Syed Ahmad Khan in the Punjab

Syed Ahmad Khan’s Activities till 1873

Born into a prestigious family of Delhi connected with the Mughal court, Syed Ahmad Khan entered judicial service of the British government in 1838 and retired in 1877. In 1857, Syed Ahmad Khan remained loyal to the British and wrote three political statements. ³ Both before and after 1857, Syed Ahmad Khan took interest in Indian history and archaeology. In 1863, he spoke before the Muslim society at Calcutta, advocating the study of European science and technology. He emphasised that Islam was not opposed to Western learning. In 1866, he formed the British Indian Association of the North Western Provinces (UP) as an expression of his aspiration for close relations of Muslims with the British government. During 1869–70, he visited England and publicised the results of his visits. ⁴ He spent seventeen months there and felt convinced that the Muslims in India could adopt some of the characteristics of English society: its discipline, order, efficiency and high levels of education, along with science and technology. ⁵ In fact, in Cantwell Smith’s words, Syed Ahmad Khan was ‘dazed like a young child’ who looked forward to his own country ‘achieving at least the same degree of culture’. ⁶

On his return from England, Syed Ahmad Khan began to spread his idea of founding a Muslim College where Western culture could be disseminated directly but along with the religion of Islam. ⁷ In 1872, he organised a Select Committee charged with planning an education system. Four prominent Muslims of the Punjab were members of the Select Committee: Khan Bahadur Muhammad Hayat Khan, Khan Bahadur Muhammad Barkat Ali Khan, Nawab Nawazish Ali Khan and Nawab Abdul Majid Khan. The committee’s report discussed the educational needs of various classes among Muslims. Syed Ahmad Khan, who acted as its secretary, spoke of education for peasants, shopkeepers, artisans and labourers, as well as for those Muslims who looked to government service or purely religious occupations. The committee’s work led to the concept of a school which was intended to serve all Muslims, cutting across sectarian and regional differences. A number of Hindus also donated money to this cause. ⁸

First Visit to the Punjab in 1873

As a Muslim majority province with a sizeable aristocracy, the Punjab held considerable importance for Syed Ahmad Khan. As noted earlier, his concerns were shared by many of the educated Muslims in the Punjab. During the late nineteenth century, several types of Muslim societies (Anjumans) had emerged in the Punjab, ranging from literary to political. The most numerous type, however, was the one which supported a wide range of cultural reforms. Among the many goals espoused by them was Islamic unity. Their activities included founding of schools, publications, religious philanthropy, petitions and memorials, and scholarships. Support for these associations came from the new middle class as well as the elite. Even when Syed Ahmad Khan’s ideas were of great interest to the educated Punjabi Muslims, they were not always unanimous in their support. ⁹

Syed Ahmad Khan visited the Punjab for the first time in December 1873. He gave a speech on 29 December at a meeting of the Anjuman-i Islamia, Lahore, which had been founded in 1869. In his speech, he dwelt largely on the programme of education he was planning at Aligarh. ¹⁰ He hammered the point that there could be no personal honour without national honour; he should belong to a community which was held in esteem by others. The Muslims as a community were not held in honour. The great Muslim saints who were the source of honour were no longer to be seen. The ‘ulama (scholars) did not enjoy a good reputation. The leaders of the community possessed no merit. The Muslims were not distinguished in the area of trade. In the field of agriculture, they were only slightly better. Muslim representation in the services was poor. On the whole, thus, the reputation of the Muslim community was at a low ebb. ¹¹

Using the term ‘qaum’ for community and ‘national’ for communitarian, Syed Ahmad Khan maintained that a certain degree of affluence, knowledge of the arts, inventions and learning brought national honour. It was also achieved in terms of religious life. Furthermore, national progress was made possible by the establishment of peace and education. Syed Ahmad Khan underlined the exceptional quality of peace established by the British government. It would simply be unfortunate for any person not to progress under the peace established by the English. ¹²

Finally, Syed Ahmad talked of education as the source of national progress. Only those nations in the world had achieved honour, wealth and repute which cultivated education. However, the means of ‘national education’ in India were virtually absent. The traditional madrasas were only of a limited utility. In fact, cultivation of ‘national education’ was never regarded as very important in India. It was treated as charitable work which brought spiritual merit to those who gave financial aid for the purpose of education. The government institutions, particularly in the Punjab, were doing well but not the Muslims. In any case, there was a serious flaw in the educational institutions of the government: There was no religious teaching. ¹³

In this context, the proposed Madrasat-al-‘Ulum at Aligarh was to be established on the model of Cambridge and Oxford, with religious instruction provided for both Sunnis and Shias. The success of the proposed institution needed a large amount of money, among other things. Therefore, the institution should have agricultural land as a source of its regular income. The proposal for having government promissory notes was dropped on grounds of Islam not permitting usury. The Governor General Lord Northbrook was generous enough to contribute ₹10,000. The contribution by Indians ranged from 1 paisa to ₹5,000. Syed Ahmad informed the audience that the proposed institution would be entitled to a corresponding grant-in-aid from the government; if someone gave a donation of ₹100,000, it would mean ₹200,000. The target was to collect ₹1,500,000 through a matching grant. The committee was expecting a substantial contribution from the Punjab which was known for its generosity. ¹⁴

Responding to his critics who declared him to be an infidel (kāfir) or an apostate (murtid), Syed Ahmad Khan says that even people like Imām Ghazali and Mujaddid-i Alf-i Sāni (renovator of the second millennium, Shaikh Ahmad Sarhindi) were not spared. Despite the charge of infidelity (kufr), his personal beliefs would not affect the religious teachings to be provided at the proposed madrasa. Followers of all Muslim sects would be entitled to have education at the proposed madrasa. His personal beliefs should not become an obstacle in the way of his building an institution in national interest. If it appeared at any stage that his presence was undesirable, he would be ready to leave. Furthermore, at this madrasa, provision for the teaching of English would be made along with teaching in some classical languages. He was not answerable to people who regarded the learning of English as infidelity. Finally, he wanted to ask if hostility to the British was in the interest of Muslims. Association with English was never banned in Islam. Friendship with the Christians, Jews and Hindus did not imply that their religion was regarded as true. In fact, Muslims should pray to God that their friends may turn to the true path of Islam. ¹⁵

On 30 December 1873, Syed Ahmad Khan responded somewhat differently to the ‘address’ of the Anjuman-i-Punjab, Lahore, a popular association of educated Punjabi Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs. He said that he did not use the term ‘qaum’ for Muslims alone. He believed in the brotherhood of humankind, irrespective of their colour or the state of civilisation. Human beings belonged to different religions, but they were not enemies of one another. He believed in the brotherhood of mankind. All human beings were like brothers to him. The foremost duty of a human being was to do what was expected of him by God. And then what was important was khair-i-jārī (everlasting charity). What was done for redemption was not everlasting. Similarly, buildings, mosques, bridges, wells and sarais (inns) built for the use of others were not everlasting. ‘In my opinion, whatever we do for the welfare of the qaum and the mankind in general is everlasting charity.’ Syed Ahmad Khan ended his speech on a note of gratitude to the Anjuman. ¹⁶

The Changing Context, 1874–82

The Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College of Aligarh opened its doors in June 1875 as a school which was upgraded to college in 1877. Syed Ahmad envisioned it as preparing men to serve the qaum. Aligarh became the most important cause for him. ¹⁷ In the year following, he started a commentary on the Quran, giving a radical interpretation of Islam and its scripture in the light of the nineteenth-century rationalism and science. He sought to contest the notion that Islam could not permit women to come out of seclusion (purdah) or that it could not recognise the value of women’s education. He also maintained that Islam sanctioned no holy war (jihād) and that it did not countenance slavery. ¹⁸

There was opposition to Syed Ahmad Khan, but it did not come from opponents of modern education or from people who were discontented with British rule. The readers of the newspapers who rose against Syed Ahmad were the sort of people who might have been expected to support him: lawyers, Khan Bahadurs, honorary magistrates and men with education. One of his most outspoken opponents was a sub-judge and another a deputy collector. ¹⁹ Consequently, Syed Ahmad Khan was slandered, persecuted and ex-communicated. ‘He was called atheist, renegade, anti-Christ. Men threatened to kill him, but he held bravely on.’ ²⁰

Meanwhile, there were other significant changes in the general situation. There was agitation for the replacement of Urdu by Hindi as a language of administration. In 1873, Hindi was accepted for use in the lower courts of Bihar, and in 1881, it was placed at par with Urdu throughout the North-Western Provinces. At this time, cow protection was also becoming a public issue. ²¹ In 1881, Swami Dayanand published a pamphlet on the subject Gaukarunanannidhi; and gaurakshini sabhas (cow-protection societies) began to be formed in many parts of northern India. ²² It may be added that after his retirement in 1877, Syed Ahmad Khan served on the Viceroy’s Executive Council as a Nominated Member (1878–86) and as a Member of (Butler) Educational Commission. Significantly, the growing tensions over Hindi–Urdu controversy and cow protection receded into the background in the wake of the Ilbert Bill controversy (mainly over Europeans’ demand for a European jury at the trial of Europeans) leading to cooperation between Muslims and Hindus.

Second Visit to the Punjab in 1883–84

Towards the end of 1883, Syed Ahmad Khan was in the Punjab for the second time. The places he visited included Lahore, Amritsar, Gurdaspur, Jalandhar, Ludhiana and Gujrat. He spoke largely on the themes of education, unity and Islam. The only political association then in the Punjab, the Indian Association, was addressed by him early in January 1884. His tone towards non-Muslims was uniformly conciliatory.

Syed Ahmad Khan responded to the address of the Lahore Anjuman-i Islamia on 3 January 1884. The monuments of Delhi built by Muslims were now lying in ruins as sad reminders of Muslim rule in India. Referring to his pamphlet on the Ghadar, he clarified the Muslim position in relation to the British rulers. In his view, jihād was to be waged in support of the ruler who provided peace and security to Muslims. Syed Ahmad Khan’s experience of travel to England had been an eye-opener: It was extremely useful to see the countries which had seen the light and which were the homes of culture. The bias against going to England was baseless. It was in the interest of Hindus and Muslims to join government services. Syed Ahmad was strongly in favour of Muslims joining the civil services. He was personally committed to serve his qaum. The more he was criticised and vilified, the stronger became his resolve to serve. ²³

In his lecture at Jalandhar on 24 January, Syed Ahmad Khan talked about Islam as a light which has never diminished. It was the light of God which was there at the beginning and shall be there at the end. It was in the hearts of the prophets. It was meant for the whole of mankind. It was meant to lighten the world. When we talk of its past or future, we actually talk of people who profess Islam. Their condition changed and it was at the lowest ebb now. Yet Muslims could improve it through fellow-feeling and sharing with brother Muslims what an individual possessed. ²⁴ At Amritsar, on 26 January, Syed Ahmad Khan again talked about the sad conditions of Muslims, the shared history of Muslims and Hindus, the importance of service for the Muslims, and the indispensability of English education. ²⁵ In response to the wishes of Muslims and Hindus present, Syed Ahmad Khan dwelt on Hindu–Muslim unity. The words ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’ had religious association, but as Indians they belonged to one qaum. Here, the connotation of the word ‘qaum’ changed to ‘nation’, in the sense of Indians. God had made Hindus and Muslims inhabitants of Hindustan. They should help each other so that both made progress. ²⁶

At the Madrasa of Gurdaspur on 27 January, he again talked of ‘education’ and ‘unity’. Both Hindus and Muslims had lived in India for centuries as two qaums. Their ancestors were known for their greatness and fame; they were known for their learning in numerous fields. Sanskrit and Arabic were great languages but perhaps not so important now as in the past. The cultivation of English was more useful now. Education was encouraged by the government in the present condition of peace and prosperity. There was no other government of this kind. Many qaums lived in India, and none of them was discriminated against by the government. He praised Lord Macaulay for what he had done for the welfare of India. Nevertheless, Syed Ahmad emphasised the need of self-reliance in education. ²⁷ It may be added that on behalf of the ladies of the Punjab too, an address was presented to Syed Ahmad Khan who responded with assurances of a better future for women. ²⁸

The Indian Association of Lahore also gave a welcome address to Syed Ahmad Khan sometime in January 1884. The president of the association at that time was Sardar Dyal Singh Majithia. Eighteen other members of the Association were present. One of them was a Parsi, and five of them were Muslims. Among the remaining twelve Hindus, six were Bengalis. In the address, Syed Ahmad Khan was profusely praised for what he had done for the welfare of his brother Muslims, his liberal attitude towards the people of other religions, the educational institution at Aligarh and his role in the Legislative Council. In his response, he admired Surendranath Banerjee, the founder of the Association, who was respected by all the people of India. Syed Ahmad Khan had the impression that the members of the Indian Association were mostly Bengali. He was politely corrected by a member who pointed out that the majority of the members were Punjabis. Nevertheless, Syed Ahmad Khan said that he was proud of the Bengalis, the crown of all the communities (aqwām) of India. ²⁹

With reference to the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, Syed Ahmad Khan said that it was established in view of the backwardness of Muslims in education which was due to their own religious prejudices. But the college was not meant for Muslims alone. It was equally open to Hindus. No distinction was made between them. Both were entitled to scholarship on merit. ‘I regard Hindus and Muslims as my two eyes,’ said Syed Ahmad Khan. As a member of the council, it was his desire to serve the country and his qaum most faithfully. He again used the word ‘qaum’ for the Hindus and Muslims both. Both Hindus and Muslims were inhabitants of the same land and under the same rulers. Their gains and troubles were common. Emphasising the geographical connotation of the term ‘Hindu’, he said that it meant a nation that inhabited Hindustan. It was the welfare of this qaum that he cherished as a member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council. He prayed to God for the light of education for this qaum and this country. ³⁰

In the Town Hall at Amritsar, Syed Ahmad Khan again spoke of ‘unity’ and ‘education’. He referred to the achievements of the Hindus and Muslims in the field of education and knowledge which distinguished them from the rest of the world. However, in contemporary times, it was necessary to turn to modern forms of knowledge. Both Hindus and Muslims should learn English, which opened the door to new knowledge. The Muslims were much behind the Hindus due to their own fault. Muslims should explore fresh markets for trade. The basic difference between human beings and animals was that the former alone had the capacity to improve and progress. Syed Ahmad Khan underlined that Islam had nothing to say against non-Muslim rulers. Muslims should take advantage of the peace established by the British. They should hold their faith in their right hand and the world in their left. There was no conflict between religious faith and secular knowledge. Culture and manners were also important for holding an honourable position among the people of the world. Syed Ahmad Khan talked of three qaums of India who could work in harmony for their mutual benefit: Hindus, Muslims and English. He referred to the rule of the Sikhs who were brave and courageous, but their rule was not as good as the rule of Empress Victoria. ³¹

On 1 February 1884, Syed Ahmad Khan gave a lecture on Islam to his Muslim brothers at Lahore. He was not a maulvi, a mufti, a qazi or a wa‘iz, he said, but he had his firm views on Islam. After ‘a long introductory statement’, he made it clear that he would talk about Islam as it was delivered by the messenger of God and not the Islam which was formulated by the ‘ulama and the professional preachers. It would be foolish to say that the word of God could be different from the work of God. The whole creation, including human beings, was the work of God and religion was His word. The two could not be different. Islam could be defined as a belief in the unity of God (wahadāniat) and in His attributes. The second principle of Islam was the prophethood of Muhammad (rasālat). After these two came namāz (prayer), rozāh (fasting in the month of Ramzan), ḥajj (pilgrimage to Mecca), zakāt (charity to brother Muslims), and other obligations. Syed Ahmad went on to discuss the problems of ijtihād (free enquiry). He believed that the mujtahid (one who enquires) was not incapable of sin. The authority of the Holy Quran was above that of a mujtahid. For Syed Ahmad Khan, the Quran was the Word of God revealed through the Prophet. Islam was a complete and the last revelation. If there was any true religion in the world, it was Islam. ³²

In his lecture at Jalandhar on 4 February, Syed Ahmad Khan noted that visible progress had been made in the field of education in the Punjab. The Punjab had got a university (founded in 1882). The advocates of Western education and oriental studies, both worked for the welfare of the nation and country from this viewpoint. The university was now like a tree which gave two kinds of fruits. He, however, made it clear that he was happier to see the young students studying English literature and European science. ³³

Syed Ahmad Khan then talked about the college at Aligarh. He had gone to England to see the colleges and boarding houses there. He saw how the students in Cambridge lived. In his estimate, he needed ₹1,500,000 for establishing the Aligarh college. But this seemed to be too huge an amount. By 1884, ₹500,000 had been collected, while ₹250,000 had already been spent on the buildings. There were 300 Muslim and Hindu students in the college. Shias and Sunnis proffered namaz in their own ways, and Muslim and Hindu boys lived together in boarding houses. There were separate kitchens for them. They lived like friends and brothers, the two eyes of the beautiful qaum of India. Syed Ahmad Khan acknowledged the help he had received from Hindu friends. India, he said, was under Hindu rule before Musalmans became its rulers. In the Punjab, only a short time ago, Sikhs were the rulers. They constituted a very brave and powerful qaum, but there was no scope of progress under them. The present government established peace and personal freedom. ‘If we remain indifferent even in this peaceful empire, when will our qaum improve its condition to become a respectable qaum in the world?’ ³⁴

A different sense of the term ‘qaum’ is evident in a lecture at Ludhiana (whose date is uncertain). Syed Ahmad Khan began with a long comment on the word ‘qaum’. Historically, it was used for the progeny of a single eminent ancestor or for the inhabitants of a particular country. Prophet Muhammad transcended both the racial and territorial bounds and created a qaum on the basis of a spiritual relation. God himself had referred to Muslims as brothers. Therefore, there could be no doubt about the Muslims being the spiritual progeny of a single ‘father’. But there was no unity among them. This was the cause of their weakness. They were the smallest of the small. Unity was the first source of progress. The most important means of progress was Western education. He was determined to spread this new education among Muslims even if people called him an infidel, an apostate or an atheist (nechari). ³⁵ Syed Ahmad Khan was particularly happy that an Anjuman-i Islamia had been formed at Ludhiana and congratulated his supporters on this step. ³⁶

Changing Context and Foundation of the Indian National Congress

There was a major change in the national context in 1885, with the foundation of the Indian National Congress. Only two Muslims attended its first session. In the second session, there were 33 Muslims. The third session was presided over by a Muslim, Badruddin Tyabji (1844–1906), who was the first Indian barrister in Bombay. He had also been active in the formation of the Bombay Presidency Association in January 1885. ³⁷ With Tyabji as the president of the third session of the Congress, more Muslims were expected to be drawn towards it. He maintained that there was no reason why Muslims should not work shoulder to shoulder with their fellow countrymen for the common good of all.

At the same time, as noted earlier, new sources of tension between Hindus and Muslims had been emerging by the mid-1880s. Some riots had taken place over cow slaughter and related issues. Introduction of elections and efforts to control municipal institutions also divided Hindus and Muslims. The past two Censuses had created greater awareness of their relative demographic proportions; there was a clear majority of Muslims in the Punjab, at 52% in 1881. These new sources of tension had a serious effect on Hindu–Muslim cooperation. In mid-1885, in the wake of riots, the Muslim members of the Indian Association withdrew their support. In 1886–87, the Aitchison Public Service Commission (Syed Ahmad Khan was made its member in 1886) stimulated rivalry. It was commonly acknowledged that if simultaneous examinations were held in India, the increasing number of Indians in the Indian Civil Service (ICS) would primarily be Hindus. Similarly, Hindus would dominate open competition for the lower services because of their better education. ³⁸ Encouraged by the government, Syed Ahmad Khan spoke against the Indian National Congress. He gave a public lecture at Lucknow on 28 December 1887, opposing the Congress and its programme. This ‘remarkably intemperate speech’ appealing to ‘regional, communal and casteist sentiments’ was followed by the award of a knighthood four days later. ³⁹

Evidently, Syed Ahmad Khan wanted the Muslims to have nothing to do with the Congress. In his ‘first’ political speech at Lucknow, he said that his object was to suggest the appropriate attitude of Indian Musalmans towards the contemporary political movements in India. He pointed out that the government wanted to keep in its own hands ‘all questions of foreign policy and all matters affecting the army’. Therefore, there was no sense in trying to interfere in these matters. Furthermore, the government had formed a council for making laws affecting ‘the lives, property and comfort’ of the people. ‘It was very necessary’, emphasised Syed Ahmad Khan, ‘that for the Viceroy’s Council the member should be of a high social position.’ He was convinced that the aristocracy would not like ‘a man of low caste or insignificant origin’, though he be a BA or an MA and have the requisite ability to be in a position of authority above them and have the power of making laws which affected their lives and property. Syed Ahmad assured them that the government did not disregard the wishes and opinions of its subjects. ⁴⁰

One of the most important demands of the Indian National Congress was the introduction of the ‘competitive principle’ for services in India. Syed Ahmad Khan was not in favour of the principle. ‘Men of good family would never like to entrust their lives and property to people of low rank with whose humble origin they are acquainted.’ He pointed out that the Muslims and Hindus of his province together would not be able to compete with the Bengalis. In such a situation, competitive examination should not be introduced. ⁴¹

Syed Ahmad Khan then referred to the second demand of the Congress that the people should elect a section of the Viceroy’s Executive Council. He referred to four hypothetical situations: universal suffrage, property qualifications, proportionate representation and parity. In the first case, there would be four votes for the Hindu for every one vote for the Muslim. The property qualifications would also result in the number of the Muslims elected being far smaller than the number of Hindus. This would be the situation also in the case of proportionate representation. Even if half the members were to be Muslims who ‘elected their own men’, this parity would be elusive because of the qualitative difference between the Hindu and Muslim members. ⁴²

At a few places, Syed Ahmad Khan invoked history to underline the distinction between Hindus and Muslims in India. The Muslims ruled India for six or seven hundred years. From their hands, the country was taken by the government into its own. Therefore, the Muslims were more suspect. They were advised by Syed Ahmad Khan to shun participation in agitational politics. ⁴³

Syed Ahmad Khan responded to the demand of the Congress to have the Budget submitted to the council for sanction. He pointed out that the Indian members of the Council hardly knew anything about the Army. Therefore, they were not in a position to make any useful suggestion. ⁴⁴

Equally laughable for Syed Ahmad Khan was the demand for the repeal of the Arms Act and enlisting of Indian volunteers. Muslims were not trusted for enlistment in the Army because they had been rulers. However, the time would come when they would appear ‘in glittering uniform as Colonels and Majors’ in the British Indian Army. He reminds the audience: ‘When you conquered India what did you yourselves do? For how many centuries was there no Hindu in the army list? But when the time of the Mughal family came, mutual trust was established, and Hindus were given very high appointments.’ Syed Ahmad told the audience that it was on account of his speech in the Council that Lord Ripon changed his opinion and decided to appoint one-third of the members to municipalities and have only two-thirds elected. Even so, only one Muslim was elected to the municipality in Aligarh and none in Calcutta. Syed Ahmad Khan ended his speech with the statement that it was his duty to say what he had said because it was necessary for the welfare of ‘my nation’. ⁴⁵

Syed Ahmad Khan made his second political speech at Meerut on 16 March 1888. He explained at the outset why he chose to speak on the Indian National Congress. ‘An unfair and unwarrantable interference’ had been made with the affairs of the Muslims. He insinuated that the leaders of the Congress had tried to produce a false impression that Muslims of all the provinces agreed with the position taken by the Congress. This had been the thrust of his speech at Lucknow as well. He wanted to show that, except Badruddin Tyabji, no leading Muslim had taken part in the proceedings of the Congress. Even if Tyabji’s opinion was different, it could not be said that ‘his opinion is the opinion of the whole nation’. Syed Ahmad Khan emphasised that if his Bengali friends had not adopted this wrong course of action for the National Congress, he would have had nothing to do with the Congress nor with its members, nor with its wrong aspirations for which it had made such an uproar. He was convinced that the decisions taken after friendly consultation with all concerned were better than unilateral decisions. He gave the example of the agitation against cow killing following which the slaughter of cows increased enormously and religious animosity grew on both sides. It should be well understood that the things ‘which can be done by friendship and affection cannot be done by any pressure or force’. ⁴⁶

After this long prefatory statement, Syed Ahmad Khan took up the issue of representative government. He emphasised that India was not in a position to become an independent state or to defend itself against European powers. Therefore, continuation of the British government had to be taken for granted. Was there any example in the world of one nation having conquered and ruled over another nation, and yet the conquered nation claiming it as a right that they should have representative government? His answer was in the negative. In fact, there was no example in the history of the world in which a foreign nation after conquering another had given representative government to the conquered people. In theory, therefore, the idea of a representative government in the country under foreign rule was ‘utterly vain’. In any case, it was in no way expedient for Indian Muslims to join in ‘these monstrous proposals’. ⁴⁷

Syed Ahmad Khan then took up the question of the Budget. The Congress wanted power to vote on the Budget. The right to give an opinion on the Budget was allowed in a country in which the people accepted responsibility for all the expenses of government and who were ready with their lives and property to discharge their duty. The British government in India had the right to take a fixed proportion of the produce of the land as revenue. It did not have the power to increase the amount settled as land revenue. The real purpose of examining the Budget was economy, and the British government practised economy as far as possible. The people of India could not claim as a right those things on which the very existence and strength of government depended. No agitation was justified in this situation. ⁴⁸

Syed Ahmad Khan wanted his brother Musalmans to ‘reflect on the doings’ of their ancestors and be not unjust to the British government to whom God had given the rule of India. They should look honestly and see what was necessary to do to maintain its empire and its hold on the country.

No government in the world was without something bad, whether it was Hindu, Muslim or Christian. Syed Ahmad Khan advised his fellow Muslims to draw benefit from engaging in trade and education. ‘Otherwise, remember that Government will keep a very sharp eye on you because you are very quarrelsome, very brave, great soldiers and great fighters.’ ⁴⁹

Bearing of Syed Ahmad Khan’s Activities on the Punjab

On the whole, Syed Ahmad Khan contributed positively to promoting the work of Muslim associations in the Punjab. The Lahore Anjuman-i Islamia was originally supported by conservative aristocrats, and it supervised endowments. Barkat Ali, who figures prominently in Syed Ahmad Khan’s speeches, became secretary of the Anjuman in 1877. The Anjuman was transformed into ‘a reform society’, supporting his social and religious programmes. Under Barkat Ali’s leadership, the Anjuman built schools, established a newspaper and organised branches in most of the districts of the province. By and large, these subscribed to Syed Ahmad Khan’s idea of limited education of girls. ⁵⁰

The Amritsar Anjuman-i Islamia played an important role in the annual meetings of the Muhammadan Educational Conference held in different parts of India. They recruited most of the members from the Punjab. An Anglo-Oriental School was established by the Amritsar branch of the Anjuman, much on the lines of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh. ⁵¹

The Anjuman-i Islamia at Gujrat and Anjuman-i Islamia at Jalandhar were established on the eve of Syed Ahmad Khan’s visit to the Punjab in 1884. The Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam was established at Lahore in 1884. Its objectives were to counter the opponents of Islam, appoint preachers, publish journals, make arrangements for the religious instruction of Muslim boys and girls, strive for social reform and moral improvement among Muslims, and promote among them a desire for religious and secular education, mutual cooperation and unity. Two more objectives were added in 1888: to care for the destitute and orphan Muslim boys and girls and acquaint Muslims with the benefits of loyalty to the government. ⁵² The Punjab Anjumans strongly supported Syed Ahmad Khan’s project of the Aligarh College. Several of these societies presented sizeable amounts of money during his visit to the province in 1884. ⁵³ In fact, as noticed earlier, the Punjabi Muslims provided the most liberal and enthusiastic help to the Aligarh Movement since its inception.

Hindus and Muslims could also cooperate in a political organisation, the Indian Association, transferred from Bengal to the Punjab in 1877. Until 1883, the Indian Association had been a predominantly Hindu organisation which criticised the British through the Tribune and tried to interest the educated Punjabis in agitation over secular issues, though without much success. In 1883, a change in the political climate widened the scope of membership of the Association. Hindus and Muslims spoke from the same platform over the Ilbert Bill and formed ‘unity societies’ to improve communal relations. Growing cooperation was reflected in the transformation of Indian Association into an organisation representing urban Punjabis, cutting across religious affiliations. ⁵⁴

The first indication of serious Muslim opposition to the Congress came in December 1886. The Aligarh Institute Gazette and the National Mohammadan Association denounced the Congress and warned Muslims to avoid the risk of ‘sedition’. The anti-Congress movement culminated in the Lucknow and Meerut speeches of Syed Ahmad Khan (referred to earlier) in which he attacked the Congress and called for reaffirmation of Muslim loyalty to the British. At this time, the short-lived United Patriotic Association emerged as a platform for opposition to the Congress. Syed Ahmad’s call got a positive response from seventeen Muslim organisations, mostly branches of the Lahore Anjuman-i Islamia and Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam. The Amritsar Anjuman-i Islamia publicised Syed Ahmad’s arguments and distributed 600 copies of his Lucknow speech. ⁵⁵

The Congress, in turn, invited Muslims from outside the province to win support among Punjabis. Badruddin Tyabji was among the influential Muslims who toured the Punjab district towns in 1888 in an effort to increase attendance of Muslims at the coming session of the Congress. The Punjabi Muslims, however, organised anti-Congress meetings and questioned the motives of Muslims who sided with the Congress. The Lahore Anjuman-i Islamia, jointly with the Amritsar Anjuman-i Islamia, played an important role in restraining Muslims from joining the Congress. They also affiliated themselves with the United Patriotic Association. ⁵⁶ Both the Congress and anti-Congress forces claimed victory in this controversy. The Anjumans remained opposed to the Congress, and the Muslim boycott of important rallies was generally successful. Till the end of the century, the Punjabi Muslims largely remained hesitant to associate with activities directed against the government. ⁵⁷

In Retrospect

The importance of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan in the history of India during the second half of the nineteenth century is generally recognised. The importance of his educational programme at Aligarh is also well-recognised. It was mainly behind his two visits to the Punjab, a Muslim majority province. His educational programme was by far the most important concern of his life. It has to be kept at the centre of his activities for ‘regeneration’ of Muslims as a qaum in India. The Punjab was expected to play a crucial role in it. Syed Ahmad Khan’s attitude towards the Congress was largely determined by this concern. Participation in the programme of the Congress was most likely to jeopardise his project of ‘national education’ (qaumī ta‘lim) and the progress of Muslims as a community under the patronage of the government.

Syed Ahmad Khan’s contribution towards communalisation of consciousness in the Punjab and elsewhere notwithstanding, it may be noted that his ideas and strategies evolved over time. This needs to be seen in relation to the rapidly changing political context under colonial rule. The Congress demand for representative institutions in which numbers counted implicitly appeared to be a grave threat to the political future of Muslims. The assumption that democratic rule in India could mean Hindu domination made the threat even more serious. This became the source of general fear among Muslims and other minorities. Unfortunately, the historians of modern India have not questioned the claims of majoritarian democracy as the only constitutional choice available.

Editors’ Note

The editors regret to note the sad demise of Professor J.S. Grewal, an eminent historian, which took place some time after this article was received.