At Unar, in Northwestern Iran, a tombstone inscription has been found by the authors. It names the buried one as Ismā‘il bin Sultān, Khalīfatu’l Khulafā, with the date 881 AH. This is the first record of the holder of an office which was a major one under the Safavids even before they seized power in Iran. The Khalīfatu’l Khulafā headed the Sufic wing of Safavid ruler’s followers. The office declined in importance as Shi‘ite tendencies tended more and more to set limits to Sufic beliefs and practices.
The village of Unar is located well within the borders of Iran at 38ḥ29’N, 47ḥ52’E, on the north side of Sabalan Mountain, in Ardebil province. There is a cemetery in the centre of Unar village surrounded by rural houses. One of the tombstones contains an inscription in which the deceased person is described as
Kh
alīfatu’l Khulafā. The text of this inscription reads as follows:
اتصل الی جوار رحمه الله تعالی الخلیفه الخلفا پیره اسماعیل بن سلطان پیره محمد فی سنه احدی و ثمانین
[Through the mercy of God Khalīfatu’l Khulafā Pīrāh Ismā‘il, the son of Sulṭān Pīrāh Muḥammad in the year 881 AH.]
In this inscription, the deceased person bears the title of ‘
kh
alīfatu’l khulafā’ and the designation of ‘Pīrāh’. The date mentioned in this inscription is 881 AH. (1476–77 AD). If we consider this date as the date of the buried person’s death, as is usual, it belongs to the time of the rule of Timurids and Aq Quyunlu in separate parts of Iran. This
kh
alīfat-al-khulafā must have been a follower of Shaikh Ḥaidar (in office 1458–88), the father of Shāh Ismā‘il I (reigned, 1487–1524). The death of
Kh
alīfat-al-Khulafā Ismā‘il then occurred 25 years before the establishment of Safavid rule. The designation pīrah prefacing the buried man’s name suggests affinity to Sufism, where pīr signifies a spiritual preceptor, and so pīrah, a disciple of such a preceptor.
Sufism, as an ideological tendency and method in theology, has existed in Iran practically since the early days of Islam, but it was in the eleventh and twelfth centuries that Sufism flourished with Rūmī (thirteenth century) as its great exponent in Persian poetry.
The Position of
Kh
alīfat-al-Khulafā in Sufism
In Sufism, the seekers can gradually achieve their goal of pleasing God by going through prescribed stages of conduct and acts of devotion. Among Sūfis in general, the term
kh
alīfa meant a designated successor or agent of the mystic saint [shaikh]. The Sufi shaikhs used to have many disciples [murīd]. To spread their beliefs, they chose representatives from among their disciples to teach on their behalf, calling them by such terms as sayyid-al-khulafā, kamāl-al-khulafā or
kh
alīfat-al-khulafā, all indicative of such delegation. The
kh
ulafā were thus agents or successors of the murshid [teacher, guide] often posted in different areas. The
kh
alīfat-al-khulafā thus had his own disciples called
kh
ulafā [agents]. Before the establishment of the Safavid government, the
kh
alīfat-al-khulafā travelled to various regions on behalf of the Safavid Shaikh [murshid-i kāmil, perfect teacher] to preach according to the teachings of the Shaikh. While collecting oblations, they would also increase the number of the Shaikh’s disciples. Shaikh Œafi-ad-dīn Ardabīlī, the ancestor of the Safavids, who was succeeded by his wife’s father, Shaikh Zahid Gilani, thus operated through the
kh
ulafā, to gain disciples in both Iran and Anatolia. From this period until the Safavids came to power, the
kh
alīfat-al-khulafā held, perhaps the most important position or rank in the framework of Safavid Sufism. Its holders possessed religious influence, and, during the time of Shaikh Ḥaidar, they also entered the military field.
Kh
alīfat-al-Khulafā in Historical Sources
An example of the authority the
kh
alīfatu’l khulafā exercised is provided by the historian Khwānd-Amīr:
His majesty, the Shāh [Ismā‘il], was determined to travel and decided to consult with ahl-i ikhtiṣāṣ [the elect] such as Abdi beyk Twachi, Hassan Beykullāh,
Kh
alīfat-al-khulafā and others in complete privacy. He asked, if because of the large number of corps and the fact that the enemy was in this area, it is not permissible to stay here, which way should we go?
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The importance of the position of
kh
alīfa is also shown by the exploits of Nūr ‘Alī Khalīfa Romelū, who was sent to the Ottoman Empire in 1512. According to the author of Aḥsan al-Tawārīkh, the purpose of his mission was to collect devout Sufis. The author says:
When Nūr ‘Alī Khalīfat arrived, Ottoman (Rūmī) Ṣūfīs and disciples of that territory joined him with three to four thousand horsemen. In the battle that took place, it was Nūr ‘Alī who won. Then, he was settled at Arzanjan.
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The Position of the
Kh
alīfat-al-Khulafā in the Safavid Era
Upon the formation of the Safavid government, Shāh Ismā‘il I developed a bureaucratic structure but, in order to maintain and keep alive his position of spiritual guide [murshid-i kāmil] among the Qizilbāsh, he also expanded the scope of functions of the khalīfat-al-khulafā. He was in fact the deputy of the Shāh, the latter being the murshid-i kāmil or perfect preceptor. He was also the Shāh’s deputy, empowered to send representatives to other rulers (under the name of khalīfa and pīr).
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Through the khalīfat-al-khulafā, the Shāh controlled the Qizilbāsh and the Ṣūfīs who had brought him to power, as well as the old groups of disciples in Anatolia.
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During the reign of Shāh Ismā‘il I, the
kh
ulafā and khalīfatu’l khulafā thus greatly reinforced the Shah’s authority by gathering murīds from all parts of Iran, Anatolia and Levant. Ismā‘il I in fact was crowned in Tabriz in 1501–02 with the help of these disciples. During the reign of Shāh Ismā‘il I, the position of khalīfatu’l khulafā of Safavid government was conferred on. In the meantime, a very fateful incident caused the relationship between the murshid and murīd to be shaken. In the battle between Shāh Ismā‘il I and the Ottomans at Chaldoran, not only Shāh Ismā‘il’s forces were heavily defeated but Ismā‘il I, who was considered invincible previously, by this defeat lost much of his authority over his spiritual devotees like the khalīfat-al-Khulafā Khādim Beyk.
Early during the reign of Shāh Tahmāsp I (1514–76 AD), the son and successor of Shāh Ismā‘il I, the unrest in the country led to some acts of presumption on the part of some
kh
ulafā, including Yār Aḥmad, the Khalīfa of Shāmlū, who tried to directly oppose Ḥabībullāh, the Wazir, and Dormish Khān. It should be noted that Yār Aḥmad, the Khalīfa of Shāmlū and ruler of Herat, was also quite influential. However, with the arrival of Shi‘ite scholars from Levant in Iran and the strong tendency for Shi‘ism, as opposed to Sufism during Tahmāsp’s reign, the
kh
ulafā’s power was much reduced as more and more power in the religious sphere was given to the Shi‘ite clergy.
After this period and the enthronement of several kings until Shāh ‘Abbās the Great came to power, the
kh
ulafā still enjoyed some power. Under Shāh ‘Abbās (reigned 1587–1629), the importance of
kh
ulafā and khalīfatu’l khulafā gradually diminished. Shāh ‘Abbās’s mother was killed by the Qizilbāsh at the royal harem, and so he harboured a grudge against them. Accordingly, he proceeded by replacing the Qizilbāsh with a new force called the Shāhsevans [lovers of the king]. Gradually, as the late Safavid period approached, the position of khalīfatu’l khulafā also became a ceremonial one losing all practical importance.
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