The Political Economy of Tricycle Transportation Business in Osogbo Metropolis: Lessons for a Developing Economy

The Study Area and Methodology

The study area is Osogbo metropolis. It became the headquarters of Osogbo State since its creation on August 27, 1991 from the old Oyo State under the military administration of the former head of state, General Ibrahim Gbadamosi Babangida, as one of the states created in Nigeria. Over the years, Osogbo has grown in size and population. Some 50 years ago, the city began to expand beyond its peripheries and ancient gates and ramparts. In 1991, the city was the largest urban center in the present Osun State and its population of 156,694 at the census of that year represented it as the most populous urban center in Eastern Yoruba land (Wikipedia – on line). The 2006 population census estimates for Osogbo is about 156,694 out of about 4.1 million estimated for all the 30 local governments in the state. This is considered to be grossly underestimated as the population of the city in 2006 was put at 430,749.

The creation of the Osun State in August, 1991 and the establishment of the state capital at Osogbo have obviously enhanced the city’s physical development. The development of the city’s land use starts from the densely populated center of Oke-Baale and Igbonna area and spreads to the hinterland. The early settlements followed this pattern, following a number of small centers of Abere, Okefia, Idi-Seke, and Orisunmibare. At the time of creation of the state, Osogbo became so “[b]lown up” due to heavy population from all over the state and in Nigeria’s struggle to make a mark and benefit from the expected socioeconomic development associated with such new areas’ state headquarters in Nigeria. Aside from the massive tourism centers, especially on annual Osun–Osogbo festival and Ọsun–Ọsogbo grove, the shrine of the annual rites of the deity and an important artistic center, was declared a world heritage site in 2005.

Osogbo became the headquarters of both the local government council and the state government. This attracted massive infrastructural development. In the light of these, few settlements expanded. Areas like Ilobu-Osogbo Road, Ibokun Road, Ikirun Road, Oroki GRA, Iwo Road, Osogbo-Gbongan Road, Olaiya and Ilobu, and several others sprang up. The present urban sprawl of the metropolis can not only be explained by the center-spread development pattern as the city’s development has spread out in all directions avoiding only the hilly areas. The central commercial business functions still concentrates on the Idi-Seke, Oja Oba, and Olaiya centers, but there are many other places that have also assumed these functions. In the recent times, the metropolitan pattern of the settlement has changed from linear to a more dispersed structure, with clusters of residential, industrial, commercial, and institutional land uses in different locations. The unprecedented growth of the city and its surrounding communities has serious implications on the transportation system in the city. The implication is evident in the ever-increasing demand for transport services by the city’s residents to satisfy their socioeconomic needs. Despite this, one obvious question begging for answer is why the city has few taxicabs compared with other state headquarters. One cannot also explain why the small buses called “Alake; popular and common in Osogbo are not many like “Keke NAPEP” in the recent period. But one major and indeed massive response to this gap is the operation and use of the tricycles as a means of public transportation in the city of Osogbo. Despite its dominance in public mobility, however, very little is documented about the impact of the mode on the urban environment and various types of socio, political, and economic externalities generated by the use and operation of the commercial tricycle.

Consequently with the growing demand for commercial tricycles as a means of urban transportation in Osogbo, this study identified and analyzed the various associated externalities, and came to a policy option by which the excesses could be initiated. The study ultimately places a responsibility on the government on the need to have long-term plans on its economic transformation agenda that will guide against “Keke NAPEP” becoming a “monoeconomic” structure of the state. It may also assist the government to initiate law and control on the “Keke NAPEP” operation in its present transmutation to political pressure group and its activities creating social problems. To do a thorough analysis, the inclusion of the sociopolitical and economic impact analysis provided a multidisciplinary approach to the execution of the study. The study depended on the extensive field survey as most of the information required is not readily available in secondary sources. The study equally observed that historical data on the tricycle growth are not readily available even in Nigeria because no particular agency is found to be responsible for collecting and storing these data.

Hence, the study relied mainly on the Tricycle Union/Association for generation of relevant data. To elicit the needed information, the study carried out reconnaissance survey in the city of Osogbo and determined the locations of various tricycle units and or parks, their number and the sample size, and other logistic requirements for data collection. The reconnaissance surveys are followed immediately by operators or users survey using a structured questionnaire. Hundred research assistants were engaged in the administration of the “guided” questionnaire. The questionnaires are administered on the operators of the tricycle in addition to the focus group interviews conducted by the researcher. Every tricycle unit or park identified during the reconnaissance survey in the city was covered. A systematic random sampling of one out of every 10 tricycle operators in the city was adopted, resulting to 10 percent sample size of the operators in the city. To examine the sociopolitical and economic aspect of the study, data on political issues, reasons for taking to “Keke NAPEP” business, the socioeconomic characteristics of the operators such as, age, income level, occupational types, educational qualifications, and attendant social hazards were well catered for in the operators’ questionnaire.

Conceptual Framework

Both as a theory and approach, the political economy seems like the natural framework for the analysis embarked upon here. Subsuming underdevelopment, dependency, and center–periphery theories under “a larger whole” (Onimode, 1988), the political economy framework is singularly interested in the nature of capitalism as global phenomenon, the nature of the relation between the center and periphery, and specifications of periphery capitalism. The framework is expected to facilitate the in-depth probing of the central issues of the subject matter and the X-raying of the socioeconomic and political impacts of the use of tricycle as a commercial transport business.

The political economy framework has been inspired by the writings of classical political economist like Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, David Ricardo, David Hume, John Stuart Mills (Blaug, 2001; Nasar, 2011), and orthodox Marxists, fostered by Latin American neo-Marxian analytical perspectives of underdevelopment, dependency, and center–periphery, and sustained and championed by the thoughts and writings of the Third world at large (Rodney, 1972). It has been used “to undertake various studies ranging from the process of colonization and decolonization, underdevelopment and dependency, political instability, the activities of multinational corporations (MNCs), the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the “debt trap” of the Third World Countries (TWCs), and so on” (Ake, 1996).

Relevant propositions of the theory and approach to this particular study however include: classical economic liberalization; Marxian economic determinism which subordinates the political superstructure to the economic substructure and the have-not to the haves; and the Third World scholar suggestion of neo-colonial peonage (Onimode, 2000). In relation to this proposition and to this study, the political economy is now seen in relation to changes in the nature of the socioeconomic structure within which it is operating and the practical material and intellectual problems that were thrown up within it (Giddens, 1990). The political economy on this note, is seen as an analytical model for the study and as the sum total of the relations of production and the economic structure of the society. Ajayi (2004) went further to consider the works of Engel and Popov among others to explain political economy from scientific standpoints, having realized the framework of analysis, its nature, and the methodology of the political economy, he conceptualizes it as a science which deals with economic laws governing production, exchange, and distribution of wealth at various stages of the evolution of human society. Relying on the strength of the political economy as an interplay of politics and the economy, Orimode (1995) equally opined that it looks at the nature of political power in a given human society, the class content and character of the state, and the influence of the state on economy. The social elements in this study also have a base on political economy as a theory. On this, it is seen as studying the social relationship between people in the process of production. The above assertion exposed the undeniable relationship between the economy of a given stratas and the socioeconomic stratus or class that abides within the people of the state. Still on this note, Marxist–Leninist political economy also studies the social side of production rather than its technical side (which is the subject of the natural and technical sciences). It does not examine material production as much, but the social relation of the people concerning production, the social system of production, exchange and consumption, that is, relations in all the phases of the reproduction of material values. For example, in the context of this study, the question is what are the social relations and the economic gauge between the “Keke NAPEP” business men, the state, and the society in a mode of production?

The above clarifications theoretically throws up the nature of various connections of the sociopolitical and economic externalities associated with the tricycle as a form of commercial business in Nigeria. It also exposes the unending contradictions between labor and capital in a “rat-race” for survival in this study area. The framework further queried whether the government can comfortably rely on the dictates of “market economy” in the face of reality of the impending down turn of an unregulated market forces, especially in the matters of “Keke NAPEP” business.

Perspectives on Nigeria Political Economy

Osogbo as the capital city of Osun state unavoidably inherited the same sociopolitical and economic structure of its “mother”, Nigeria. This was an underdeveloped, dependent, and peripheral state in the context of a global capitalist economy. This status situates Nigeria squarely in the group of countries variously called the South, The Third World, less-developed countries (LDCs) and, lately, developing countries (DCs). With these countries, Nigeria shares a number of characteristics. These characteristics are a product of the geographical location in the world, political history, politics and leadership, the economy, the developed or developing dichotomy, and so on.

Nigeria is thus not only a southern hemisphere nation; it is also ex-colonial, neo-colonial, politically yet to be stable, corrupt, and industrially weak with little or no autochthonous capital base, and reliant on foreign expertise and technology. Moreover, Nigeria operates the type of economy which Lenin (1975) has described as the “economy of affection”. This is used to refer to an economy in which institutions and rules serve the subjective interest of those in charge and not the objective interest of the society. And the populace is the worse for it—poor, illiterate, insecure, diseased, and of the lowest living standards possible. What is worse is that Nigeria is a debtor nation, perhaps in the category of those referred to as highly indebted poor countries (HIPCs) of the world (Ake, 2000; Mimiko, 1997; Onimode, 1988).

Again, over the years, the population went on the high side, yet the economy is at the parlous state. This has ill-affected the macroeconomic sector in terms of low gross domestic product (GDP), falling per capita income (PCI), mass unemployment, rising inflationary trend, falling industrial sector and production capacity performance, failure of critical infrastructure, low investment, constant downstream energy crisis, and unabated industrial dispute. The poor macroeconomy sector performance has, therefore, negatively impacted the economic stability, growth, and development. Besides, the economy has to contend with endemic corruption. The parlous state of the nation’s economy has invariably engendered poor human development index.

Nigeria thus contains many poverty-stricken societies with the citizens battling for daily

survival. “Keke NAPEP” commercial transport activities became one of the means of employment. While “Keke NAPEP” provided a means for employment, it also came with its attendant and observable socioeconomic and political problem, which is the subject of this study. The Nigeria situation is heavily related to the Osun state’s economy too. The city is only important in terms of the urban development and industrial progress earlier discussed. The other significant proofs of development in the Osogbo city are in the educational and the media field. Aside from the increasing political awareness and the history of boisterous politics noted generally with the southwest of Nigeria, the economy of the city is hugely dependent on the food products that it trades in. The marketplace is especially well-known for its dye products. Apart from these, the general business and walnuts products are other important outputs from the city. It is however important to note here that apart from the increasing political activities, physical development and social transformation, the cultural degeneration associated with urban growth is also present. Cocoa exportation and dye industries, which used to be the main stay of the Osogbo economy, have equally gone to oblivion. The immediate observation is that, more of the young people, who are in the productive age are fast neglecting school and technician workshops for the “fast selling” “Keke NAPEP” transport business as a means of livelihood. The genesis of this sudden change in the socioeconomic development is what the next part of the study attempts to unravel.

The Tricycle Transportation Business: A Perspective

Attempts to solve the urban transport problems in Nigeria have taken so many dimensions. The public has however responded massively to the problem by providing automobiles for public transport. This is in addition to the fluctuating fortunes of government-owned transportation arrangements. One of the dynamic systems offered by the private individuals is the use of the tricycle as a mode of public transport.

In Nigeria, this system is not completely new. It started as a means of public transport in the former political and administrative Federal Capital Territory, Lagos state of Nigeria in the early 1980s mainly due to the population explosion in Lagos state and was formally established by the former military governor of Lagos state—Mohammed Buba Marwa. During this period, the inhabitants of Lagos state till today called it “Keke Marwa” while others later changed it to “Keke NAPEP”, it is also common in the dispersed settlement of the southwestern states of Nigeria, where it is a proper mode for inter–rural and rural–urban transport use by both the sex of male and female. Equally, the word keke is directly derived from Yoruba Language, the dominant indigenous language in southwestern states. However, the popularity of keke across the nation can be attributed to NAPEP, which was inaugurated under the administration of the former President Olusegun Obasanjo to alleviate poverty and provide economic empowerment to the people. Thus, the name “keke NAPEP” gained popularity across Nigeria (Mgbemena, 2013).

In the 1990s again, the use of this mode as an intra-urban means of passengers movement became prevalent, nor only on the basis of increasing need for transportation of the growing population, but for a reason of economic situation consequent upon the structural adjustment policy of the government with its very stringent attributes. It actually became a necessity in the 1990s, when with the failing road infrastructures, the need to meet the growing demand for public transport resulted in the adaptation of nonconventional means of public transport in major cities of Nigeria.

Then came the “struggling economy”, which many people who had the experience now call the good old days. The good old days lasted till late 1970s before a downward trend in the socioeconomic development set in. Since then, the unemployment rate has progressed steadily. In 1980s, for instance, the unemployment rate grew at about 15 percent. But by 2015, it was said to have grown to about 27 percent of this figure, youth unemployment accounts for about 40 percent. In 1980s, the poverty level was said to be about 40 percent but by 2015, Nigerians who lived on one dollar a day had grown to about 70 percent of the population (Nwannekanma & Oyebade, 2015). Agriculture, which contributes about 45 percent of the GDP, is considered to have become unproductive, as it is not attracting investment. It has, for decades, remained at the subsistent level. Likewise, trading which contributes about 14 percent to the GDP is believed to be exporting the same number of jobs it is creating because it is largely dependent on imported products (Kwaghe, 2006). To make the two ends meet, therefore, there were large dropouts from schools and from technical workshops for quick “survival” instincts and daily cash demands. The growing unemployed school leavers and even graduates joined the bandwagon and found employment or engagement refuge in “Keke NAPEP” business. Arising from these, it can only be assumed that this mode evolved as public commercial transport in response to need. The tricycle is therefore now used extensively for public transport and has generally become an acceptable norm by most residents of the cities in Nigeria.

In Osogbo metropolis, the tricycle as a mode of public transport was first introduced at around late 1990s. As observed by the chairman of the “Keke NAPEP Riders Association” of Osun state located in Osogbo, the introduction was in response to the scanty taxicabs and the high cost of transportation by the few taxicabs at this time and the need to cater for those people who could not afford the taxi fare and small buses. This was more so as only few major highways are been plied by the taxicabs. At its inception, there were also few tricycles involved in the business. This business became unique as it offered the services of going into the streets and can drop its passengers even in front of their houses.

With time, the population of the city grew as indicated earlier in the study. The additional function of the city and the development of various specialized traffic generating and traffic attracting land use, and consequent increased separation of origins of intra-urban trips from destination coupled with the increased volume of traffic resulting from the new function of the city imply greater demand for movement. The demand became so heavy and so it necessitated an increase use and the entrenchment of the tricycle as a mode of commercial passenger transport.

At its inception, the operation was a free-for-all affair and comprised of part-time and full-time operators. As the numbers of operators grew, the problems of operating the system grew. The government brought in a form of control and regulations which do not only bothers on traffic regulations but was also centered on revenue generation. The level of awareness became so high, more so as some noticeable social problems like increasing rate of accidents and consistent extortion and harassment from police came up. From this, the “Keke NAPEP” riders became more organized by forming unions on unit basis, if only to counter some of their encounters and take care of the welfare of operators.

In this study, three democratic administrations in the Osun state are found to have played significant roles that elicit our investigations on the sociopolitical and economic impacts of this form of commercial business. The administration of former Governors—Chief Bisi Akade, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, and the current (2010) Governor Rauf Aregbesola are very key to our discussion. “Keke NAPEP” riders group came into the political limelight during the regime of Governor Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola. His Campaign team before election elevated the “growing” members of “Keke NAPEP Riders Association” to a relevant political pressure group. For a group that is saturated with a large army of educated and illiterate poor young people, seeking relevance in the scheme of things in the state, it became an avenue to express themselves and be part of the stakeholders that are recognized in the installation of the governor in the coming election. Governor Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola capitalized on these and used it to his advantage. Free uniform, cash, and tricycles were donated to the group. Candidate Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola became popular, and in 2007, he won the gubernatorial election again in the Osun state to the amazement of the opposition parties who had routed for the incumbent governor. In the enthroned government, “Keke NAPEP Riders Association” became important, and they fully enjoyed government largesse all through the three and half years of Governor Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola’s rule. This became a big discovery for all politicians of sort. More young people readily abandoned their trades and joined the bandwagon of the tricycle business. From the politician, the tricycle came in large numbers, more as an inducement for political patronage than the label of “youth empowerment” programs chanted by them. The politics of the state later became boisterous and rancorous as a result of the emerging personality of the governor, much of which is outside this study. He was removed in a landmark judgment on November 26, 2010. At the settlement of the much political dust that followed the impeachment, a new Governor (Engr. Rauf Aregbesola) came into the office in 2010.

At the inception of the new Governor Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, the “Keke NAPEP” game came up strongly, this time with more fervency; various groups had emanated to outclass each other for the “political” space. The tricyclist: “Keke NAPEP” cooperative; Accomoran; National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW), and Road Transport Employer Association of Nigeria (RTEAN) “Keke NAPEP” groups all came up. It soon led to one form of clashes and the other, especially as “who becomes the state chairman” became a factor. The government had no other option than to proscribe all the groups and then they formed a group under one umbrella called the “Keke NAPEP Riders Association” of Osun state. The decision relegated their activities to a manageable level, but it again resulted into the group seeking a political refuge. They gladly found one in the main opposition party and its candidate who contested with the incumbent governor. Unarguably, they became a major partner in the gang up of opposition who offered the much negative propaganda that swerved public opinion against the governor for the most part of its rule in the Osun state. The situation got to a climax on the November 26, 2010, when the Appeal Court sitting in Ilorin, Kwara State of Nigeria finally nullified the election Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola after years of legal battle.

The court went ahead to declare the candidate of the opposition party as the duly elected governor of the state (Engr. Rauf Aregbesola). It was observed, that the band of the people that led the massive celebration heralding the coming of the new governor was the “Keke NAPEP Riders Association”.

The new governor (Engr. Rauf Aregbesola) having learnt from the past, took a quick recognition of the group and his government made soft loans available for the procurement of tricycles. The group repayed this recognition as they quickly formed a group called “Ogbeni Keke NAPEP Association”, and to crown it, the general chairman of “Keke NAPEP Riders Association” emerged from the “[g]overnor’s group”.

Till date (2016), the membership of “Keke NAPEP Riders Association” is rising on a daily basis, especially in the Osogbo metropolis. It has grown to three large branches of Orisunmbare, Olaiya, and Idi-Seke. On records, each branch is not having less than 1,500 members plying the roads on a daily basis. As a results of the faulty record keeping in the state (the records are not kept by the state government but are closely done by the association), Osogbo is having over 5,000 commercial tricycles aside the ones that are coming from the suburbs, which are not even properly registered with the union branches. The evasion of registration became rampant as members avoid the daily N10,000 ticket payable to union leaders in the name of welfare packages for the members. The formations of union and branches have allowed a formal relationship between the union and the government. As part of the objectives discovered in this study, the union act as a “go between” within the union and the police and other multiple “[u]niform men”. The union also acts as connecting points of the pressure group influencing government policy issues. It is obvious too, that the arrangement has made possible an easy accessibility of the group to any government political function as a rent group, all of which are seen on our streets from time to time.

Essentially, the task of this study is to expose the other socioeconomic and political impact of the use of motorcycles as public transports, away from its traditional mobility advantages. The common and documented mobility advantage of the tricycle transport business has found theoretical explanation of its evolution. Trafee, Morrill, and Gould model have shown that population and economic factors are crucial in explaining the evolution of transport in Nigeria and Ghana. Janelle model, on its own, had explained that the basic factor is the increased demand for accessibility, occasioned by the introduction of transport systems and its spatial effect. Janelle’s model went further to show that this demand is a cyclic one, responding to new technology development and spatial reorganization of phenomena (Arowolo, 2008; Shamsuddeen, 1999). This study on the tricycle business has in a way found expression in both models but the cited models have failed to accommodate the current and future effects of the evolution and increasing use of this mode of transportation. This is in the context of political impacts arising from the organized union of the tricyclist, that is, the economic results of abandonment of most “technical workshops” which is the productive aspects of our economy for the fast growing business of “Keke NAPEP” and the observable social malaise associated with the rowdy “Keke NAPEP” business. My data on the users and operators of this mode of transportation, and the group interview arising from the experience from the reconnaissance survey analyzed in the coming section determined the levels of the varying impacts.

Analysis of Data and Discussion of Results

A total of 500 questionnaires were applied on the commercial tricycle riders in a field survey. The survey made use of Osun state and Osogbo mainly. This involved the use of probabilistic sampling method with random techniques to pick 500 respondents from Osogbo metropolis and some other parts of Osun state as well. A total number of 450 questionnaires were found useful after collection and collation. Due to the nature of “Keke NAPEP” business and its environment, 100 percent of the respondents were male.

The age distribution of the respondents ranges from 21–30 (64.6 percent); 31–40 (23.1 percent), 41–50 (8 percent); 51 and above (4.2 percent). On marital status: singles were 232 (51.5 percent); married were 218 (48.5 percent); and further evidence from the survey shows that 181 respondents representing 40.2 percent of the sample are with a minimum of Senior Secondary Certificate Examination (SSCE) results.

Specific Issues

Questions are asked across varied issues relating to the socioeconomic and political impacts of tricycle as a means of the transportation business. The techniques contained 10 questions. Seven asked specific questions while three sought reasons for certain responses by the respondents.

Question 1 of the research inquired about the means of tricycle acquisition, wages accruable, investment plans, patronage, ownership, and the level of income. On acquisition, 107 (33.7 percent) of the respondents acquired tricycle through hire; 222 (49.3 percent) from personal savings from previous hire riding; 42 (9.3 percent) from a political gift, and 62 (13.7 percent) from cooperative loans, while 17 (3.7 percent) did not respond to the issue. From this, the majority of respondents acquired their tricycle through personal savings made from the daily hire riding they were previously engaged in.

On wages and reinvestments, the responses show that a “Keke NAPEP” rider collects N600–N 500 wages on a daily bases from the owner depending on the location and product type of the tricycle. Also, 382 (84.8 percent) of them had positive response to reinvestments, while 61 (13.5 percent) had negative response; in this case, 9 (1.5 percent) were indifferent to the question. From the survey, it was discovered that the level of patronage is very high in the Osogbo metropolis than any other parts of the Osun state. 356 (79.1 percent) of the respondents affirmed this that most of them further agreed that the daily income becomes higher (N500–N3,000), if motorcycles are personally owned by the driver.

Question 2 asked respondents on working days and working hours to test the level of time given to the job as more than other businesses. From the respondents, 270 (60 percent); are on full-time; and 169 are on part-time (37.5 percent), while 11 (29.3 percent) did not respond to this particular question. On working days; 108 (24 percent) work from Monday to Sunday; 168 (37.36 percent) from Monday to Saturday while 32 (29.3 percent) work from Monday to Friday. Only 42 (9.3 percent) of them were not committed at all. These indicate that tricycle operators operate mostly on Mondays to Saturdays and are basically on full-time.

Question 3 asked about the residence of the operators. 190 (42.2 percent) are residing in Osogbo while 235 (52.2 percent) reside outside; whereas 25(5.2 percent) did not respond to the question. This shows that the majority of the respondents reside outside Osogbo.

Question 4 asked more on charges per drop and reasons for going for the job. They all agreed that the charge varies depending on the distance, but an average charge per drop is put at N50–N60. Different reasons were gathered for engaging in the tricycle business, the top among them were unemployment and poverty.

Question 5 asked respondents on their means of livelihood and trade before coming to the Tricycle Transportation Business (T.T.B.). Engagement in farming, schooling, apprentice in trade and technical vocations were given while some claimed that they were not engaged at all. 277 (61.6 percent) agreed that they were engaged in one form of business or the other before crossing over to T.T.B.; 173 (38.4 percent) claimed that they were into technical apprentice before their venture into T.T.B. Only 74 (16.4 percent) responded that T.T.B. pays more than the other trade but 406 (92.2 percent) agreed that the daily income is certain in T.T.B. From the respondents’ responses, it is clear that many of them left other trades and preferred T.T.B. than to learn a particular trade, not because of the prospect of a buoyant economy in T.T.B. but because the daily income is certain in T.T.B., and that the business appears to be a veritable means of poverty alleviation and a way to meeting the challenges of day-to-day means of livelihood.

Question 6 asked the respondents about what they do outside T.T.B. On this, schooling and waiting for admission to school was 149 (33.1 percent); farming was 193 (42.8 percent); games were 91 (20.2 percent), and politics was 67 (14.8 percent). This indicates that majority of the respondents are of school-age.

Question 7 asked the respondents whether politicians seek the support of their union. 430 (95.5 percent) responded positively and 20 (4.5 percent) were negative. This indicated that politicians and incumbent government uses members of the union in the actualization and sustenance of their political gains.

Question 8 went further to measure the level at which politician uses union members in attaining their different political gains. On this, voting took—209 (46.4 percent); rallies—237 (52.6 percent); thuggery—11 (2.4 percent); rigging—0 (0 percent). 160 (35.5 percent) respondents agreed to receiving benefits from politicians while 290 (64.5 percent) disagreed. Those who benefited had general gift at 247 (54.8 percent) such as jackets 29 (6.4 percent); cash 49 (10.8 percent); and loan—79 (26.3 percent). This shows that the politicians partner the union members in varying degrees of politicking. The low admittance to thuggery and rigging is understandable because of its negative tendencies, even though it happens.

Question 9 tested the hypothesis on social hazards involved in the T.T.B. 265 (58.8 percent) respondents agreed that accidents are common place with T.T.B., 29 (6.4 percent) responded that it mostly leads to death; 12 (2.6 percent) indicated that T.T.B. is aiding kidnapping; 21 (4.6 percent) agreed that T.T.B. has aided steeling and robbery; 82 (18.2 percent) agreed that members are readily mobilized for protest, demonstration, and mob actions.

Question 10 inquired about the assistance the respondents need from the government. The respondents sought for various assistance ranging from employment generation, soft loans and financial assistance, and a creation of an enabling environment for small- and medium-scale enterprises (SMEs) to thrive among others.

Summary of Findings

From the late 1980s, at the wake of the Structural Adjustment Programme in Nigeria when the country’s economy began to decline, jobless youths began to use tricycles to earn money by transporting passengers on narrow or poorly maintained roads in cities and villages. Owing to the relative low cost of using “Keke NAPEP” for transport (from maintenance to fuel economy), it quickly became popular nationwide. Today, in Nigeria, it has become one of the primary modes of transportation patronized regularly both by young and old, men and women.

In the study, which is located mainly in Osogbo (Nigeria) metropolis, our survey shows that though most people agree that “Keke NAPEP” has become a menace on our roads, yet several Nigerians, including graduate who find it hard to secure white-collar jobs, are now earning their living by operating “Keke NAPEP” and it appears they would find it difficult to survive without “Keke NAPEP” business. To most road users, it has become an indispensable means of transportation.

Our critical discovery in this study, however, is that about 61.6 percent of our respondents agreed that they are now engaged in “Keke NAPEP” business having abandoned their various traders as artisans, not because of the prospect of buoyant economy but because daily income is sure and almost certain. This is dangerous for a developing economy like that of Nigeria from all indications. The prediction in this study is that by 2020, Nigeria’s productive economy would have declined to a ridiculous extent as employment generation, technical education, and self-reliant job growth would have been trapped by the “Keke NAPEP” economy. This is regardless of the ambitious vision of 202,020 of them becoming one of the 20 top economies in 2020.

Again, it is clear that “Keke NAPEP” unions are becoming second arms of political parties, forming strong pressure influences and “stated groups”, which can be motivated by politicians to attain political gains. They could also in turn disrupt societal peace if dumped after use. Recently, the Lagos state road traffic law bans operation of the commercial tricyclists on 475 out of the over 9,010 routes in Lagos state of Nigeria, the group reacted promptly and sharply destroying more than 40 buses of Babatunde Fashola Road Transit (BRT) vehicles belonging to Lagos state government and went further to halt all movement of vehicles, making bonfires on the road (Ijaya et al., 2011). The protest that ensured was so much that it was reported “as a battle over traffic law” (Arogundade, Adebisi, & Ogunro, 2011).

On social hazards, this study confirms an increasing rate of accidents, robberies, and kidnapping with the use of tricycles on our roads. Official figures compiled by the Planning and Research Department of the Osun State Traffic Management Authority and corroborated by police records which shows that not less than 310 people had been killed or seriously injured in the commercial tricycle accidents across the state between 2000 and 2011; of the total number, 107 people died while 512 sustained serious injuries form the accidents (Arogundade, Adebisi, & Ogunro, 2011). The newspaper further revealed that on security, the Osun State Commissioner of Police disclosed that out of the 10 armed robbery incidents recorded between 2010 and 2011, 22 were clinically done with the use of “Keke NAPEP” tricycle. These were inside the paper’s complaints of population and environmental hazards as many dropouts just leave their states for Lagos to take up “Keke NAPEP” jobs and that most others abandon their learned trades to make quick money from “Keke NAPEP” operations.

Conclusion and Policy Options

To correct these anomalies and secure a sociopolitical and economic future for the country as a developing nation, the policy options are not many, it is equally hard and “short time” costly but with more of a future prosperity. If Nigeria will lift itself from the impending shrunk of the productive economy, attain a better height of political behavior, and rescue something out of the present downward slope of our social ethics; a total ban or a restriction on the use of commercial tricycles is one of the crucial steps to be taken. Abuja in Nigeria has effectively implemented a total ban on its use in the capital territory, forcing them to the suburbs. The Osun state of Nigeria had started the enforcement of the new Osun State Traffic Law 2012 where the dos and don’ts of the commercial tricycle operation are clearly stated.

While the reactions are expectedly spontaneous, on the restrictions, the immediate gains in Lagos state are showing that the end justifies the means. Reports are showing that “Artisans are [c]ounting gains of Keke NAPEP restriction in Osun state” (Ilo, Oyerinde, & Umoren, 2005); Keke NAPEP robbery accidents are on the decline’ (NAPEP, 2003).

The states in Nigeria needs to develop a political will like Lagos state, ignore the existing personal and political primordial interest of the state political actors, and take a decisive step that will force our populated productive age of men and women back to ventures that will grow the economy, guarantee our democracy as a collective interest, and raise our social life to that of the twenty-first century which we desire it to be. Osun state of Nigeria could start with a biometric registration of all owners and operators of commercial tricycles to identify genuine stakeholders on the state tricycle sector, secure information requisite for the provision of a safe and secure environment for the people of the state. This may also help the government to start the needed ban or restriction on commercial tricycle operations and hence, productively combat crime while driving the economy for productive ventures. Every developing economy needs such a “biting” reform, if it intends to close the “generational gap” between the developed and developing economy and catch up with the rest of the globalized world.

Funding: This study was not funded by any grant.

Conflict of interest: The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.

Ethical approval: This article does not contain any studies with human participants or animals performed by any of the authors.

Informed consent: Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.