Numbers Matter: Raji Tribe and Their (Limited) Interaction(s) with State Institutions

Introduction

Nothing was bothering him, neither the heavy downpour of rain nor the slippery terrain. In the influence of chakhti (a locally brewed alcoholic beverage), a septuagenarian hailing from the Raji community was crushing every possible jonk (leeches in vernacular dialect) coming his way. He readily accepted to accompany me to Ganagaon; the exhaustive journey of 2 hours was not less than a primer to sense the lived world of Rajis. This excursion with Bahadur Singh ji was both enlightening and satisfying. His gloomy eyes and shivering voice were ready to forward several anecdotes. Pressing his hands against a rock and executing a jonk, he claimed, roz inse lad ke hi chalana hota hai, inhe na maare to ye humein maar den (Everyday, we have to encounter these leeches; if we will not kill them, they will kill us). Seeing my struggle to match his pace, he said, wapis chale (should we return); in a gasping manner, I declined his offer. Road remains a significant insistence for all Raji populace in Uttarakhand. On inquiring about the need for a road, Bahadur Singh Rajwar expressed, marne se pehle gaaon me road aa jati to achcha tha (It would be great if I could see the road coming to my village before I die). His urge was not personal; instead, it was communitarian. This shows how one’s aspirations and motivations are determined by one’s social ontology and life chances. As we moved further, we developed a more cordial ambience. Bahadur Singh became more comfortable and was ready to share more reminiscences from his social world. Taking a halt due to my fatigue, and while peeling orange, he told waise to hum thul jaat hue, Askot ke Rajwar par abhi humari halat dekho, khaane ko paise bhi nahin hain (We belong to the upper caste, we trace our lineage to Rajwars of Askot. Now see our condition, hardly we can earn our daily bread). Then, becoming a bit inquisitive about their culture and changes in cultural domain, he stated, purana jaisa kuch bhi nahin bacha hai hum logon mein, ab to bhasa, pehnawa, khana sab badal gaya hai. Pehle hum to gufaon me rehte the, jungali the ab dekho aap logon ki tarah (No traces of our traditional living exist today, our language, dressing, food habits everything have changed. Earlier, we used to reside in caves; we were jungali; now, see, we live as you all are living). One should refrain from considering the reference to jungali as we generally comprehend due to our captive minds (Alatas, 1974); instead, Bahadur Singh was hinting towards their archaic symbiotic indigeneity. We were about to reach the isolated Rajis hamlet in Ganagaon, but my inquisitiveness compelled me to forward another inquiry regarding state’s intervention on Rajis marginality to which Bahadur ji blurted, aap ko lagata hai koi humein dekhne itna door aaega, humein hi Jauljibi jana hota apne kaam leke (Do you believe any government official will visit us by travelling this far? We ourselves go to Jauljibi to meet officials for our works and concerns). The oblivious stance of the state was very much visible both in Bahadur Singh’s narration and in the saddened-lived world, ¹ which I glanced at upon reaching Ganagaon. The natural artistry was best in its mood, but human living conditions were precarious. By this time, chakhti’s willies were lightened, and Bahadur ji started ignoring me. He left for the jungle to fetch some firewood without proper see off, and I, with all my alienness commenced a search for new camaraderie at Ganagaon.

Narratives on Raji Tribe

The knowledge-creating partners for this deliberation are the Raji tribe of Uttarakhand. They are a particularly vulnerable tribal group (PVTG). The Raji tribe majorly resides on the eastern side of Pithoragarh in Uttarakhand. In the year 1957, Rajis were included in the scheduled tribe (ST) list, and in 1975, because of their extreme marginality, they were listed under PVTGs. In common parlance, Raji’s are referred to as Van Rawat, Rajwars or Banraut. The smallest tribal group of Uttarakhand, with a population of around 1,000, was earlier adapted to nomadism but now busy themselves with subsistence agricultural activities and a low level of lumberjacking.

There are multiple narratives regarding the origin of the Raji tribe. Few scholars are of the view that the Rajis are descendants of the Kiratas. In the famous Indological text, the Kiratas are termed the original forest dwellers residing in Himalayan forestry around India and Nepal. Burman (2002) also wrote in the same vein and stated that the Kiratas are the predecessors of the Rajis. Atkinson (1884), in his acclaimed creation ‘The Himalayan Gazetteer’, noted that there is no authentic account that reveals the origin of Raji’s accurately.

The Field: Hardships Amidst Natural Artistry

The prime aim of this academic inquiry was to comprehend the lived world and social reality of the Raji tribe in Uttarakhand through their articulations. Sensing the processes of exclusion remained very central to this exploration. The faint visibility of the Raji tribe in academic literature further reveals their confined agency. There exists a serious lacuna at the policy level that extends the marginalisation of these indigenous beings. This article tries to situate the uncertain social ontology of the Raji Tribe within the larger matrix of social institutions.

The conception of ‘Tribes’ holds encompassing and homogenising definitional traits, with similar commonalities at their social ontology level. Yet every tribe contains varied intricacies that make them diacritic when contrasted with other communities. The Raji community, with their unique historicity, peculiar spatiality and uncommon understanding of their identity, makes them very offbeat compared to other tribal communities. The constraining lived worlds of the Raji community are the result of intersections of discrete presuppositions, institutions and social factors. The researcher does not have the slightest doubt in declaring that the real motivation to academically engage with the Raji tribe was out of curiosity. The researcher holds a firm belief that this virtue of curiosity, especially in academics, inherently holds an essence of power hierarchy; thus, the researcher readily accepts the necessary sense of responsibility impending with this virtue. The researcher finds his parental roots in the Kumaon ² region of Uttarakhand, but he has negligible knowledge about the Raji tribe that they inhabit this region. On 11 November 2017, the famous English newspaper The Hindu featured a story titled Why the Van Raji tribe of Uttarakhand won’t speak its language, which revealed the awful situation of the Raji tribe in Uttarakhand. This feature story provided enough curiosity, which later attained an academic tone. The perennial absence of the Raji tribe from larger discourse augmented my curiosity. The researcher’s own understanding of the larger Kumaoni cultural space made the task of comprehending the subtlety of Rajis fold a bit easier. The character of articulations documented highly relies on the mode of communication and language employed in conversation. The researcher’s ability to converse both in Kumaoni and Hindi assisted him a great deal during this exploration. Raji tribes, while conversing with other non-Raji beings, prefer to use either Kumaoni or Hindi. The Rajis are an imperilled indigenous minority group, originating and residing in the districts of Champawat, Udham Singh Nagar and Pithoragarh. In addition, one can spot their several hamlets in Nepal also. For this very exploration, the district of Pithoragarh was chosen as it inhabits the highest population of Raji peoples. The researcher willfully decided not to restrict its field dimensions to the bifurcation of blocks or villages; instead, he wanted to keep his wandering instinct intact and tried to visit as many Raji-inhabited villages in Pithoragarh district as possible.

This article contains narrations from six villages (Bhagichaura, Altadi, Kimkhola, Ganagaon, Bhagtiwara and Kutachaurani) where the Raji community resides in Pithoragarh district. The immersive fieldwork in the Central Himalayas, Kumaon, was conducted from April 2021 to August 2022. The visits to these villages were not based on any strict criterion; rather, his meandering in the field was largely influenced by weather conditions, travel restrictions due to COVID and key informants’ wisdom. It seems that for me, the field was not out there; instead, the field was tailoring itself. Though each village was handsomely distant apart, it contained similar essence of Raji cosmology or Rajiness, yet there also existed varied articulations of marginality.

Discussions

The first day at Jauljibi was nightmarish, as I was supposed to spend my first night in a massive and dilapidated PWD guest house, all alone. Making the surrounding area agitated, there was the Kali River flowing at a frantic pace just behind the guest house. The Indian telecom companies are still struggling to provide a stable network in that part; the only reliable source is to arrange a SIM from Nepal. Though it is an illegal act, it is an inevitable necessity. I was not carrying one, so my ordeal was escalating. This was the day when I thought to cease my fieldwork. Somehow, I managed to pass the sleepless night, and with the first trace of light, I was out at Jauljibi market. This time the visit was unplanned, thus engaging myself by loitering in the market and continuously gazing at the small village on the Nepal side was the only option left. Nothing was turning up, and I was in no mood to expend my whole day loitering. Then a taxi driver, who travels from Dharchula to Pithoragarh, came to my rescue. He told me to wait because many Rajwars (Rajis) must be reaching the market from their villages and also anticipated that today Vidhayak ji (an ex-Member of the legislative assembly) would be in the market. This was intriguing because I knew Gagan Singh Rajwar ³ (ex-MLA) hailing from Raji’s fold, and I had been eagerly waiting to meet him since the commencement of fieldwork. In a few hours, the whole market knew that someone from Mumbai was eagerly waiting to meet Vidhayak ji. While waiting for my lunch in a hotel, a short-heighted man, in all his innocence, approached me and greeted me namaskar. Just then, the hotel owner introduced me to yahi hain Vidhayak ji (He is Vidhayak ji). I greeted him back, and we started interacting. Initially, he was considering me as someone attached to a government office or project. At the outset, I cleared my intentions and motivations, and then he became less sophisticated and started conversing comfortably. The people in Jauljibi were referring to Gagan Singh Rajwar as Vidhayak ji, but it has a ‘sarcastic’ undertone to it. Even the hotel owner, who was only in his early twenties, was nonchalant in his conversation with Gagan Singh Rajwar. This casual headset, I speculated, was unthinkable with anyone else who earlier possessed an authoritative position as Rajwar possessed. It was Gagan Singh’s indigenous cosmology that kept him docile in his articulations and others random in their addresses.

The legislative seat of Dharchula constituency, both in the 2002 and 2007 elections, was reserved for ST. In both the elections, Gagan Singh Rajwar handsomely won with humongous margins, ⁴ despite contesting independently. When I humbly asked about his monumental wins in both elections, he diplomatically said sab logon ne sath diya (everybody supported me). This political statement was justified as he is still engaged in local politics and formally associated with a prominent political party.

But Gagan Rajwar’s candidature and winning had a different rearward story. While interacting with Raji’s and a few locals, it was revealed that Rajwar’s candidature was curated after well-thought-out planning by local elites. One of the residents from Kimkhola village said, Vidhayak ji se humein jyaada fayda nahin hua, unke aas pas ke logon ne khoob fayda hua (We did not receive any significant benefit from his winning; only a few close to him received lucrative payoffs). The local non-tribal elites, regardless of their political lineages, unanimously supported him, obviously for their own benefits. Arey thekedar ne uska istemaal kiya (For their benefits, local contractors used him), told one of the aged men from Ganagaon village. Gagan Rajwar was positioned as a proxy in the elections, and this hypothesis gained more currency when one glanced at the 2012 election results. This time, Dharchula constituency was not reserved, and Gagan Singh’s fate was well anticipated. He stood fifth in the tally. ⁵ This awful loss substantiates the thesis that Gagan Singh was a surrogate candidate in the political realm.

The researcher believes that this conception of surrogate candidature contains enough grain that needs further deliberation. The way the constitution enshrines provisions for proportional representation is based on ideas and the politics of presence (Phillips, 1995, p. 1), but relative practices, as we witnessed with Gagan Singh, move against the inclusive spirit of our constitution. The structure of ‘proxy politics’ is also very evident in local body elections. At the literature level, the researcher also witnessed a dearth of significant works on proxy politics and its linkages with tribals. Sudha Pai (1998) has tried to bring to light how women are used as proxies in local body elections, however, the scholarly world remained miser in deliberating on tribes being used as ‘proxies’. However, the scholarly world remained miser in deliberating on tribes being used as ‘proxies’.

Amidst his several constraints, Gagan Singh, to an extent, revealed many layers of how our legislature functions. On inquiring about his experience of being a two-time MLA, he said, sab naya tha seekhne me samay laga (Everything was new; it took some time for me to learn). The sophisticated political processes were (and still are) alien to the Raji people back in 2002; thus, neither Gagan Singh nor the Raji people were consciously equipped to comprehend this victory or how to channel this opportunity for developmental outcomes. I was new to that world; meetings with administrators, addressing public gatherings and attending legislative assemblies were troublesome for me, stated Gagan Singh. In a similar vein, Wassendorf (2001) notes that mere elections cannot fulfill the democratic element. There is a problem with minority involvement and minority participation in the political structures. Gagan Singh, hailing from indigenous cosmology that too had minuscule population strength, felt really difficult to claim his space in the political arena. In his newly attained political wit, Gagan asserted, prajatantra mein sankhya zaroori hai (in democracy, numbers matter). I had little local support behind me, so it was very difficult for me to press the public’s demand efficiently, stated Rajwar. On asking how the state government caters to the indigenous demands in general and Raji’s in particular, he exclaimed, budget sankhya ke hisab se aata hai, Rajwaron ke liye kuch nahin bachta hai (The budget allocation is based on population; thus, nothing remains for the Raji people).

The narrations documented by Gagan Singh revealed a glimpse of their interactions with institutional structures. It evidently came forth that the constitutional sanctions enshrined to abate marginalities act as a potent tool of larger ‘misuse’ by the local elites. The reservation of seats in the legislature was visioned to promote and foster diverse forms of participation that strengthen democracy (Ghai, 2001); instead, it turned out to be an opportunity to forward a docile ‘proxy’ into the legislature, turning the philosophy of social justice into ‘tokenism’. This very sight calls for serious deliberations so that every individual or groups has ‘the right to participate meaningfully in governance processes and influence decisions that affect them’ (Clarence & Sudarshan, 2007, p. 1). The frail interaction of Gagan Singh with the structures of politics calls for periodic reconsideration of electoral representation sanctions. The state should effectively intervene to enhance their basic capabilities so that they can assure their participation and effectively translate their vulnerabilities into policy formulations, which seems distant from the current ‘developmental’ episteme.

Raji’s Lived World and Forest Management Institutions

The paling state of the forest as a cultural landscape (Trosper et al., 2012, p. 204) is massively visible in the Rajis community. Amidst the juggernaut of modernity, every cosmology witnessed its share of alteration, thus moving away from ‘historical’ aspects of their traditions. Similar is the fate of Rajis. Their archaic bond with the forest changed drastically. Forest was their bastion, and traditionally, the whole community was indulged in chiran (low level of lumberjacking). The Rajis community is massively altered with the introduction of governmentality in forest affairs (Pant, 2021). The intimate relationship of the Rajis with their cultural landscape was mutated by several forestry-regulated acts. These acts turned forest into ‘discreet space’ for masses dependent on it; thus, their devoted accord with forest was hampered. While having a conversation with Girish Rajwar in Kutachaurani, he claimed, humein sab kuch jungle ne diya hain, aur humne hi ise bachaya hai. Ab hum hi nahin ja sakte hain wanha (We cannot enter our forest now; earlier, we procured everything from it and conserved it). He was melancholic in his mood and also revealed, rajwaron ka jungle se purana bandhan hai(Rajwar has an age-old relationship with forests). The term badhan, when astutely analysed, hints towards the concept relatedness as forwarded by Carsten (2000). While advocating for the term ‘relatedness’, Carsten opines that we should shift from the existing analytical opposition between social and biological on which much of the anthropological theorisation of kinship has rested. In particular, Carsten tried to describe indigenous statements and practices, where she is ardently hinting at the complicated ways through which biological and social interactions are conducted in everyday life. The bandhan or ‘relatedness’ of Raji’s with their forests is in a fluid state now. The Rajis villages are mostly in the regions where jurisdictions of Van-Panchayats ⁶ and jungalaat (Forest Department) intersect. The indifferent attitude of both insititutions furthers the marginality of Rajis. The huge surveillance laid by jungalaat, that is, forest department, and collecting forest products/produce (from forests under Van Panchayat) requires a pass after paying a fee. Jeet Singh Rajwar, from Ganagaon, said in an agitated manner, jungle se lakdi laayenge to jungalaat wale pakadte hain, neeche se lene ho to paise lagte hain (If we bring wood from the forest, the forest department arrests us, and collecting forest produce from the forest under Panchayat needs money to obtain a pass). It is Rajis fate to ‘breach’ into their ‘cultural landscapes’. This ‘trespassing’ calls for administrative actions. In a similar tenor, Jeet Singh told, majboori hai jungle jana padhta hai, aksar jungalaat wale pakadte hai, auzaar rakh lete hain (In majboori ⁷ , we visit forests; seldomly, we are caught by forest officials; they seize our tools). Jeet Singh, later asked me to visit the Askot Range office if I wanted to see the seized tools; due to COVID restrictions, I was unable to visit the Range office. On inquiring whether Van Panchayat is of any good use for Rajis, Bahadur Singh Rajwar said, wanha to lakdi paison se milti hain, hum pass nahi le sakte hain, isliye ab hum logon ne chiran ka kaam khatam kar diya hai (We need money to procure a pass, which is impossible for us; it is the reason why we have stopped woodworks which we used to do traditionally). At present, the institution of Van Panchayat is dying its own death. This institution turned defunct due to a dilution of powers, lack of funds, vacant posts and overlapping authority (Naaz & Sahu, 2021).

In order to address the ‘historical injustices’ faced by tribal and other forest dwellers, the Forest Rights Act (FRA) of 2006 came with big commitments. This act had its latched contestations from varied directions; even forest departments have their share of criticism on the basis of inevitable destruction of both wildlife and forest cover (Bhullar, 2008). The FRA provides individual and communitarian forest rights to the ST and other forest dwellers who have been inhabiting the respective area for over 75 years or for three generations over the cultivation lands and dwelling under their occupation (Bandi, 2016). This act recognised the concept of ‘cultural landscapes’ to which communities’ traditional access was recognised.

Despite having 64% of forest cover, the State of Uttarakhand feebly distributed the entitlements to the beneficiaries. One of the recent official documents titled Monthly Update on the Status of Implementation of the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Dweller (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 ⁸ noted that in Uttarakhand there were 3,091 (community) and 3,574 (individual) claims. Contrary to this, only 1 (community) and 144 (individual) titles were allotted. The opacity in implementation is well documented both in government reports and research studies (Bandi, 2014). One of the mid-aged men of Ganagaon revealed, is baare me humein kuch nahi pata (We do not know anything about this). It was well noticed that Raji’s are not well informed about FRA, and a few anecdotes from the field revealed that there exists an apathetic approach among forest officials, which further distances Raji’s from their sanctioned benefit.

Observed articulations revealed that FRA-wise employment is an arduous task to accomplish in Rajis community. The ‘insufficient deposition of documents has often been cited as the reason for the poor implementation of the act’ (Bandi, 2016, p. 16). The interviewed Raji individual voiced that they have severe documentation worries. There are many families that either do not have their tribal certificates or are not updated. Rajis, under many vernacular constraints, are bound to shift their habitation (mainly within village), thus not having preferred documentation of ‘historical’ habitation. Studies reveal that vernacular political dynamics remain indifferent to assisting in obtaining the benefits of FRA. Similar anecdotes were documented from Raji’s; the composition of local governing bodies is mainly headed by non-tribal beings; thus, the majority of times they seem ignorant when something under ‘protective’ discrimination is being asked for their assistance or sanction. Jeet Singh from Kutachaurani said, humein pradhan ji ki taraf se koi jankari nahin mili, sab kaagaz ka kaam khud hi kartein hain (We do not receive any information about FRA from pradhan ji every piece of paperwork has to be arranged by ourselves).

Tribal Policies and Passive Exclusion

This section takes assistance from the concept of ‘passive exclusion’ from Sen’s body of work. The concept of passive exclusion will aid us in the critical examination of tribal policy in light of Raji tribes’ marginalisation. In Sen’s tenor, ‘social processes in which there is no deliberate attempt to exclude, the Exclusion can be seen as a passive kind’ (Sen, 2000, p. 15). The notion of passive exclusion refers to the process where few get distanced from the idea of the mainstream unintentionally. The method of passive exclusion is latent; one never initiates this kind of exclusion; instead, it subtly occurs. ST in India receive institutional support under the Integrated Tribal Development Agency (ITDA). Under ITDA, clusters are defined as smaller areas with a minimum tribal population of about 5,000 or that have ST concentration of 50% or more. The criteria mandated for institutional support for ST make it really difficult for tribes with small populations to attract these state-sponsored programmes. The population remains the cardinal component in the state-sponsored developmental programmes. The Ministry of Tribal Affairs allocates two-thirds of funds based on the ST population in the state. The remaining one-third is assigned to the regions affected by left-wing extremism. Based on this rigid criterion, the Raji tribe, with a minuscule population of around 1,000, hardly attracts any state-sponsored programmes. This political nigh side of Rajis leads to their capability deprivation and prolonged exclusion.

The notion of passive exclusion comes forth very apparently when the policy document inherently excludes a few indigenous communities based on their meagre population. The premises for establishing the Eklavya Model Residential Schools (EMRS) remain as they are with other policies, that is, a region (block) with more than 50% of the scheduled caste population or at least 20,000 tribal population in order to establish an EMRS. To impart quality education to ST students in their remote locations, EMRS was started in 1997–1998. The State of Uttarakhand has only one functional EMRS, which is situated in the Kalsi block of Dehradun district. In the Kalsi block, the Jaunsari tribe resides, which is one of the most populous tribes in Uttarakhand.

Conclusion

The conception of the tribe in its present form tends to skip the critical aspect of vulnerability latched onto a tribal community. It becomes cardinal to revisit the definition of tribe, which, in the immediate sense, is unable to address the marginality of a community. It is not only the state that uses the above-stated nature of definition but also the non-state actors, as well as the academicians, who share the same understanding of the concept for their assignments. The researcher, with this endeavour, tries to initiate a new epistemic engagement with the communities that remained secluded by both the state and academic fraternity. It is high time to deliberate extensively on the methodology of emancipation for subordinates. The researcher makes a fervent plea to the policy formulator to make some crucial adjustments in their approach towards the marginalised community and especially with the tribes, such as Raji, with modest populations. The enveloping tribal development approach has not produced any meaningful success stories so far for the Raji tribe. The developmental framework for ‘subordinates’ should be based on ‘engaged governance’; ‘engaged governance is premised on mutual respect, effective safeguards, shared responsibility, peace, non-intrusive relationships, and equitable partnerships in development’ (Bodhi & Jojo, 2019, p. 12). In order to reverse the subordination and marginalisation, one needs to curate policies that are relative and contextual in tenor.