration exposed Kerala’s Gulf expatriates to the struggles of the Palestinian people, which led to a natural sympathy for the Palestinian cause (Ameerudheen, 2023; Ilias, 2024).

However, the socio-political developments in the Middle East, including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, were closely observed in Kerala much before the Gulf migration. For instance, there was an uproar across Malabar, especially among the Mappila Muslims, following the collapse of the Khilafat (or Caliphate) of the Ottoman Empire after the First World War. In April 1920, Komu Menon moved the Khilafat Resolution in the Malabar district conference of the Congress Party in Manjeri, calling for non-cooperation of the Hindus and Muslims with the British government until the restoration of the Khilafat⁵ (Kutty, 2006, p. 471). Similarly, the Palestinian issue has been prominent in Kerala’s public discourses since the early twentieth century. Vakkom Abdul Khader Moulavi, a social reformer and founder of the Swadeshabhimani (The Patriot),⁶ wrote about issues in Palestine and other parts of the Middle East in his newspaper since 1905. His brother-in-law and journalist, Mohammed Kannu, wrote the first known Malayalam book on Palestine, Palestine Prasanam (Palestine Problem), in 1930. Kannu’s book analyzes historical documents and captures the British role in Mandate Palestine (Abraham, 2014; Ameerudheen, 2023).

Subsequently, various Muslim organizations in Kerala took up the Palestinian issue. According to the 2011 census, Muslims constitute over one-fourth of Kerala’s total population (Kramer, 2021). Kerala Muslims are generally divided into three groups: Sunnis, Mujahids (the Salafists), and the Jamaat-e-Islami (the Islamists). Despite their political and theological differences, all sections have unequivocally condemned the Israeli atrocities against the Palestinians and extended their support for the Palestinian national movement. Their publications have educated the broader Muslim masses in Kerala on the struggles of the Palestinian people (Ameerudheen, 2023). The most notable among them is the Madhyamam daily, the mouthpiece of the Jammat-e-Islami Hind, which has wide circulation among Muslim households (Mohamed, 2010).

In the late 1970s and 1980s, the Palestinian issue found a space in the anti-imperialist political discourses of Kerala, thus making it not a mere Muslim issue. As M. H. Ilias (2024) notes, “Most of the parties and civil society movements [in Kerala], with the exception of the right-wing Hindu outfits, used Palestinian symbols to show their political correctness” (p. 27). Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) leader Yasser Arafat was valorized as an anti-imperialist hero alongside Vietnam’s Ho Chi Minh and South Africa’s Nelson Mandela. Socialist and communist party offices displayed the photograph of Arafat alongside those of their leaders. Student organizations, particularly those associated with the Left parties, used the image of Arafat and quoted Palestinian writers like Mahmoud Darwish in their pamphlets for the student union elections across campuses (Ameerudheen, 2023; Ilias, 2024). Besides, the televised visuals of the First Intifada and the conversations with their family and friends in the Gulf countries about the Palestinian struggle aroused strong emotions among ordinary Malayalees in favor of the Palestinian cause (Ilias, 2024).

The pro-Palestine sentiments in Kerala do not automatically mean that the state and its population are anti-Israeli. The Kerala coast has a long history of providing refuge to the Jews while they were persecuted around the world. The state was home to two of the oldest Jewish communities in India, Cochin Jews and Paradesi Jews,⁷ until their steady migration to the State of Israel from the 1950s onwards (Philip, 2024b). Both Kerala and Israel cherish their long historical ties. After the normalization of India-Israel relations in January 1992, even under the rule of the Left Front—an ardent critic of the Israeli occupation of Palestine—Kerala has engaged with Israel.⁸ Most recently, on December 13, 2022, the Consul General of Israel to South India, Tammy Ben-Haim, met Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan in Thiruvananthapuram and discussed the possibilities of cooperation between Kerala and Israel in agriculture and tourism (The Hindu, 2022).

As mentioned, the Gulf migration had raised pro-Palestine sentiments in Kerala. Paradoxically, the Gulf migration increased the support for Israel, especially among the Christians, who constitute nearly one-fifth of the state’s population. The political turmoil in the Middle East in the 1990s helped the neo-Pentecostal groups, who firmly held the American Evangelical theological ideas such as the pilgrimage to the “Holy Land” (Israel) and the notion of “Biblical Israel,” to make inroads into the Syrian Christian expatriates in the Gulf countries. These expatriates, in turn, brought these ideas to Kerala and gave a theological appeal for Israel among certain Christian denominations in the state. The pilgrimage to the Holy Land became popular among Syrian Christians, and they frequently organized tours to Israel from the Gulf countries and from Kerala to visit the Christian holy sites (Oommen, 2016).

Furthermore, Israel is increasingly becoming an attractive destination for Malayali youth seeking employment. In 2023, Kerala’s expatriate population in Israel was around 7,000, comprising mainly Hindus and Christians, unlike the Gulf countries where Muslims are the dominant group of Malayali migrants (Sreejith, 2023; The New Indian Express, 2023). Around 70% of them are nurses employed as caregivers, and they came to Israel attracted by higher salaries and better working conditions than in India or the Gulf (Nair, 2023; Sreejith, 2023). In the event of a conflict between Israel and Palestine, the safety and well-being of its expatriate population in Israel have now become a matter of concern and preoccupation in Kerala. In May 2021, for instance, a Malayali caregiver working in Ashkelon near Israel’s boundary with Gaza was killed in a rocket strike by Palestinian militants (The Hindu, 2021). Against this complex historical backdrop, the following sections examine the response in Kerala to the October 7 attack and the subsequent humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip.

Response in Kerala to the Gaza Crisis

The Hamas-led attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, the massive Israeli retaliation, and the subsequent events that have unfolded in the Middle East have been closely observed and debated in Kerala. For the state government, the safety of the Malayali expatriates in the region, particularly in conflict zones, became the top priority. A Malayali caregiver was seriously injured during the October 7 attack and was hospitalized (Kuruvilla, 2023). On October 10, Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan wrote a letter to the External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, requesting the latter to intervene “in every possible manner” to ensure the safety of Indian citizens in Israel. “A good number of team around 7,000 people, are from the state of Kerala. The continuing hostilities are putting these civilians to extreme hardship, and their family members are in a state of extreme anxiety,” the Chief Minister said (The New Indian Express, 2023). The Kerala State Department of Non-Resident Keralites’ Affairs (NORKA) coordinated with the Indian mission and community associations in Israel to support the distressed expatriates (Kuruvilla, 2023).

Later, in an unfortunate incident on March 4, 2024, one Malayali expatriate was killed, and two others were injured in northern Israel after Hezbollah, a Shia militant organization in Lebanon, launched a rocket attack. The three victims of the attack were agriculture workers in an orchard in Margaliot near the border with Lebanon. The Kerala government wrote to the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) to speed up the repatriation of the mortal remains of the Malayali worker killed in the Hezbollah attack (Bhattacherjee, 2024). Subsequently, when Iran seized an Israel-linked cargo ship in the Strait of Hormuz on April 13, 2024, Chief Minister Vijayan sought the immediate intervention of the MEA to secure the release of 17 Indian crew members aboard, including three from Kerala (Press Trust of India, 2024). The Indian government had evacuated 121 Malayali expatriates in Israel as part of “Operation Ajay” since the October 7 attack. Interestingly, amid the Gaza crisis, close to 500 Malayalees chose to travel to Israel on employment visas between October 2023 and January 2024 (Kallungal, 2024).

On the political front, the October 7 attack and the subsequent crisis in Gaza became a matter for heated debates, especially among the political parties that traditionally maintained a pro-Palestine position, particularly over whether to refer to the Hamas-led attack on Israel as an act of “terror.” The Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M), the ruling party in Kerala, condemned the attacks and counter-attacks in its official statement on October 8, 2023 but did not give Hamas the “terrorist” tag (CPI-M Central Committee, 2023). However, CPI-M leader K. K. Shailaja’s Facebook post on October 10, 2023 led to confusion within the Left circles as she wrote: “Anyone with a conscience would condemn the attack by Hamas terrorists in Israel’s inhabited areas” (Shailaja, 2023).

Earlier, the CPI-M Politburo member M. A. Baby said that if Hamas is referred to as a “terrorist organization,” then Israel should also be considered a “terrorist country” (Philip, 2023a; The Hindu, 2023a). Another CPI-M leader, M. Swaraj, amid the debate, wrote a Facebook post on October 12, declaring unequivocal support for the Palestinian people: “Palestine today exists as tiny spots, like a handful of sand grains scattered on the world map. The Zionist terrorism has kept its mouth open to grab the remaining specks [of Palestinian land] and kill the last Palestinian person standing. Whatever the Palestinians do, before their land and people vanish, they remain innocent” (Swaraj, 2023).

The Indian National Congress (or the Congress Party), the main opposition party in Kerala, has also traditionally maintained a pro-Palestinian stance, including during the ongoing Gaza crisis. However, the confusion over the “terrorist” tag for Hamas was palpable among the Congress and its allies. On October 26, the Congress party’s alliance partner, the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), organized a Palestine solidarity rally in Kozhikode and invited the Congress leader Shashi Tharoor as the keynote speaker (Philip, 2023b). Tharoor’s speech became controversial when he described what happened on October 7 as a “terrorist attack.” On the same platform, after Tharoor’s speech, IUML leader M. K. Muneer referred to the October 7 attack as an act of “resistance” by the Palestinian people (Mathrubhumi, 2023c).

Like the IUML, the CPI-M, Congress, and other political parties organized rallies and meetings in solidarity with the Palestinians across Kerala. Besides expressing support for the Palestinian people, these demonstrations became a platform to call out the pro-Israel credentials of their political opponents and, most importantly, to exhibit their political strength before the Lok Sabha elections in early 2024. The CPI-M organized a massive rally in Kozhikode on November 11, 2023, coinciding with the nineteenth death anniversary of Yasser Arafat, inaugurated by Chief Minister Vijayan, who is also the CPI-M Politburo member. The rally was attended by the ruling coalition partners, Muslim community leaders, and the leaders of other social and cultural organizations (Neelambaran, 2023). Interestingly, the CPI-M extended the invitation to the IUML and disgruntled Congress leaders to the rally,⁹ and the Congress party blamed the CPI-M for using the Palestinian cause “for narrow political ends” (The Hindu, 2023d).

Meanwhile, at the CPI-M rally, Chief Minister Vijayan accused the Congress-led union government under Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao of succumbing to the pressure of the United States and normalized relations with Israel in 1992¹⁰ (Neelambaran, 2023). Vijayan also reinforced the Left’s unwavering commitment to the Palestinian cause and criticized the present Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led union government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi for drawing India closer to Israel and other imperialist forces, deviating from the country’s traditional “non-aligned” foreign policy. “Most of the Palestine solidarity rallies and meetings are organized by the CPI-M and Left parties. Even in the national capital, there were no solidarity meetings organized by major political parties except the Left. With the [BJP-led union] government being run by the RSS [Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh], which draws inspiration from Hitler and Mussolini, they are standing with the Zionist regime, which is not surprising,” Vijayan lambasted (Neelambaran, 2023).

The Congress Party organized a mega rally in Kozhikode on November 23, 2023, inaugurated by the All-India Congress Committee (AICC) General Secretary K. C. Venugopal. The rally saw the presence of leaders from the IUML, the party’s other coalition partners, social and cultural organizations, and the Muslim community. Venugopal reiterated his party’s commitment to the Palestinian cause since the days of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, which was reflected in the policies of various Congress-led union governments. “A change in that stand happened first during Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s time. After Narendra Modi took over as Prime Minister, it changed completely. Mr. Modi was the first one to support Israel [after the October 7 attack], that too through X (formerly Twitter). It was shameful for India to have abstained from a United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) vote that sought a ceasefire,” Venugopal said, criticizing the incumbent union government’s “pro-Israel position.”¹¹ Meanwhile, Kerala’s Leader of Opposition, V. D. Satheesan, took a jibe at the CPI-M for engaging with Israel under its rule in Kerala and West Bengal (The Hindu, 2023e).

The pro-Palestine solidarity was visible on Kerala’s socio-cultural fronts. In the university campuses in Kerala, mainstream student organizations actively exhibited symbols and phrases denoting Palestinian identity and resistance. For example, in March 2024, the students union of the University of Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram, led by the Students’ Federation of India (SFI), the student wing of CPI-M, named the university’s annual youth festival “Intifada.” The festival, organized by the students union, was held from March 7 to 11, 2024. Kerala University Vice-Chancellor, acting on the complaint from the RSS-affiliated Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), objected to the SFI’s move (Hindustan Times, 2024). Moreover, various socio-cultural events across the state became a platform to show support for Palestine. For instance, the fourth session of Loka Kerala Sabha (World Kerala Assembly)¹² convened in Thiruvananthapuram from June 13 to 15, 2024 passed a resolution expressing solidarity with the people of Palestine in the ongoing Israel-Hamas war (The Hindu, 2024).

Besides, several Muslim organizations supported the Palestinian cause by holding rallies and meetings across Kerala. In one such Palestine solidarity rally in Malappuram on October 27, 2023, organized by the Solidarity Youth Movement, the youth wing of the Jammat-e-Islami Hind, former Hamas chief Khaled Mashal delivered an online speech urging the world to support them in their struggle against Israel (The Hindu, 2023c). “Together, we will defeat Zionists, and we will stand united for Gaza, which is fighting for Al Aqsa [Mosque],” Mashal said in his speech (Mathew & Philip, 2023). Solidarity Youth Movement launched the campaign to “uproot bulldozer Hindutva and apartheid Zionism” (Mathew & Philip, 2023; The Hindu, 2023c).

The Palestine solidarity demonstrations in Kerala, especially the one that shared the video speech of the Hamas leader, triggered controversies as the BJP, which had maintained its pro-Israel position during the Gaza crisis (Ellis-Petersen, 2023), accused the organizers as well as the mainstream political parties of creating a communal polarization in the state. On October 27, the BJP Kerala State President K. Surendran wrote on X about the Solidarity Youth Movement’s rally: “Under the guise of ‘Save Palestine,’ they’re glorifying Hamas, a terrorist organization, and its leaders as ‘warriors.’ This is unacceptable!” (Surendran, 2023). Earlier, the BJP, which has been attempting to increase its political foothold in the state, blamed both the CPI-M and the Congress for “trying to whitewash an international terrorist organization” like Hamas and for empowering Islamic fundamentalist groups in Kerala as part of their vote-bank politics (The Hindu, 2023b).

The Catholic Church also lashed out against the nature of Palestine solidarity demonstrations in Kerala. It felt that the anti-Israel narratives in Kerala since the October 7 attack are a result of the growing clout of political Islam over the mainstream political parties in the state. “It is frightening that even the secular parties here are competing with each other to blame only Israel, whitewashing the brutal attack by the ‘Hamas’ terrorist organization on a country where life was going forward peacefully and portraying [the attack] as an act of resistance,” Bishop Thomas Tharayil of the Syro-Malabar Archeparchy of Changanassery, wrote in his Facebook post on October 27, warning the political parties that making “vote-bank as the sole criterion for truth” would break Kerala’s long-cherished social fabric (Tharayil, 2023). Other Christian churches and clerics expressed similar views, with some asserting the rightful claim of the Jews over the “Promised Land” (Hiran, 2023; Kochukudy, 2023).

The mainstream political parties soon recognized the dangers of the growing perception that the Palestinian struggle is a “Muslim issue,” a depiction that could alienate the support of the Christian community for them. In an article for Peoples Democracy on July 21, 2024, CPI-M Politburo member Prakash Karat wrote that Kerala’s Christian community should be made aware that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not a religious one, explaining events since 1948 where the “Zionist regime” has indiscriminately attacked both the Palestinian Christians and Muslims. “It is surprising that all these events are kept hidden from the Christian community in Kerala, who are told day in and day out that Islamic fundamentalists are waging war against Israel. Much of this propaganda emanates from certain churches in America where right-wing evangelists have become the ardent supporters of the Zionists,” Karat argued (Karat, 2024).

Gaza Crisis in Malayalam Newspapers

Malayalam newspapers have played an instrumental role as an informer and an interpreter of world events to Kerala’s literate population for over a century. In the decades since the Gulf migration, most Malayalam newspapers have paid particular attention to developments in the Middle East, especially those concerning Kerala’s Gulf diaspora. This section analyzes 76 editorials from five major Malayalam newspapers—Malayala Manorama, Mathrubhumi, Deshabhimani, Deepika, and Madhyamam—on the Gaza crisis and related issues, published between October 8, 2023 and June 30, 2024. These newspapers have been chosen based on their circulation and ideological orientations.¹³

Malayala Manorama (Malayalam) is the highest-circulated newspaper in India after Dainik Jagran (Hindi), with a circulation base of 1.92 million copies in 2022. The newspaper was established in 1888 by Kandathil Varghese Mappillai, and its shares are currently held by his descendants and the extended family. Mathrubhumi is the second-most circulated Malayalam newspaper after Malayala Manorama, with a circulation base of 1.08 million copies in 2022. The newspaper was started in 1923 in the spirit of India’s freedom struggle. Rashtriya Janata Dal leader M. V. Shreyams Kumar is its current managing director. Deshabhimani is the third-most circulated Malayalam newspaper. Founded in 1942 as the voice of the communist movement in Kerala, the CPI-M currently owns the newspaper. Deepika, run by the Catholic Church, started as Nasrani Deepika in 1887, and it is the oldest newspaper operating in the Malayalam language. Madhyamam, founded in 1987, is the mouthpiece of the Jammat-e-Islami Hind. The latter two represent the interests of the Christian and Muslim communities, respectively (Audit Bureau of Circulations, 2023; Jeffrey, 1997; Mathrubhumi, 2020; Mohamed, 2010).

Four of these newspapers have their Gulf editions, indicating that Malayalam newspapers also have a significant readership among Malayali expatriates in the Gulf. Madhyamam newspaper’s Gulf edition, known as Gulf Madhyamam, is published in all the Gulf countries, with three editions in Saudi Arabia (Riyadh, Jeddah, and Dammam). Malayala Manorama and Mathrubhumi have their Gulf editions published in Dubai, UAE. Deshabhimani has an online Gulf edition (e-paper). Sometimes, the local editions of these Malayalam newspapers are exported to the Gulf countries if the Gulf edition is unavailable. Moreover, in this era of the internet, the online versions of these newspapers—e-papers, web portals, and mobile apps—are readily available for Malayalees to read from anywhere around the world.

Malayala Manorama: “No [to Killings], They are Children”

The atrocities committed against children during the Gaza crisis were the pertinent theme in most Malayala Manorama editorials. “No [to killings], they are children,” was the headline of the newspaper’s first editorial on the Gaza crisis, published on October 19, 2023. The editorial threw light on the killings of innocent children on both sides since the October 7 attack and called for an immediate ceasefire (Malayala Manorama, 2023a). The subsequent editorials wrote about the alarming death toll of people, especially children, in the Gaza Strip. “Gaza has become a mass grave where so many mercilessly slaughtered children sleep eternally,” one editorial said (Malayala Manorama, 2023b). The editorials spoke about the destruction of residences, schools, hospitals, and refugee camps by the Israeli forces and Gaza’s “lamenting heart” since the war, as the people are displaced from their homes, with no access to food, clean water, electricity, and fuel (Malayala Manorama, 2023b,c,d, 2024a,b).

The Malayala Manorama editorials held Israel responsible for the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza. “Israel is scripting the most brutal chapter in modern history with blood […] Even at this time when you’re reading this editorial, life is being detached from a child’s body in Gaza,” one editorial said, highlighting the need to immediately stop the “genocide” in Gaza (Malayala Manorama, 2024a). Gaza is now synonymous with “tears,” “bloodshed,” and “hunger,” the editorials commented (Malayala Manorama, 2024a,b). The editorials also criticized the superpowers for their “veto” on the United Nations Security Council resolutions calling for a ceasefire in Gaza (Malayala Manorama, 2023b,d, 2024b).

Mathrubhumi: “Stop the Human Slaughter”

The Mathrubhumi editorials took a balanced position on the Gaza crisis. The first editorial on the issue called on all the countries to actively engage in stopping the “human slaughter” instead of taking sides (Mathrubhumi, 2023a). The newspaper argues that the attacks and counter-attacks by Hamas and the Israeli forces in and around the Gaza Strip are a clear violation of international humanitarian laws (Mathrubhumi, 2023d). However, from the historical context, Mathrubhumi makes it clear that “Israel is the occupying power, and the Palestinian people are the victims of that occupation.” Israel’s “arrogance multiplied tenfold” after the Arab countries started normalizing their relations with them, and Hamas wanted to bring the Palestinian question back to the table by their “surprise attack” on Israel, leaving the innocent civilians in the Gaza Strip paying a “heavy price” (Mathrubhumi, 2023a,b,d).

Like Malayala Manorama, Mathrubhumi editorials highlighted Gaza’s “vilaapam” (lament), the pain of the people in Gaza due to forced displacement and lack of access to food, clean water, electricity, and fuel. There is also no access to medical support as the Israeli forces bombarded hospitals, leaving Gaza’s population vulnerable to epidemics (Mathrubhumi, 2023b,d,f). The editorials also argue that, as the people of Mahatma Gandhi’s land, India must spread the message of peace and actively play a role in de-escalating the tensions in the Middle East following the October 7 attack (Mathrubhumi, 2023e,f, 2024b). Furthermore, the editorials talk about the impact of the crisis on India’s interests, including the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (Mathrubhumi, 2023a, 2024a).

Deshabhimani: “Palestine Must Get Justice”

As the mouthpiece of the CPI-M, the editorials of Deshabhimani took an unambiguous pro-Palestine position. “Palestine must get justice,” the headline of the newspaper’s first editorial on the Gaza crisis read, arguing that the October 7 attack reflects the anger of the Palestinian people who faced constant “betrayal” and “injustice” for more than 75 years (Deshabhimani, 2023a,c). The Deshabhimani editorials also explained the history of Israel’s “illegal” occupation of the Palestinian territories backed by the “imperial” and “colonial” forces and the atrocities committed by Zionist “terrorists” against Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (Deshabhimani, 2023a,b,c, 2024a,e). The editorials defend the legitimate right of the Palestinians for an “armed struggle” against the Israeli occupation as enshrined in the United Nations resolutions¹⁴ (Deshabhimani, 2023d,e). One editorial blames Israel for crushing the secular voices in Palestine and empowering Hamas: “The Oslo Accords made in 1993 gave a perception that the Palestinian state would be a reality. Instead, Israel betrayed [the Oslo] and completely destroyed the secular forces in Palestine. Taking advantage of the situation, Islamic movements like Hamas, backed by Israel, grew in the spaces that secular organizations like Fatah once held. Subsequently, the Jewish state used the name of Hamas to create new excuses to suppress the Palestinian people” (Deshabhimani, 2023a).

Deshabhimani’s editorials called for an end to Israel’s “mass killing” in the Gaza Strip and highlighted the plight of the Gazan population since the crisis began in October 2023 (Deshabhimani, 2023b,c, 2024b,c,e). The editorials also criticized the Israeli government and its leadership and argued that it is their vested interests that are prolonging the crisis. In its view, the United Nations was compelled to call out Israel’s atrocities, but the Israeli government has no respect for international institutions and laws (Deshabhimani, 2023c,d, 2024a,b,d,e). The editorials claimed that support for Israel’s war on Gaza is diminishing worldwide, even within the United States (Deshabhimani, 2024c,e,f). On India’s position on the crisis, the Deshabhimani editorials argued that the Modi government’s pro-Israel position betrayed India’s anti-imperialist legacy and urged the country to stand with the Palestinians (Deshabhimani, 2023a,b,e, 2024c). One editorial opined that India should have joined hands with South Africa in the International Court of Justice,¹⁵ upholding its anti-imperialist position (Deshabhimani, 2024a). Meanwhile, one of the editorials expressed a general concern for the safety of Indians in the conflict zones (Deshabhimani, 2024d).

Deepika: “Israel’s October Seven”

Deepika newspaper has a readership base among the Christian denominations of Kerala as it voiced the Catholic Church’s position. The Deepika editorials took a pro-Israeli position and questioned the intentions of Hamas. The first editorial by Deepika referred to the October 7 attack as Israel’s 9/11 moment and explained the atrocities committed by Hamas “terrorists” against Israeli soldiers and civilians, including women and children (Deepika, 2023a). The Deepika editorials held Hamas accountable for the ongoing crisis in Gaza and defended the Israeli retaliations. The editorials also argued that Hamas’ ideology strived to eliminate Christians and Jews from the world¹⁶ and asked the question: “Can Israel be forced to tolerate such a terrorist organization as its neighbor?” (Deepika, 2023a,b,c, 2024b). One editorial criticized the Hamas leadership, who are staying abroad and eating up the funds while Palestinians are suffering (Deepika, 2023c). According to the newspaper, the unwillingness of Hamas to release the hostages was prolonging the crisis (Deepika, 2024a). Later, in another editorial on March 26, 2024, Deepika questions those reporting Israel’s atrocities on their deafening silence on the United Nations report that confirms “sexual harassment” against Israeli women during the October 7 attack and against those held hostages¹⁷ (Deepika, 2024b).

The Deepika editorials convey that the Israeli people have historically been the “victims of genocide,” especially during World War II, but recognize that Israel has occupied more of the Palestinian territories through expropriation and violence since its establishment in 1948 (Deepika, 2023a,b, 2024b). In a later editorial, Deepika also warns Israel not to use the October 7 incident as a “license” to do anything to Palestinians (Deepika, 2024b). In addition, the Deepika editorials have come harsh on Kerala’s explicit Palestine solidarity demonstrations. “When talking about war, riots, and human rights, don’t make religion the criteria,” one editorial said (Deepika, 2023a). The editorials questioned why the mainstream parties do not organize similar solidarity rallies for the welfare of Christian communities facing persecution, like the plight of Armenian Christians in Nagorno-Karabakh (Deepika, 2023a,b,c, 2024c). The editorials voiced against “whitewashing” Hamas terrorists as “resistant groups” and “freedom fighters” and cautioned against giving fodder to Islamic extremism in Kerala (Deepika, 2023a,b,c,d). One editorial also highlighted how Israel is important for India, especially Kerala, due to the emigration of Malayalees to Israel (Deepika, 2023a).

Madhyamam: “Who is the Real Terrorist?”

Madhyamam newspaper is the mouthpiece of Jammat-e-Islami Hind, having a good readership among Muslims in Kerala (Mohamed, 2010). The newspaper has the highest number of editorials on the Gaza crisis compared to the previous four newspapers. The Madhyamam editorials attempt to make it clear that it is Israel who has been killing and expelling Palestinians from their land for more than 75 years and, hence, the “real terrorist” (Madhyamam, 2023a,b). The editorials view the October 7 attack as the Palestinian fight for “survival,” led by Hamas, the Palestinian “resistance” organization and the “legitimate representative” of the Palestinians since the last Palestinian elections in January 2005 (Madhyamam, 2023a,i). It was a “do or die” situation for Hamas, and they used their right to an “armed struggle,” as per the United Nations resolutions, to fight the Israeli occupation. Its editorials argued that the attack was a victory for Hamas as it brought back international attention to the Palestinian issue and the two-state solution (Madhyamam, 2023a,f,g,h,i). The ”terrorism” narratives around the October 7 attack exhibit an “Islamophobic” mentality and Israel’s ability to turn the “victim” into the “perpetrator” (Madhyamam, 2023b,c,d).

The Madhyamam editorials have covered in detail Israel’s atrocities in the Gaza Strip and its violation of international laws since October 2023, from the killing of innocent children to environmental destructions (Madhyamam, 2023e,g, 2024a,b,d,e,g). One editorial asks the question: “What empire does Israel intend to build over the piled dead bodies of children?” (Madhyamam, 2023e). The editorials argue that Israel’s war on Gaza is for the political survival of Benjamin Netanyahu and condemned the United States’ support for “genocide” under the Biden administration (Madhyamam, 2023g,i,j,k,l, 2024h). Israel is getting isolated as the global support for Palestine is growing, highlighting pro-Palestine demonstrations across the world (Madhyamam, 2023e, 2024i,j,k). Finally, the editorials question India’s support for Israel and the attempts to make the Palestinian issue merely a “Muslim issue” for “communal polarization” (Madhyamam, 2023a,d). Moreover, the editorials object to sending Indian migrant workers to Israel at the request of the Israeli government as it is precarious to work in conflict-prone areas¹⁸ (Madhyamam, 2024c,f).

Discussion and Conclusion

The article examined the response in Kerala to the October 7 attack on Israel and the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip. It focused on news articles, statements, and remarks by various political and religious leaders and editorials of five Malayalam newspapers. Notably, this adds to the understanding of how have the people in Kerala perceived the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the context of the Hamas-Israel War and adds to the limited literature on the subject (see Ilias, 2024). Further, it adds to the literature on how the conflict was viewed at the pan-India level (see Blarel, 2014; Gordon, 1975; Kumaraswamy, 2010, 2018). The article similarly adds to the broader literature on India’s response to other political developments or conflicts in the Middle East, such as the Kuwait crisis of 1990-1991 (see Baral & Mahanty, 1992; Malik, 1991; Quamar & Kumaraswamy, 2019) and the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011 (see Ahmad, 2013; Kumaraswamy, 2012; Quamar, 2012).

The article focuses on the historical, social, political, cultural, and demographic factors that shaped Kerala’s understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It notes that Kerala traditionally maintained a pro-Palestine position because of its links with the Arabian Peninsula, its robust Muslim population, and the Left-led anti-imperialist discourses in the political sphere. However, in his study on the impact of Gulf migration on Syrian Christians, Ginu Zacharia Oommen (2016) argues that there is a growing appeal for Israel among Christian denominations in Kerala. For this reason, this article gave attention to the responses of the Churches to the Gaza crisis and included the editorials of Deepika for content analysis.

This article shows how the Gaza crisis has profoundly impacted Kerala’s social and political domains. Md. Muddassir Quamar and P. R. Kumaraswamy (2019), in their work on the influence of the Kuwait crisis of 1990-1991 on India’s Middle East policy, noted how the Kuwait crisis had a similar domestic impact on Kerala. Despite various political developments or conflicts in the Middle East having a ripple effect on Kerala, there is insufficient literature to examine them. This article attempts to mend this research gap by discussing the implications of the Gaza crisis on Kerala. There are two concluding observations in the article. First, Kerala’s social and political circles maintained their traditional pro-Palestine position in response to the Gaza crisis. The mainstream political parties, social and cultural organizations, and the Muslim community organized Palestine solidarity rallies and meetings across the state. The editorials of two widely circulated Malayalam newspapers, Malayala Manorama and Mathrubhumi, stood with Kerala’s pro-Palestine sentiments.

Second, Kerala’s response to the Gaza crisis was less unequivocal. This is primarily because the state’s understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict does not come from a single source. Some understood the conflict from their experiences in the Gulf countries informed through interactions with Palestinian expatriates. Some understood the conflict as an anti-imperialist struggle through interactions with fellow “comrades” in their social and political circles. Yet others understood the conflict along theological lines during Friday khutbahs at mosques or Sunday sermons at churches. Although people understood the conflict from different ideological dimensions and historical vantage points, most naturally converged to develop a pro-Palestinian position. For instance, CPI-M, which represents Left politics, and Jammat-e-Islami, which represents political Islam, had a similar ideological position on the Gaza crisis, as reflected in the editorials of Deshabhimani and Madhyamam, respectively. Both extend their solidarity with the Palestinian people, condemn the Israeli occupation, and strongly object to American imperialism. They support Palestine’s right to “armed struggle” against the occupying forces. However, there are divergences in how they see Hamas. While Deshabhimani’s editorial views Hamas as the brain-child of Israel to sideline the “secular voices” in Palestine, Madhyamam considers them as the “resistance movement” and “legitimate representative” of Palestinians.

As a result of this heterogeneous understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the response in Kerala showed ambiguity on whether or not to refer to the October 7 attack as an act of “terror,” leading to debates within the society. Mainstream political parties were puzzled as their leaders took conflicting positions. Muslim organizations referred to it as an act of “resistance,” which was opposed by the right-wing Hindu outfits and some Christian denominations. The Catholic Church lashed out at the pro-Palestinian rallies and meetings, which they saw as a platform to “whitewash” the Hamas “terrorists” as “freedom fighters.” The Church took a pro-Israeli position, which is reflected in the editorials of Deepika. The spread of American evangelical ideas among the Christians and the growing Malayali diaspora in Israel has increased sympathy for Israel in Kerala. As the ruling party in Kerala, the CPI-M had to look at both state and party interests. Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan promptly contacted the union government to ensure the safety of Malayali expatriates in Israel after the October 7 attack, thus safeguarding the state’s interests. At the same time, the party was at the forefront of carrying forward its anti-imperialist discourses and condemning Israeli atrocities in the Gaza Strip, including through its mouthpiece, Deshabhimani. However, as Kerala’s interests in Israel are growing, especially with the emigration of Malayalees to Israel, the Kerala government—whether ruled by the CPI-M or any other party in the future—would likely increase its de-hyphenated engagement with Israel, as evident before the Gaza crisis.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflict of Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Notes

ORCID iD

Irfan Ahmed Nazir

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Madhyamam . (2023c, October 17). ഇരയെ വേട്ടക്കാരാക്കുന്ന സയണിസ്റ്റ് സന്തുലനങ്ങ (Iraye vettakkaraakkunna sayanistu santhulanangal) [The Zionist balancing that makes the victim the predator] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/israel-palestine-conflict-and-zionist-balancing-1215200

59.

Madhyamam . (2023d, October 18). യുദ്ധത്തേക്കാ വിനാശകരമായ നുണയുദ്ധം (Yudhathekkal vinaashakaramaaya nunayudham) [The war of lies is more destructive than war] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/madhyamam-editorial-2023-oct- 18-1215590

60.

Madhyamam . (2023e, October 19). ഈ രക്തത്തി ലേ.ാകത്തിനുണ്ട് പങ്ക് (Ee rakthathil lokathinundu panku) [The world has a share in this blood] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/massacre-in-gaza-the-world-has-a-share-in-this-blood-madhyamam- editorial-1215984

61.

Madhyamam . (2023f, October 23). അനൈക്യ രാഷ്ട്രസഭയുടെ അരക്ഷാസമിതി (Anaikya rashtrasabhayude arakshaasamithi) [(No)Security Council of the (Dis)United Nations] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/madhyamam-editorial-2023- oct-23-1217468

62.

Madhyamam . (2023g, October 30). ലേ.ാകത്തെ വെല്ലുവിളിച്ച് ഭീകരസഖ്യം (Lokathe velluvilichu bheekarasakhyam) [The terrorist alliance challenging the world] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/israel-war-gaza-palestine- 1219811

63.

Madhyamam . (2023h, November 22). യുദ്ധവിരാമത്തിന് വഴിതെളിയുമേ.ാ? (Yudhaviraamathinu vazhitheliyumo?) [Will there be a ceasefire?] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/madhyamam-editorial-on-israe-palestine- crisis-1228177

64.

Madhyamam . (2023i, November 30). ഫലസ്തീ: പാവക്കൂത്ത് പരിഹാരമാവില്ല (Falastheen: paavakkoothu parihaaramaavilla) [Palestine: Puppetry is not the solution] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/palestine-no-solution-to-puppetry- arts-1231117

65.

Madhyamam . (2023j, December 6). എന്തു ന്യായം നീതി എന്തു? (Enthu nyaayam, enthu neethi?) [What fairness, what justice?] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/israels-continued-aggression-in-palestine-what-justice-1233355

66.

Madhyamam . (2023k, December 11). അമേരിക്കയെ ഭരിക്കുന്നത് ഇസ്രായേലേ.ാ? (Amerikkaye bharikkunnathu israelo?) [Is America ruling Israel?] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/israel-america-palestine-editorial-1235095

67.

Madhyamam . (2023l, December 25). ഈ ക്രിസ്മസിന് ബെത്ലഹേം ദുഃഖത്തിലാണ് (Ee crismasinu bethlahem dukhathilaanu) [This Christmas, Bethlehem is in mourning] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/madhyamam-editorial-2023-dec- 25-1240003

68.

Madhyamam . (2024a, January 8). ഗസ്സ വംശഹത്യ ലേ.ാക കേ.ാടതിയിലേക്ക് (Gassa vamshahathya loka kodathiyilekku) [Gaza genocide to the world court] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/madhyamam-editorial-gaza-genocide-to-the- international-court-of-justice-1244588

69.

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Madhyamam . (2024c, January 17). റിക്രൂട്ട്മെന്റ് സ്വ ഗത്തിലേക്കേ.ാ നരകത്തിലേക്കേ.ാ? (Recroottumentu svargathilekko narakathilekko?) [Is the recruitment to heaven or hell?] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/recruitment-heaven-or-hell-1247731

71.

Madhyamam . (2024d, March 4). ധാന്യക്കശാപ്പും ബൈഡന്റെ പര.ാടിക്കൈയും (Dhaanyakkashaappum baidente podikkaiyum) [Flour massacre and Biden’s involvement] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/palestine-us-president-joe-bidens- farce-1263782

72.

Madhyamam . (2024e, March 26). ആരു കേ ക്കും ഗസ്സയുടെ രേ.ാദനം! (Aaru kelkkum gassayude rodanam!) [Who will hear the cry of Gaza!] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/madhyamam-editorial-2024-march-26-1271503

73.

Madhyamam . (2024f, April 16). ഇസ്രായേലിലേക്കുള്ള തര.ാഴി കയറ്റുമതിയിലെ ശരികേടുക (Israelilekkulla thozhil kayattumathiyile sharikedukal) [Defects in exporting labour to Israel] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/madhyamam-editorial-2024-april-16-1278000

74.

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75.

Madhyamam . (2024h, April 26). അമേരിക്ക കാമ്പസുകളിലെ ഫലസ്തീ പ്രക്ഷേ.ാഭം (Amerikkan kaambasukalile falastheen prakshobham) [Palestine protests on American campuses] . https://www.madhyamam.com/opinion/editorial/madhyamam-editorial-2024-april- 26-1281517

76.

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77.

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