Critical Review of National Education Policy 2020 Concerning Nomadic Tribes and De-notified Tribes

Introduction

India recently approved its new National Education Policy 2020. It came after 1986’s education policy called for ‘special emphasis on removing disparities and equalising educational opportunity’ (Government of India, 1986). The motto of the new National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 is educate, encourage and enlighten. It focuses on changing India’s education narrative to comply with global education standards. At the same time, it emphasises sustaining the knowledge already existing in our society—provisions of NEP 2020 highlight the importance of adopting new developments in our community through education. The impact of any education policy can be measured by its effects on the most marginalised sections of society. The success of the policy’s implementation can only be lauded if those on the periphery procure its benefits. Marginalised sections of society are not homogenous; they consist of different identities, including women, people with disabilities (PWDS), tribal groups and so on. One amongst them is nomadic tribes and de-notified tribes (NT–DNT).

The British ruled India for around two centuries. Most traditional occupations were of no use to the British administration system, so the people who performed them had no options left. They implied various supplementary and essential measures for their establishment in India. In response to the establishment’s efforts, a few small communities initially revolted against British India, and this revolt was not necessarily a significant armed conflict. To curb this steep opposition, British started notifying anyone who would create obstacles in their way of development, which was justified by the cause of peace and harmony in society. This gave rise to the draconian Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) of 1871 (Radhakrishna, 2000). The NT–DNT communities were treated as scapegoats while many other crimes went unreported (D’Souza, 1999). Initially, the act aimed at itinerant communities, who, on their travels, were believed to engage in petty crime, and specific settled communities that, on the other hand, frequently decamped for alleged theft missions (Brown, 2017). Afterward, many steps were taken to support the abolition of the CTA, like the CTA Enquiry Committee (1949–1950) and the Antrolikar Committee (1950). Finally, in 1952, the CTA was repealed under the Criminal Tribes (Repeal) Act (1952), and criminal tribes became ex-criminal tribes, officially called de-notified communities. But this development was short-lived, as the HOA of 1952 was just a modification of the CTA (Vashisht & Khan, 2020). HOA still exists in independent India, and it is a reflection of colonial influence on the Indian penal code system. The stigma of criminality has resulted in deep-rooted problems for NT–DNT communities, and it is one of the main hindrances to their development paths. People who have been culturally and socially uprooted are powerless against the state’s labels, which have acted as negative identities at various moments in history.

Methods

The researcher searched the Google Scholar and Scopus database with critical terms such as NT–DNT communities, NT–DNT and education, education and marginalised groups, NEP 2020, NEP 2020 and its critique, NEP 2020 and marginalised groups. The researcher came across seventy-two articles published from 2000 to 2021 that met the established criteria, of which nineteen were shortlisted upon preliminary review. It includes independent studies conducted across different locations and by other researchers. It involves two reports on the status of NT–DNT communities in India. It contains a government mandate for the implication of NEP 2020. Literature based on the key terms of NT–DNT and education is scarce. There is no authentic government data available about the NT–DNT population in India. The data presented by respective studies are limited to specific geographical areas. Data ambiguity is one of the significant limitations of the current research study. The researcher used a narrowed-down approach for the review of the literature. It focuses on comparing the state of education of NT–DNT students and the provisions of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020.

Accessibility to Education

Accessibility to government schools is a significant concern for children from NT–DNT communities. The living settlements of NT–DNT communities are primarily on the periphery of villages. The stigma of criminality and caste consciousness amongst villages does not allow these families to settle down in the nearby town; this applies where NT–DNT communities are in the minority. The communities engaged in petty jobs like entertainment roam around the village for their livelihood and return to their settlements for the stay, which is a considerable distance from towns. Even the NT–DNT communities that have prospered will find themselves residing at some distance from the town. The National Commission commissioned the survey for de-notified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes (NCDNT), which discovered that distances between schools and habitations were disproportionate to the Government of India’s regulations. As children advanced from primary to secondary school, the gap between them and their homes grew (Kannabiran et al., 2018).

The number of children from NT–DNT communities enroled in schools is considerably low. It is 42% for De-Notified Tribes and only 28% for nomadic tribes (Renke Commission Report, 2008). Another prime reason for this phenomenon is the seasonal migration of families from one place to another in search of a livelihood. During these movements, children lose, in practical terms, access to education because they leave the school in their area of residence and find it challenging to re-enrol upon their return (Dyer, 2010). Most children have to accompany their parents in their livelihood efforts, which do not allow them to enrol in schools. There are two ways to tackle this issue: one is by allowing children to be part of the curriculum of schools where they have been migrated, and the second is by establishing boarding schools. There are concerns about these options as well. First, it is not easy to guarantee whether schools in their migrated place will accept these children or not. Caste consciousness and the stigma of criminality are going to hinder this possibility. Most wandering communities lack proper government identification documents due to the absence of land and frequent address changes; getting certificates and identity proofs is a more significant task. Only 61% of NT–DNT households in Maharashtra had voter IDs; Gosavi households (7.4%) and Chapparband households (10.5%) had a meagre share. Only 51% of households had Aadhaar cards (Kannabiran et al., 2018). Historically, entertainment communities that visit villages have been looked upon with suspicion, so the absence of legal documents makes it more difficult. Only some states have implemented this scheme with the second option of boarding schools, with very few beneficiaries. Due to a lack of awareness and stigma of criminality, these children prefer to be with their parents (Korra, 2017).

A few DNT programmes are available in Gujarat, such as the Talent Pool Scheme for nomadic and de-notified tribes, Assistance to students enroled in self-finance institutes from nomadic and de-notified tribes, Dr Ambedkar Centrally Sponsored Scheme of Pre-Matric and Post-Matric, Nanaji Deshmukh Centrally Sponsored Scheme of Construction of Hostels for de-notified, nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes and so on. Still, their beneficiaries are deficient (Vashisht & Khan, 2020). This highlights the ineffectiveness of the widely celebrated state model for developing NT–DNT communities in the state. The government of India has strict norms for establishing new private schools. However, it is different for already-existing government schools. The state of government-run schools is worrisome in the rural part of India (Kumar, 2020). NEP 2020 envisages thousands of new schools, yet there is no mention of the revival of already existing ones. NEP 2020 plans to establish daytime boarding schools for children to engage in art-related, career-related and play-related activities. Still, it does not give a definite answer about the accessibility of these schools for marginalised students. Livelihood and essential educational attainment are more critical for students from NT–DNT than engaging in art or play-related activities in an academic space.

Education for Women and Girls from NT–DNT Communities

Education, as a tool for women’s empowerment, has the potential to influence people’s minds. As a result, it is essential for India’s socio-economic and political development (Bhat, 2015). Discrimination based on gender is a common phenomenon in India’s education sector (Kumar, 2013). According to stereotypes, women’s role is to provide for their families and care for the home. The same mindset is prevalent when it comes to the education of a girl child. Practices like dowry make it more difficult for the parents of the girl child to spend on their education (Singh, 2016). In terms of injustice between girls and boys, the former faces layers of exploitation. It is directly linked to a patriarchal system that limits women to domestic duties when girls are denied education. The state of education for women from NT–DNT communities is more worrisome than for women from upper-class communities. Women from NT–DNT communities are stuck in prescribed ways of livelihood, and they play an essential role in traditional livelihood activity. Therefore, the girl’s parents push her into traditional livelihood activities before she is old enough. As a result, she is deprived of education, leading to gender discrimination, suppression, injustice, victimisation, persecution, economic crises, abuse and violence (Madane, 2018).

The NEP 2020 calls for establishing a Gender Inclusion Fund (GIF) to strengthen the country’s ability to deliver fair and high-quality education to all females and transgender pupils (Ministry of Education, 2021). It aims at fulfilling the objective of equitable and quality education for girls and transgender children. It will be met through specific provisions under the Samagra Shiksha 2.0 government programme. Due to previous policies’ failure, it will be interesting to see how this fund and programme are implemented. Hence, its benefits reach those on the periphery of the development process. According to the Right to Education Act, 2009, education for all children under the age of fourteen is compulsory. However, despite this effort, girl children from NT–DNT communities find it extremely difficult to pursue education. Multiple factors are responsible for this outcome, yet the absence of willingness and sensitivity from government machinery is among the top. The current policy’s focus on privatisation of education will significantly affect girl child education in NT–DNT communities. As education becomes more expansive with technical advances and the flux of private schools, parents will prioritise their sons education. Already existing patriarchal dominance in India will impact this phenomenon. The average household expenditures on education differ considerably based on the gender of the household members. As expected, the average annual expenditure is often higher for male students in urban areas and lower for females in rural areas (Saha, 2013).

NEP 2020, which focuses on teacher training and skill development, will emphasise the importance of girl education, specifically for children from marginalised groups. Over the decades, women from NT–DNT communities have been the primary victims of abuse inflicted by the criminal justice system. The CTA and HOA have made it possible for police to put charges of unknown crimes on the community members of ex-criminal tribes. When the family men have not been located, they force women and children to give their names and approximate locations. Police have a history of holding family members as hostages. Custodial harassment of persons awaiting trial and their families is a common occurrence (Bokil & Raghavan, 2016). Education will ensure the safety of women from NT–DNT communities. It will enhance societal equality.

The Language Barrier and Medium of Instruction

NEP 2020 has focused on three-language formulas for the states. According to it, the medium of education will be the home language, the mother tongue or the local language. NEP 2020 focuses on the importance of the local language, which is more learner-friendly than a foreign language. It has emphasised how this new formula will help students from rural backgrounds to achieve tremendous success. On the contrary, nothing changes for children belonging to NT–DNT groups. Most NT–DNT communities are polyglots; they have their own dialect and use popular local languages only when interacting with others outside the community (Renke Commission Report, 2008). Being exposed to a different set of words from different languages adds up to the confusion of a child. It creates a dilemma in the practical usage of language. Korra (2017), in his study—‘Educational Status of De-Notified Tribes: A Study of Telangana’, has found out that students from DNT communities find it challenging to understand and communicate despite having a mother tongue as a medium of instruction the teacher is presenting. The dialect does not match the local language. It turns out to be another reason why students from DNTs fail to sustain their interest in studies (Korra, 2017).

India’s fast-paced privatisation of education poses another conflict with the three-language formula. Exposure to English is necessary for those who cannot afford private schools and applies directly to students from NT–DNT communities. English is associated with employability and command of it offers privileges that no other language guarantees. Taking away opportunities for the English language will impede the progress of marginalised groups per se NT–DNTs in accordance with employability and higher educational opportunities.

NEP has proposed to revive traditional knowledge present in our society. The policy does not define specific ways to accumulate such knowledge. It connects with the language barrier NT–DNT students face in schools. NT–DNT groups are wondering about communities that carry generational knowledge based on occupation. Folklore is part of the nomadic lifestyle. Much knowledge stays with these nomadic communities, but there is no way to articulate it due to the language barrier. If appropriately implemented, NEP 2020 would help retain a significant amount of traditional knowledge.

Representation in Education

Reservation in higher education has been a concern for NT–DNT communities for a long time. They have not been categorised based on their socio-economic profile. Under the constitution, the DNTs are not classified as a class like the scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs). While some are included in state lists of SCs and STs, there is no uniformity across the country (Bokil, 2002). For example, some DNT communities from Maharashtra, like Ramoshi, are included in a separate category called Vimukta Jati and nomadic tribes (VJNT); the same community is included under the ST category in the state of Karnataka. When students from the VJNT community apply for higher education outside their states, they have to compete in the OBC National category. Due to historical deprivation of access to education and resources, NT–DNT communities shall be included in either reservation categories (SCs or STs).

Another drawback regarding the representation of NT–DNT students in schools and institutes is the non-availability of authentic and relevant data. It contributes to issues about the target-oriented social justice approach. For a state to emancipate specific downtrodden communities, their whereabouts and socio-economic profile data are essential. It is required for policy formation to alleviate social problems, specifically in NT–DNT communities. Consecutive commissions set up for the understanding of the plight of NT–DNT communities have constantly recommended caste and occupation-based census for the NT–DNT communities in India. It poses a critical challenge while putting these communities on the development map, as no caste-based census has occurred from 1931 to 2011. As most of these communities are nomadic, it is highly doubtful if they will be enumerated in the census data collection process (Singh & Puri, 2016). NEP has recommended establishing ‘Special Education Zones’ to develop regions with a high population of disadvantaged groups and aspirational districts. The idea is to divert extra funds to these areas and speed up the development process. It will focus on the health and education aspects of society. Even though it is a strong recommendation, no blueprint or framework is given for its function. The policy does not define the criteria for these zones or how they would be identified in urban and rural areas. The approach does not mention the deciding considerations (Sahoo & Khan, 2020).

NEP 2020 envisages merging weaker sections of society into a single category, ‘marginalised groups’, including women, non-binary people, PWDS and other minority groups. It will dilute the target-oriented social justice approach even more as the administration may not pay specific attention to the plight of NT–DNT students, given their socio-economic deprivation. Turning it into a homogenous category will make it more difficult for these communities to be visible on the development map of India. First, learning generations from these communities need a particular focus in the curriculum to sustain and flourish with the help of education. It connects to more significant issues of the political identity of the communities. Identity has pros and cons; identity-based labelling is degrading, while social upliftment and target-oriented social justice identity are essential indicators. Representation for minority communities allows them to pursue their needs and rights. By diluting the administrative effort, NEP 2020 fails to address the attempt at inclusivity towards children from NT–DNT communities.

Stigma of Criminality

The stigma of anything itself is a problematic notion to address. The basics of CTA and HOA stand on the notion of caste. It highlights the century-old notion of caste-based occupation in India. Those born into a criminal caste are considered to be born criminals. Despite the dilution of the CTA Act, the situation has not changed much. The situation for children from NT–DNT communities is even worse, as they are left without assistance to cope with this phenomenon. Children have to bear the burden of this stigma throughout their schooling. It affects their determination to pursue education and uplift from the situations in which they are born and brought up. It lowers their self-esteem and leads to dropping out of school. As discussed earlier, the stigma of criminality, accompanied by the language barrier and socio-economic conditions, worsens their growth. The stigma attached to identity is more severe than the shame associated with personal failures, and its effects can transcend generations (Japhet et al., 2015). Labelling tends to have a more significant impact on adolescents during their adolescence. It is when children try to make sense of the world on their terms. This exposure might lead them into a vicious cycle of criminal behaviour already persistent in their locality.

NEP 2020 failed to bring an inclusive mechanism and encourage students from NT–DNT communities to pursue education. De-notified students often feel that they are not treated equally with upper-caste students. They experience various shades of discrimination from their peers and teachers. Some students and teachers refer to DNT students as members of their caste in a derogatory manner (Korra, 2017). NEP 2020 has envisaged teachers’ training concerning curriculum changes. Sensitisation of teachers in government schools is vital in this regard because it will help students from NT–DNT communities to sustain more in schools. Nevertheless, it seems a dull possibility without a concrete plan to tackle the stigma of criminality. Society has dissipated the stigma of criminal behaviour for over a century, and teachers represent that same society.

NEP 2020 highlights equity and equality as its guiding principles for implementing the policy. Previous education policies were ideal on paper to encounter the challenges in education in India. Despite this ideal setup, the ground reality remains contested. When a new policy is being formed, it is supposed to fill the loopholes left by previous policies or address the concerns missed by previous efforts. The stigma of criminality is a severe phenomenon; in a larger sense, previous education policies failed to address this issue. To address the ground reality perceived by numerous research studies, a mechanism to sustain through these challenges was expected to be part of NEP 2020. NEP 2020 fails to address this difference in documentation and reality regarding the stigma. NT–DNT students face in educational institutes.

Conclusion

National education policies decide the future of any country. They can be a significant tool to initiate wide-scale social change if formed and implemented, keeping an eye on all beneficiaries. NEP 2020 is a new policy that differs in multiple aspects compared to its predecessors. When compared with its implications concerning NT–DNT communities, it is found that it does not satisfy most of the issues about the education of one of the most oppressed groups in India. It gives a glimpse of hope on specific topics but complicates some already-existing problems. NEP 2020 three-language formula fails to address the subject of separate dialects that are dominant in NT–DNT communities. On the other side, it may help these communities to align closely with the ongoing development. In the critical analysis of NEP 2020, the themes gathered from the review of previous literature point out that no question can be answered or solved in isolation from others. They are overlapping in nature. Central to the question of NT–DNT education lies the stigma of criminality and the system governed by caste-conscious authority. The advent of the CTA and HOA was based on the authority’s caste-conscious attitude. NEP 2020 fails to shed light on its efforts towards girls’ education. A woman has to face layers of barriers to pursue education. The absence of concrete means to overcome them is difficult for women and girls from NT–DNT communities. Regarding accessibility, NEP 2020 fails to address the issue due to the lack of political will presented by the authorities. The lack of authentic sources and census data makes it challenging to devise policies and means to help these communities march towards equality. Widespread poverty, a lack of economic capital and the absence of steady and respectable means of livelihood pose serious challenges to the education of NT–DNT children. Overall, a collective effort from political, economic and social agencies will decide if the implementation of NEP 2020 will be able to tackle these challenges or not. Otherwise, it will be just another policy in line with previous ones.

Limitations of Study

This commentary is based on secondary data available for review. Its authenticity lies in the reviewed literature. As no caste and geographical location-based authentic data are available for the DNT communities, current research depends on the studies conducted in small pockets all over India. It is a conceptual commentary. NEP 2020 has yet to be implemented in India. This current commentary focuses on loopholes left in previous policies and compares new policy documents.