State formation and religious processes in the north–south corridor of Chhattisgarh (from first century bc to eighth century ad )

Secondary State Formation

The earliest evidence providing information regarding interaction of this region with the metropolitan area (Magadha and adjacent areas) comes from the Sitabenga and the Jogimara cave inscriptions which were incised in Aśokan Brahmi characters dating back to third early or second century bc. ³ The language of one of the Jogimare cave inscription is Magadhi Prakrit. The author, a painter, distinctly states that he was from Varanasi (‘Valanasi’). The two caves stand in the region of Ramgarh hills. Here natural hollows already existed and the caves were carved out as habitational sites. The Sitabenga cave seems to have been a resting place for travellers at night, especially womenfolk, whereas the Jogimara cave was apparently occupied by an artist (lupadakha). These two records attest definite interaction with the Gangetic plains. Paintings in the Jogimara cave also depict scenes where people, presumably travellers, are shown resting, occasionally in relaxed postures. Some women are also depicted and this also explains the reference in the Jogimara inscription to the devadasi, who too could have travelled from the metropolitan zone.

The process of the emergence of a distinct territorial polity in a zone far away from the metropolitan area of the erstwhile Mauryan realm, but bearing typical features of the polity of the Ganga valley mahājanapadas, may be considered as those of the secondary state, following Senaviratne and Chattopadhyaya. ⁴ We would like to pay here particular attention to the evidence for the presence of local-level elites and numerous functionaries placed under the ruler, all demonstrating elements of a complex state apparatus.

The main settlement zone from which our evidence comes was the locality of Kosali, present-day Malhar in Chhattisgarh. The development of satellite regions like that of Damaru (which served as a sub-locality to the locality of Kosali) is also evident from the discovery of large number of sealings from this site bearing the names of the rulers of Kosali. ⁵ Heirs-designate usually came to eminence under principal rulers, being designated yuvarajas who issued seals. The clearly discernible royal imprint in these sealings from Damaru reflects the fact that this place became an important satellite locality in relation to the principal locality of Kosali from where the official orders were probably sent out.

The most impressive list of graded functionaries is available from the remarkable inscription at Karari. ⁶ The record is actually put on a wooden pillar, listing a wide array of royal functionaries who seem to have been present at the time of the excavation/dedication of a tank. The excavation of a tank is likely to have been associated with hydraulic works for agricultural operations. One notes the presence of Nagararakhina (Nagararakshin): officer in charge of the security of the town/prefect of the city police. Two such officers are mentioned in our record. Also present were the senapati—a military commander; patihara/pratihara—door keeper/palace-guard; ganaka—accountant or astrologer; bhandakarika—in charge of the store-house; hatharoha/hastyaroha—elephant rider/driver; padamulika—foot soldier; rathika—superintendent of chariots; mahanasika—in charge of the royal kitchen; hathivapa—officer in charge of elephants; dhavaka—runner, probably a messenger; sagandhaka/saugandhika—perfumer; gomandalika—in charge of cattle; yanasalayuddharika—officer in charge of the carriages or carts attached to the depot of weaponry/armoury; avasarakaraka—a functionary whose nature remains obscure; lehaharaka/lekhaharaka—bearer/procurer of documents and notifications; and, finally, mahasenani—a high-ranking military officer. ⁷

What is striking is the presence of military officials. Besides the senapati and mahasenani, one witnesses here functionaries connected with different units of the armed forces, viz. elephant, cavalry and infantry units, transport department and cattle maintenance. The last was essential for cart-transport. It is impossible to miss the pronounced importance of the military apparatus in the making of the secondary state. That the process of secondary state formation had already taken roots in the region and that the process was at a stage more advanced and complex than an incipient formation may thus be logically assumed from the data in this wooden pillar inscription. The element of danda, the coercive authority of the state, most potently manifested in the monopoly access to and exercise of force by the ruler, is writ large in the Karari inscription.

Political anthropologists have stressed the importance of trade in the making of secondary states. Being located on the major trade route between the northern plains and the peninsular areas, Chhattisgarh was drawn into the web of commerce as is evident from the finds of large number of local coins. ⁸ The striking of local coinage also speaks of the on-going process of secondary state formation. These coins were issued in the locality of Kosali for day-to-day transactions.

The onset of a sedentary agrarian society, providing the principal resource base for the state, is likely to have brought in social complexities. The emergence of the state structure co-existed with or, indeed, promoted unequal access to resources, including land, and forest produce. The last mentioned one must have been crucial for the army and also as a marker of royal privilege. It can therefore be logically inferred that a differentiated social structure was an inevitable outcome of the emergence of the state. This might have also led to the creation of an economically and militarily elite segment in an increasingly hierarchical order.

The transformation of an agrarian economy into a more complex one may be noticed very distinctly in this region where craft products, minerals and metals and also possibly forest produce were traded along with agricultural surplus. Elephants are regularly found depicted as the principal device on the local coins of this region from the first century bc to the fourth century ad. This strongly suggests that elephants were a locally available faunal resource and could have been an important commodity of trade in this region. ⁹

Local coins of this region have some specific features. The coins of Kosali or Malhar usually bear the names of the coiners, while the occasional legend ‘rano’ indicates that a monarchical state structure had been established. The coins were stamped with marks typically associated with the symbol popularly known as the Malhar. This symbol was used to represent the city of Kosali from the first century bc to fourth century ad; it was not discarded even when dynastic shifts took place. ¹⁰

We may also take a glance at the coins bearing the legend ‘vanajayatasa’ ¹¹ found in Chhattisgarh. The legend suggests that there were forests where the coins circulated. The trading communities which were active in this corridor seem to have mainly dealt in the forest products, including elephants. Since the area is quite fertile and yields good-quality paddy, the possibilities of grain trade through this corridor cannot be ruled out. One of the cave paintings in the region depicts honey collection and honeycomb designs are figured in the cave paintings of this region. Honey could thus also have been a product available for local trade. Elephants formed an article of high value and so ivory was also presumably traded. We are not sure about the antiquity of gold dust procurement from the Mahanadi river bed, but at least from the early medieval times this too was in vogue.

The Local-level Polity

The Panduvamsin ruler Tivaradeva (c. seventh century) is the first known claimant to the position of the lord of whole of Kosala (sakalakosaladhipati). This expression also indicates that the concept of a larger Kosala was already an established one at the time. ¹² A study of the places mentioned in Panduvamsin charters clearly shows that Kosala included the territories in the Upper Mahanadi valley as also other portions of western Orissa. The Somavamsin inscriptions use the term desa suffixed to Kosala, viz. ‘Kosaladesa’.

In the fifth century the Sarabhapuriya dynasty emerged as a prominent power in this region. The rulers of this dynasty already inherited the legacy of an organised administration. The presence of a stratified hierarchy is established by the existence of a class of bhogapatis (locality-level officers) under the Panduvamsis. In the Pipardula plates of Narendra, regnal year 3 (early sixth century) we come across one Rahudeva who wished to grant a plot of land and this was brought to notice of the ruler of the dynasty. Rahudeva was thus possessed of only a limited right of alienation. He is not himself designated a bhogapati but in the exhortatory portion of the grant the Sarabhapuriya ruler Narendra addresses the future bhogapatis as protectors of granted lands, instead of future kings, as was the custom. ¹³ This strongly indicates that since the grant was given by Rahudeva as a bhogapati it was actually addressed by bhogapati, that is, Rahudeva himself, to future bhogapatis with a formal ratification by his suzerain, Narendra. What is more significant is that this implies a polity associating the ruler at the top with local tiers of administration. The Kurud plates of Narendra, regnal year 24, which were issued 21 years after the Pipardula plates offers fascinating insights into the record-keeping system, a crucial component of the land granting practices, as well as vital for the consolidation of the state structure. We are informed that the donated area had to be re-granted to the original donee’s son the original deed written on palm leaves (talapatra) having been destroyed in a fire following which the donated area was again donated and recorded on a plate. The copperplate inscription clearly refers to an official investigation (adhikarana-avadharana), conducted to assess the veracity of the claim of an earlier grant. The term avadharana is regularly found in the Gupta charters from north Bengal fifth–sixth centuries especially in and around Kotivarsha (present Damodarpur in the Dinajpur area, Bangladesh). In the Gupta copper plates from Bengal, the term avadharana denotes ascertainment of application of an intended purchaser to buy plot(s) of land. This was conducted by the record keeper (pustapala) attached to the district headquarters (vishaya-adhishthana-adhikarana). ¹⁴

Though the Sarabhapuriyas had not been ruling for a protracted period, there thus seems to have been already in place a regular system of keeping land-grant records. Perhaps this system was gradually taking root in the region even before the Sarabhapuriyas. In view of the remarkable similarity of conducting ascertainment (avadharana) in the Sarabhapuriya set-up with that of the Gupta realm, one can infer further that there were some elements of the Gupta-style locality-level administration penetrating into and adapted by the Sarabhapuriya kingdom. On the other hand, as early as the second century the state apparatus in the western and central Deccan, was already familiar with systematic and well-organised land documentation. It may be pointed out on the basis of the Nasik inscriptions of Nahapana (years 41, 42, 45) that land grant records were duly maintained. ¹⁵ We should add to it the evidence of Gautamiputra’s Nasik inscriptions of regnal years 18 and 24 that refer to records of transfer of landed property. There are clearly instances of not only recording the transfer of land but also keeping copies (phalakavare) of deeds of the same at the town council (nigamasabha). These were scrutinised by the mahasvami, that is, locality-chief, possibly at the lower administrative tier, while the actual owner of the transferred land obviously also possessed a copy of this record. Gautamiputra’s Nasik grant of year 24 repeats the term nibadhonibadho, which has been taken by Sircar to represent Sanskrit nibaddhalekha, that is, the grant being registered in the royal archives. ¹⁶

The above discussion suggests that the Sarabhapuriya realm could have drawn on the practices both the Satavahanas of the Deccan and the Guptas in north Bengal. Some Satavahana coins have also been recovered in excavations at Malhar (Kosali), suggesting the existence of commercial relations between Jharkhand and the Deccan in that period. One of the telling markers of the presence of Deccan elements in Kosali/Malhar is the use of the box-headed script in this region which was a typical Vakataka script. The occurrence in Kosali inscription of revenue terms like meya-hiranya (tax paid in cash and kind) analogous to the deya-meya of the Satavahana records is also indicative of the Deccan connection in the administration of Kosali. On the other hand, the Rawan plates of Narendra (early sixth century), ¹⁷ recording an early Sarabhapuriya grant, mention a large administrative division called Mantaraja-bhukti which term has a distinct north Indian, Gupta-type flavour. The term bhukti is not found in Vakataka records. Some elements of the Vakataka political structure may be inferred, however, from the Mallar plates of Maha Jayaraja year 9 referring to a territorial division nagarottarapattiya. ¹⁸ The term denotes a territorial unit, situated to the north of a particular town (nagarottara); in that the granted plot was situated in that pattawa. The term patta or a small territorial division figures quite frequently in the Vakataka land grants (e.g., uttarapatta and dakshinapatta in Vakataka records). ¹⁹

We have thus evidence for the adaptation and admixture of both east Indian and Deccan elements of administration in the state under the Sarabhapuriyas. From this, we can further infer that the secondary state had emerged in Chhattisgarh in early centuries ad. From the fifth century onwards began the protracted practice of issuing land grants to religious donees, a feature which was present in the near contemporary Gupta, Vakataka and Pallava realms. The institution of land grants had an unmistakable bearing on the emergence and proliferation of local and regional powers during the 500–1300. These are (a) a considerable degree of agrarian expansion, providing the vital resource base of newly emerging polities at local and regional levels (including the ‘regional imperial kingdoms’), (b) the consolidation of the varna–jati hierarchy in marginal areas and (c) cult appropriation, that is, the taking-over of non-Brahmanical divinities into Brahmanical pantheon, especially by devotional (bhakti) sectarian cults. ²⁰ The last aspect was manifest as a prolonged process with the growing popularity of Puranic religion, leading to the immense prominence of Vaishnavism, Saivism and the worship of goddesses (devi).

There may thus have been ties between the emergence of local and regional powers and the growing importance of sectarian devotional cults. For many of the newly emerging ruling lineages, religious legitimating of the ruling power was an almost necessary requirement. On the other hand, the proliferation of sacred centres resulted in the construction of impressive, often monumental, temples, usually under direct royal patronage. This royal patronage mostly took the form of substantial granting of revenue free landed property to the temples and their priests.

Under the Panduvamsin rulers of Kosala in the seventh and eighth centuries we find that Vaishnavism and Śaivism received state patronage. Initially the rulers of this dynasty showed Vaishnava leanings. But with the creation of the brick temple at Sirpur, after the death of Vasata’s husband, by her son Mahasivagupta Balarjuna, Sirpur became a major attraction for pilgrims in the region and also for those who passed through the corridor zone. But Mahasivagupta himself was a Śaivite, which was probably due to the influence of his mother who hailed from Magadha. During his reign we find that Śaiviam attained considerable eminence. He was responsible for building more than ten temples and several maṭhas. Sirpur became a major religious hub. This conglomeration of religious establishments now became a recognised complex, appearing in the epigraphic records as tapovana. An interesting feature was that the principal deity, Śiva, in the temple was named after the ruler himself. Besides temples, rulers also built monasteries. The temples also had sthana-gurus or exclusive preceptors attached to them. Mahasivagupta was motivated and involved in the religious matters so deeply that he also composed a play based on a complex philosophical aspect of the Mausula cult of the Lakulasakha of the Pasupata tradition. The title of this play is Maya-vimana-natakam. The term maya-vimana here could also mean the flying chariot of Ravana, but most probably this was the Saiva aspect of the Mausula cult where the ultimate goal of a person following this cult was to reach mayatattva.

Region and the Religious Processes ²¹

In the early historical period in Chhattisgarh, we are unable to find traces of any local deity or cult in either epigraphic sources or in sculpture, which is rather surprising. We find, on the other hand, the distinct presence of Brahmanical divinities like Śiva, Vishnu, Ardhanariśvara and so on in their sculptural representations. A Vasudeva image from Burhikhar near Kosali has all the usual attributes of the deity and the image is endowed with the typical stylistic features of the Mathura school of sculpture. The sculpture has sankha or conch, ćakra or wheel and gada or mace (which is of a very local type, elongated in shape and incised with a Brahmi inscription) and also the local element found in the dress of the deity which is made out of leaves carved on the stone. This image was caused to be constructed by a woman of Bharadvajagotra who is described as the mother of a son. Other than this Vasudeva image there are sculptural pieces depicting Śiva in the form of Ardhanarishvara, lingas and mukha-lingas from a very early period, almost as early as the first–second century ad. Kartikeya is also found depicted on the early local coins of this region.

The region also received Jainism as early as the first century bc. It was probably the connection with the neighbouring region of Kalinga which could have brought Jainism to this area. The Jaina practice of erecting nisadyas for deceased Jaina monks who attained salvation and became Siddhas was known in this region. In the neighbouring region of Kalinga Kharavela (late first century bc) is known to have established nisadyas for arhats in the Kumariparvata. This is evident from his Hatigumpha inscription. ²² In Chhattisgarh we find the practice of erecting nisadyas but the term used is different, viz. nisa-chaya, which is also found in memorial inscriptions from Maharashtra, meaning ‘in memory of’. The place where the Jaina monks performed the act of voluntarily giving up their lives for attainment of salvation is termed siddhakshetra. Chatagarh, a small village in the vicinity of the present-day town of Durg, may be termed a siddha-kshetra because the site has yielded several large stones, two of which are inscribed, bearing inscriptions datable to the first and second centuries ad. Buddhism also finds prominent presence in the region from the early historic period onwards till almost to end of the eighth century, if not further. During the reign of the Panduvamsin ruler Mahasivagupta several Buddhist monasteries were built at Sirpur. All of these monasteries received patronage from non-royal donors, such as merchants and others.

In the early medieval period, we find that Sirpur, the capital of the Panduvamsin dynasty, became a prominent Śaivaite centre, especially of the Siddhanta school, particularly the followers of the Soma siddhanta. ²³ We often find reference to the preceptors belonging to the Siddhanta School being brought from outside and made to settle at Sripura, and often attached to temples and maṭhas. Three of these preceptors were significant characters as they were declared incarnations of Śiva or to be precise Lakulisa. In this context, it is worth mentioning that the Mathura pilaster inscription of Chandragupta II, of Gupta era 61, ²⁴ mentions one such lineage of teachers. These teachers belonged to the Vaimalasakha of the Paśupata tradition. Here we would like to suggest that these two teachers Kapilavimala and Upamitavimala whose sculptured representations were installed in the gurvayatana were also incarnations of Lakulisa. This may be surmised from the fact that the pillar on which the inscription is engraved has been mentioned as a Rudra-danda. ²⁵ Rudra here may be taken in the technical sense of an incarnation of Lakulisa, that is, the next lineage of the 38 incarnations tracing their lineage from Lakulisa. The Vayu and Linga Puranas mention Lakulisa as the 28th and last incarnation of Śiva. ²⁶ The present author has elsewhere shown that this brought to an end the ambition of the following generation of Śaiva ascetics to further claim divinity through declaration of being an incarnation of Śiva. Henceforth, the ascetics of this lineage started claiming themselves as incarnation of the last incarnation of Śiva, that is, Lakulisa. The Junwani or Malhar copper plate of Sivagupta ²⁷ bears evidence of this redesignation. It not only mentions Jagadindu as the incarnation of Lakulisa, ²⁸ but also mentions the family or lineage of Somasarma.

Mausulas were initiated into the mahavrata as the Lakulas and among the rituals being performed by them are yaga, diksha and vyakhyana. Here, diksha definitely means initiation into the mahavrata which was more rigorous than the rest, viz. yaga (sacrificial rites) and vyakhyana (exposition). Mausulas were engaged in ritual activities, forsaking the more rigorous portion of the Pasupata ritual.

An inscription from Gandharveśvara temple, Sirpur, mentions a Śaiva ascetic of the Rasi lineage named Udbhavarasi, who is mentioned as a Rudra. ²⁹ The inscription states, ‘Here in Sripura, Rudra Udbhavarasi appeared’. Thus from the Sirpur inscriptions of we come to know of three incarnations (Udbhavarasi, Jagadindu and Musalisa). Now coming to the Mausula sakha one notes that this was a lesser tradition placed at a lower rung than the Lakulas and Vaimalas. The portion consisting of cosmological knowledge, viz. bhuvanadhva of the Nisvasa and Svacchanda, include the division of the universe into two segments, pure and impure. The Lakulas and the Vaimalas were provided a lower liberation and were placed in the impure universe. The Mausulas and Karukas were still lower in the same impure universe. This hierarchy within the atimarga makes it quite clear that Lakulas and Vaimalas were perceived as of higher status and Mausulas and Karukas as inferior. Mausulas are only mentioned in the Junwani copper plate inscription and the two texts Nisvasamukha and Svacchandatantra. Its absence in the other scriptures and presence in the Svacchanda and Nisvasa texts make it clear that the Mausda was a lesser known or rather lesser recognised tradition, but not an unknown tradition that could be completely ignored by the composer of the religious scriptures.

One may venture to suggest here a correlation between the political and religious processes in the initial phase of the early medieval period, that is, roughly the period from the fifth to the eighth centuries. This is the phase when for the first time a distinct formation of a local-level polity, in the form of the Panduvamsin house, is evidenced. The making of the Panduvamsin realm demonstrates some typical features of the ‘integrative polity’, indicative of the political processes from within (i.e., at the local/locality level) and not an outcome of the breakdown of a centralised state. The very name Panduvamsin speaks of the aspiration of the rulers of this house to claim genealogical descent from the epic heroes or lineages, obviously with a view to seeking political legitimation by such claims. This legitimation was sought not only by actively promoting two premier sectarian Bhakti cults, Vaishanvism and Śaivism, but also by accommodating the relatively lesser Śaiva sub-sects, viz. Lakulas, Vaimalas, Mausulas and Karukas. These two Śaiva sub-sects, held in lower esteem in Śaiva tradition, benefitted by royal patronage which in its turn found it advantageous to patronise devotional bhakti cults, to further promote their own legitimation.