Maharashtrian Dalit Jalse as an Inspiration to Anti-caste Movements: A Reply from Subaltern to Subalternity

Introduction

Many years of Dalit’s oral traditional and creative face of a ‘Dalit Movement’ ¹ documents the Maharashtrian various forms. These forms are parts of well-known local Maharashtrian Dalit jalse (gatherings/concerts/musical performances given in public), such as ‘Satya Shodhaki jalse’, ‘Amberkarite jalse’ and ‘Amberkarite Shahiri’. Dalit Marathi rangbhoomi (theatre) becomes a tool to narrate Dalit’s struggle and present political awareness of Dalit exploitation. This medium was used for the audience targeted to the Maharashtrian illiterate Dalit groups. However, this Maharashtrian history of jalse is fascinating to explore the study of Dalit poetry, song and tales. To constitute Dalit’s anti-caste view, these forms have influenced many Dalit movements in India. Even other states also started celebrating these creative forms not only for entertainment but also to enlighten Dalits about their challenges.

Dalits’ resistance to the social and political caste-based hierarchy of ‘Savarna’ ² (Brahmanical) ideology has been narrated through a medium of oral songs and stories. This has been carried out as a ‘Dalit movement’ or ‘Dalit protest’ and as a response of Dalit subaltern to subalternity. This article traverses the history of ‘Dalit’ (subaltern) and the Dalit movements to know how these have been incorporated through the Marathi rangbhoomi (theatre). However, it also focuses on the Marathi Dalit jalse and how it is used as a platform to protest in the form of anti-caste movements. Furthermore, it also provides historical information on oral literature in the forms of Dalit Qawwals, Shahirs and songs. In the following details, Ambedkari songs, Qawwali and jalse-related information examined from Dalits’ marginal position. Before going into the advanced knowledge and discussion, the meaning of Dalit must have been seen from today’s perspective. This article attempts to explore the significant role of Dalit jalse in the broader context of anti-caste movements in Maharashtra, India and seeks to highlight the cultural and political implications of these performances within the Dalit community and their contribution to the fight against caste oppression and carrying out Ambedkar’s mission.

Research Methodology

In research, there is a need to explore areas of the Dalit movements and protest from oral literature. Dalit study is very substantial to touch on the uncovered area of Dalit jalse and Qawwali as a literary movement with a connection to the subalternity presentation. However, there is limited research on Dalit rangbhoomi as it is quite difficult to get data from written work on jalse and Tamasha. Before knowing Marathi Dalit literature, it is essential to understand the structure of Dalit rangbhoomi as an oral Dalit Marathi literature. This article focuses on a Dalit rangbhoomi and demonstrates how a Dalit’s anti-caste movement helps to understand the oral historical journey from the Qawwali to the present status of jalsa. Dalit artists as protestors carry out Ambedkar’s philosophy for the annihilation of caste.

Subaltern theory gives a lens to know Dalit’s pain and anti-caste movements through Maharashtrian Dalit creativity (jalse, song, shahiri and other forms). Dalit subaltern scholarship consisted of well-known scholars like Gayatri Spivak, Ranjit Guha and so on. They find that the voice of the subaltern is unspoken in history. Thus, this research exposes a subaltern theory as part of the discussion to know Dalits’ pain and exclusion and untouchability ³ and their reply through creative art forms. This creates a hierarchical environment and Dalit rangbhoomi gives a voice to subalterns so they can speak. A scholarly discussion on Gayatri Spivak and other scholars’ ideas helps to know Dalit subalternity and its response through creative arts (songs and shahiri). Dalit subaltern’s cultural resistance as an assertion needs to be explored from Maharashtrian folk art, and for this, a data analysis method is used for collecting data from a long history of Dalit art from the Qawwali to the present jalse status. Historical and critical approaches to this article help to analyse Ambedkar’s legacy of the anti-caste idea. It also focuses on the gender role of women’s contribution to folk arts.

This art has not been a part of mainstream discourse as it represents Dalits. Dalit discourse aims to resist the dominant ideology of caste and gender discrimination in Maharashtrian folk and popular art forms. A model of cultural resistance and subalternity needs to be examined closely to understand Dalit issues and it creates anti-caste discourse through their subaltern voice. A theoretically, analytical caste and gender discriminatory approach helps to analyse the role of Dalit rangbhoomi in Dalits’ life. The significance of this study is to understand the assertion of Dalits through various art forms. However, musical theatre traditions are the assertion of Dalits. Dalits get inspiration from Ambedkar and turn to spread Ambedkar’s ideas by singing songs, narrating Ambedkar’s stories and enchanting Shahiris, whereas writers likewise started narrating their self-experiences; their real experiences have been waved in autobiographies. For this, scholars like Morve, Jaideva, Paswan and Waghmore explore ideas on Dalit subalternity and give a sense of Dalit struggle against caste hierarchy and social exclusion (Waghmore, 2013).

Literature Review

In India, some issues define the injustice and hierarchical nature of the caste system. Consequently, the protest began to break this institutionalized caste system where these voices were closed on the ground. Dalits believe that the Hindu caste system does not have a space for women; thus, they are struggling for Dalit women’s rights. In the past, the Hindu religion and society considered women as inferior, subjugated, weak and disposed to enter into the temple. But now, women can enter the temple with certain restrictions (there are regulations for them). Women cannot enter the temple during their menstruation period. Generally, she could not and cannot go to certain places even today. In short, there are/were restrictions on women in temples to enter. These regulations dazzle gender inequality. However, in this restricted male world, Dalit women are coming out, contributing as equal to males, writing their stories and criticizing caste and gender issues. So, the role of women in Ambedkari jalse, Satyashodhak jalse and Qawwali are highlighted in this article (see Paik, 2017, 2020; Maitreya, 2018, 2019a, 2019b).

Paik’s (2020) work highlights women’s role in Tamasha; her Dalit women’s discourse study brings us back to the radicle role of Tamashagiri women and their resistance to Brahmin women’s cultural practice. Maitreya’s study of Dalit jalse aims to awaken villagers and to carry Ambedkar’s legacy of annihilation of caste provides a significant discussion to understand Dalit subalterns’ reply to their subalternity. Most importantly, Gayatri Spivak’s (1988a, 1988b) subaltern theory helps to understand Dalit’s subalternity so that with other scholars’ views, one can address the issues. The subaltern theory demonstrates a gap from mainstream to accepting subaltern voices; their voice is neglected by elite/upper caste/class groups. Thus, this Dalit study of Maharashtrian rangbhoomi attracts all and tries to reach us with their pain and struggle journeys. Bellur (2021) says,

It is clear that traditions of musical resistance continue to facilitate the preservation of Dalit history and selfhood and can certainly be viewed as an archive of oral history that allows one to access subaltern voices otherwise missing from mainstream narratives of Maharashtrian history and identity.

Further taking the argument, Oommen says (1990, p. 255), ‘The usual tendency is to view Sanskritisation as a cultural process aimed at bringing about changes in the lifestyle of Dalits because Dalits embraced it reluctantly and the upper castes invariably opposed it’ (cited in Michael, 1999, p. 95). In India’s post-independent and postcolonial times, Dalit issues persisted; pathetically, we can see Dalit’s life is shady with abundant social and political issues.

Despite a criticism of subalternity, it is important to acknowledge the research strengths to focus on untouched areas of Dalit jalse; particularly, its grassroots content of Satashodhak and Ambedkari jalse and the social understanding it brings to the discussion of Dalit people’s experiences and resistances. This article offers valuable insights into the role of cultural practices in the anti-caste movement and highlights the importance of Dalit jalse as a form of subaltern reply to subalternity. However, for the article to fulfil its potential as a significant contribution to the field of Dalit studies, it requires further study of Dalits as a comparative study with other popular forms in India.

A Response to Spivak

‘Dalit’ is a marginal or lower caste group. The Dalit term is associated with the oppressed group and represents as an ‘untouchable’. After Gayatri Chakravarty Spivak’s theoretical term of a ‘subaltern’ can also be used for Dalits. Subaltern is considered a substitute for Dalit. Not only Dalit term is limited to Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribes but Dalit is an identity that represents vulnerable groups, such as Muslims (a poor economic group from Muslims, not who believe in caste hierarchy), women (women considered as Dalit due to its long history of gender exclusion) (see Ganguly, 2000), Scheduled Caste (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) including the other weaker sections of society. For more understanding of ‘Dalit’, Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar’s collection of Volumes (1–17) has given detailed knowledge about the past Dalit community in Maharashtra and other Indian states of Dalits.

Now, it has a vibrant inclusion among Dalit groups. These groups present as a disadvantaged population. They have become victims of caste and gender-based discrimination, inequality and an unjust caste system. This systematic caste corruption has persisted in the Maharashtrian society and exploited Dalits under caste oppression. To raise the Dalit issues, the emergence of the ‘Dalit Panther Movement’ existed in 1972–1977. This movement was inspired by ‘America’s Black Panther Movement’ in Maharashtra which used the term Dalit broadly to include landless labourers and the poor of all castes. The word Dalit is used mostly to refer to the untouchable (Acchut) castes in Indian politics. Dalit Panther is led by the Maharashtrian Dalits named Raja Dhale, organizers Arjun Dangle, Namdeo Dhasal and J. V. Pawar.

In the problem of subaltern consciousness, Spivak mentions that a productive discussion on subaltern consciousness cannot appear without the thought of the ‘elite’, ‘the instituted trace at the origin’ is a representation of the deconstructive critique of simple origins (Spivak, n.d., p. 203). A response to Spivak’s ‘The Subaltern Cannot Speak’, I find that the Dalits have a spoken history and their activism is also part of the active participation of Dalits. Politically Dalit voices have been neglected by the mainstream. To Spivak’s line, ‘the subaltern-effect is internal to hegemonic narratives, the subaltern-as-difference is structurally excluded since it is silenced or subject to epistemic violence’ (cited in Piu, 2023, p. 1264). A critical study of well-known scholars like Antonio Gramsci, Gayatri Spivak, Ranajit Guha and Gyanendra Pandey on the subaltern position provides a hegemonic powerful upper class world where subaltern voices have been suppressed (Pandey, 2009).

Bhattacharjee’s (2019) study is about Sati-suicide/Sati Pratha in India analysed through Dalit autobiographical narrative Manohar Mouli Biswas’s ‘Surviving My World’ (2013), Amodini Ghosh’s ‘Foska Gero’ (‘Loose Ties’ 1931) a novella and Sibaji Bandyopadhyay’s ‘Latar Din’ (‘Lata’s Day’ 2007). Woman as a subaltern is a question of ideology. To make a link with the subaltern study and Dalit jalse, Imran et al. wrote an article on Afghanistani women’s autobiographies in reply to Spivak. They argue,

Spivak’s idea of subaltern has been deconstructed and needs to be re-read and understood in the context of Afghan women’s autobiographies. In answer to Spivak, yes, the subaltern can speak to resist patriarchal voices, speak against women’s subjugated situation and talk about women’s emancipation (Imran et al., 2023, p. 1)

Similarly, Spivak’s subaltern subjectivity resistance can be seen through Maharashtrian jalse where Dalit and women are raising issues through the mediums of songs and performances. Spivak (1988a) writes about patriarchy and imperialism, the subjugation of women between subject (law) and object of knowledge (repression). Spivak’s (1988a, 1988b) subalternity has been explored through historical, political and sociological perspectives. Her knowledge in these fields find that subaltern positions resist hegemony and capitalism ideology.

Dalits were not allowed to enter the Hindu temples (even today, there is no such welcoming environment for Dalits, see, India Today, 2022) and did not have accessibility to sources equal to Brahmin. Dalits’ profession was divided according to the caste of a person, like Chambhar, Kumbhar, Mali and so on. So, all jobs and professional works were divided on the basis of caste. But today, the profession has no such limitations (see Ajotikar, 2022; Saranya, 2017), anyone can do any work but still not as such change we can see in the work of lower level of jobs. However, caste-based discriminatory behaviour brings inequality between a binary – among two groups as upper and lower castes (see Morve & Wen, 2022).

Dalit students are studying in schools, colleges and universities but the sense of being others and exclusion has not yet gone. However, Dalit protests began to oppose the dominant and hierarchical ideological system of Hindus and to break these boundaries. According to Dalit, the Hindu caste system divides people into four Hindu varnas hierarchies Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra. After thousands of centuries of exclusion, Dalits came out and rebelled against this Brahmanical system. They demand Dalit rights, fight for dignity and struggle for equality. Thus, Dalit artists choose a form of Shahiri and other jalse mediums to tell their exploitation and cultural assimilation challenges. As a result, social transformation and movements have been raised in Dalit voices.

A Role of Creative Artists as Qawwals, Shahirs and Singers: Dalit Rangbhoomi

Dalit Panther Movement’s inspirational figures were Jyotiba Phule, Prof Shripad Mahadev Mate (Marathi writer and a social reformer). Dr B. R. Ambedkar – their social work and ideology brought sensibility to the Dalit community (Ambedkar, 1979). Sangeet jalsa (music party) started in 1910 and Satyashodhak jalse in 1918. The ‘1930s were the beginning of the Ambedkar Shahiri era in Maharashtra after the gradual decline of Satyashodhak jalsa which was inspired by Mahatma Phule’s ideals (Shahiri is a Maharashtrian ballad singing tradition that is a thousand years old)’ (Maitreya, 2019a, 71). Phule started ‘Satyashodhak jalsa’. This was a time when the Mahatma Phule’s thoughts were spreading like wildfire. He was making people aware of the domination of ‘Bhat, Brahmin, Kalam, Kasai’ and uniting people against the Brahminical hegemony (Chohan, 2019). The rich history and specific forms of Tamasha, as performed by Dalit communities across villages were also part of the popular cultural form and it ‘consists of a mix of song, poetry, skits, dance, and mimicry’ (Paik, 2020). Interestingly, the journey of Tamasha (see Morve, 2014a) from the ninth to the thirteenth century (during the Mughal period) was to entertain elite people. Paik focuses on the oral history of Mangalatai Bansode (the daughter of Vithabai), a rare and powerful Dalit professional Tamasgir (Tamasha performer) woman and also troupe leader, to examine the ways she repeatedly performed the ‘obscene’ and the ‘erotic’, to earn her livelihood while she also contested and purposefully negotiated patriarchy, public politics and, most importantly, larger shifting structures of ‘tradition’ and ‘modernity’ (Paik, 2020, p. 171).

The Brahman depicted Tamasha entertainers and entertainment as ‘immoral’, ‘vulgar’ and relegated Tamasha to the realm of ‘folk art’. There is a conflict between Dalit and Savarna ⁴ communities, non-Dalit male artists as well as the state government have sought to sanitize Tamasha’s performance. Tamasha women negotiate and renegotiate (i.e. through wearing black-beaded mangalsutra/necklace—in Maharashtra, upper caste women wear it after marriage but Tamashgiri women resist this practice and without marriage also they wear this mangalsutra to continually disrupt and deprive dominant classes of their norms and powers), selectively appropriating certain traditional Brahmani practices, mimicking them and generating broad possibilities and power for herself (Paik, 2017).

Oral literature has played a great role in reaching common people. Marathi Dalit oral literature has Bhim Geet Prampara/Bhim Song Tradition and Dalit Pratirodh Sangit Prampara/Dalit anti-caste Music Tradition; Qawwal and Street singers explore their immense singing techniques in many presentations where they all have the same aim to sing on Ambedkar’s life and to express Dalit’s struggle. Powade, Ovi or Lavani later became mostly part of Ambedkari jalse. Dholaki, tutuna and other local Dalit-made instruments were their used as musical instruments. Sangeet bari (musical performance) is mostly performed by Dalits (Kaikadi, Kolhari, Dombari and so on). In these kinds of songs, one can find all kinds of flavour —Ambedkar’s philosophical teaching, the praise of Bhima/Ambedkar, comedy, tragedy and so on. These traditions are a ladder to make people aware of Dalit’s exploitation and enlighten them with Ambedkar’s ideas. Kakde mentions a transformation during the pre-Ambedkar period, the Ambedkar period and the post-Ambedkar period. In the pre-Ambedkar period, Mahatma Phule’s Stayashodhak Samaj established to educate people and in the Ambedkar period, Bhimrao Kardak’s Ambedkari jalse were emerged for social consciousness and transformation. In the post-Ambedkar period, Dalit Natya Chalwal began and many plays have presented social issues and the Dalit movement where Mahatma Phule and Ambedkar’s views revived for a positive change in society (Kakde, 2015).

Qawwali traced back to the eighth century in Persia. Qawwali and Sufi music is rooted in semi-classical music in India and encompasses Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. Qawwali was performed at a dargah in medieval India and continued till the Mughal and Britisher periods (zamindar/land owners and rich were part of this). Several qawwals sing/perform in honour of the pir whose urs is being celebrated (Bhattacharjee & Alam, 2012). Sabri Brothers and Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan exposed audiences in the West to the sounds of Qawwali (Gaind-Krishnan, 2020). Qawwali’s other form also emerged as a Bhim Qawwali (Marathi ‘Mala Tuzya Rakta Madla Bhim Pahude’, Bhoojpuri ‘Yeh jo teri daulat hai woh Bheem ki badaulat hai’ and Hindi ‘Zulmon ka paash tod diya mere Bheem ne’) and these are famous across India. In jalsa, Dalit Gazhal, qawwal and Shahir artists could get the opportunity to show their talent to carry the oral traditional popular forms of entertainment and to educate people. With less infrastructure and facilities, these artists have been entertaining society. The audience empathized and felt pain in their body after knowing Dalit’s painful and caste-based discriminatory journey. As a result, they whisper for their community’s struggle. Morve writes that Dalits’ experiences of untouchability can be seen in modern forms of caste discrimination and identity crisis. Also, cultural identity and marginality struggle for existence represent the Dalits’ pain (Morve, 2014b, 2014c). These painful journeys convey the full extent of the social and cultural significance of Dalit jalse in challenging caste-based discrimination. References to the stereotypical and painful experiences of Dalit untouchability can be seen in research and these are elaborated upon with specific examples from the research (see Adagale, 2015; Dhanda, 2009; Morve, 2014a; Morve & Wen, 2022).

Dalit Shahiri and songs were mostly likable in Maharashtra, particularly by Dalits – today, people like it but social performances are fading, collapsing and, to some extent, let up to organize. Due to the growing usage of digitalization, emerging technologies like mobile, smartphones, laptops, television and other devices. Ambedkari jalsa is seen as part of the revolution—in the form of a protest to fight against social and political injustice. Dalit rangbhoomi is a part of Ambedkar’s philosophy to sensitize and they use only Dalit-made musical instruments. However, the first Shahir who began this jalsa tradition was Bhimrao Kardak from Maharashtra. Dalit Shahir artists enthusiastically participated and enchanted their Shahiris in a group. They read Ambedkar’s ideas and written work and cited his speeches are communication mediums. Dalit artists play a significant role in bringing Dalit consciousness—they use humour, satire, farce and comic styles to entertain the audience. The Shahiris worked as a movement to spread their anti-caste idea. People gather in a public place and on the stage, Shahir sings with a musical background given by a musical instrument player—Shahir enchants rhythmic lines—in this, they use a poetic tone of the music. Ambedkari jalsa became popular and people gathered to listen to these Dalit artists. They aim to gain the treasure of knowledge about Ambedkar and to understand the caste oppression in Maharashtrian society. At that time, people had fewer communication facilities for commuting from one place to another. Thus, people used to walk miles and miles and some came by bullock cart to attend these jalse.

After Maharashtra’s Bhajan and Tamasha, Maharashtrians accepted jalse or mahefil of Dalit Shahir. Yuvak Sangit Jalsa Sangh and Sonawane’s jalsa (led by Ramchandra Sonawane. He was a Dalit activist) were also likable to villagers. These performances were used to perform in slums or village areas as a voice of protest. Well-known names of Shahirs are Patitpavandas, Shahir Bhimrao Kardak, Shahir Kerubua Gaykwad, Ramchandra Adangale, Shahir Dalitanand, Shahir Dinbandhu Shegavkar, Lokshahir Vithhal Umap, Lokshahir Annabhau Sathe, Rajananad Gadpayle and Vamandada Kardak.

Sambhaji Bhagat is a well-known Dalit shahir today. His approximately 16-year-old song (‘Bhimraja re, mahya Bhima, majh Bhim mala bhetato Baai…’) sung in praise of Bhima (Ambedkar), is the most popular in Maharashtra. In the emergence of a digital world, Sambhaji Bhagat succeeds in creating his place. Sambhaji was invited to the interview with Ravish Kumar (on NDTV Indian Hindi News Channel, dated 15 April 2016). The interview title was ‘Songs in Praise of Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar’. He opines that women are lower in society and Dalit women are even at a lower place than upper caste women; Ambedkar has worked for all Indian women (class and caste), so he narrates Bhima’s song from the women’s perspective of how women’s gratitude to Ambedkar and everywhere they can see only Bheema. In another interview with a News Lokmat Channel (2018), he demonstrates that Ambedkar’s work for Dalits was highlighted only due to the Maharashtrian oral literary tradition.

Mukta Salve to Nodeep Kaur always contribute to anti-caste movements. In Maharashtra folk songs always remain a form of assertion for women. There are many Shahiri songs in an anti-caste movement written by Dalit women Shahirs that talk about Dalit women’s issues (Kshirsagar, 2021). Women Shahir and the audience also could participate in jalsa. In the past, Dalit women sang songs. This was part of women’s entertainment way. While doing their domestic work – grinding wheat or grain on stone/chakki/jaat (round shape and stone made a traditional old machine of mixing grains), they sign. This song is called ‘Jatyavarchya Ovya’ (i.e., Dalit women’s song):

‘Mahadchya talavach pani petal ga Baai, tya talyaal majhya Bhimachi chhabi phetal ga Bai, Mai ga Mai, majhi Bhimaaiy, Nalandachya gyaan jharyaana shodhin ga Baai, ujedachya lakho lenya ghadwin ga Baai, Mayi ga majhi Ramayi majhi Bhimaayi Aayi ga…’ (Shahir Shital Sathe’s jalsa Part 1). ‘म्हाड़च्या तलावाच पाणी पेटल ग बाई, त्या तळ्याला माझ्या भीमाची छबी फेटल ग बाई, माई ग माई, माझी भीमाई, नालंदाचे ज्ञान झाऱ्याने शोधिन ग बाई, उजेडाच्या लाखो लेन्या घड़विन ग बाई, माई रमाई, माझी भिमाई आई ग….’

The water of the Mhad lake burned, Oh lady, the image of my Bhima fell on that lake, Oh lady, mother Oh my mother, my Bhimai, the knowledge of Nalanda was sought by the stream, millions of caves’ lights will be shining, oh lady, my Ramai, my Bhimai, oh my mother…. (Trans. by Morve)

The Dalit women’s participation in revolutionary songs and their respect for Ambedkar and Ramabai (his wife).

Figure 1 mentions that after independence, young women like Shital Sathe (today known as a Vidrohi Kavi/Revolutionary poetess and Shahir) gave their singing performances on television and in jalsa. Like Shital, other Marathi women also participate in jalsa and perform. However, due to a lack of documentation about past historical Dalit Rangbhoomi, we fail to know many great women artists’ contribution. Women’s voices are so louder and clearer to understand their positive and intellectual ideas, creating goosebumps. Now, this jalsa has broken the boundary and inspired Punjabi singers; Ginny Mahi (a Punjabi singer) participated in the recently organized Pune’s Shahi jalsa (see Maharashtra Times, 2019). This Ambedkari jalse give a platform to Dalit singers and Shahirs across Maharashtra state to perform. Thus, this journey indicates that jalse have spread a root in Maharashtrian society and created a remarkable platform for Dalits.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Figure 1.

Source: Maharashtra Times (2019).

Due to television, very few live jalse have been performed today. But on digital media platforms—WhatsApp, Twitter and YouTube (see YouTube, 2013, 2017)—revive jalse tradition where Dalits participate and express their pain via singing songs/reciting poems or live videos or recording clips. Due to this, an international Maharashtrian Dalit diaspora also could access and watch these videos internationally. After this discussion, it is significant to discuss Dalit-written literature and its contribution to Maharashtrian society.

A Role of the Dalit Jalse in the Making of Critical Awareness About the Ambedkar Life and Legacy

The journey of Dalit’s origin, their oral history and Dalits’ endeavours are interesting to know the peripheral situation and anxiety to control a Dalit voice. Moreover, Dalit protest literature addresses their issues and is deeply rooted in Maharashtra’s caste-based challenges (see Jogdand, 1997; Maitreya, 2018, 2019a, 2019b; Paik, 2009; Sinharay, 2019; Ucko, 2002; Viswanathan, 2008). There is a connection between Maharashtrian jalse and the Bihari mela. Mela and jalse both have the same aim and objectives to celebrate. Sarah Beth (2005) takes us to the journey of the streets: Dalit mela and the public performance of Dalit cultural identity. Her study connects to the Dalit mela and public space in Bihar state, India. However, the literature is meant to raise a certain political consciousness among the Dalit community, which can be seen in 1935. Dalit mela was organized by Bihar’s Dusadh jati (SCs) were celebrate Chuharmal (Dalit’s hero). Dalits’ engagement with the public spheres by considering the distribution of a vibrant stream of Dalit literature at Dalit melas. Dalit’s unawareness of their exploitation and struggle among the SC community has been widespread through this mela. A distribution of Dalit pamphlet literature in Hindi creates a public space to start the discourse about the Dalit’s historical exploitation and make them remember their Dalit heroes’ sacrifices.

Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar is India’s social reformer, philosopher and great revolutionary figure. He started social reformation—against ‘Hindu’s Brahmanical Ideology’—believed in the deconstruction of power, burned Manu Smriti in Nagpur and led to a Dalit movement for social justice. Beyond caste discrimination, he raised a voice against patriarchy—to empower women, especially for Sati Pratha/Sati Practice (in India, there was a tradition to burn a widow alive [self-immolation] after her husband’s funeral fire, which abolished on 4 December 1829). He supported women’s rights, equality and second marriage rights for the widow. After Ambedkar’s long struggle, people became conscious of Dalit (lower caste, untouchable or the Government of India has categories as SCs, STs and OBCs and women are also considered as Dalit) exploitation by upper caste and come together to fight against anti-caste—social and political behaviour of excluding lower caste group. The assertion of Dalits can be seen in society and their assertion seeks dignity and equality.

The performative sphere became a critical site for the Satyashodhaks, to register their antipathy towards Brahmin hegemony of the public sphere. The Satyashodhak jalse started in the early 1890s. Gajanan Bhingardive’s pioneering work Satyashodhak jalse: Parampara, Swaroop Aani Vaatchal deals with a crucial void in the existing literature on the non-Brahmin movement. Bhingardive and jalsakars work provides information on battles against Brahmin retaliation and defending their rights to perform in long-drawn-out court battles. There are non-Brahmin (e.g. Mukundrao Patil and Onopant Kulkarni) participation to reflect and analyse caste and casteism in everyday life. In a public event like yatras, jatras, village weekly bazaars and other social and cultural events, jalse become a part of life interacting, discussing and even fiercely debating issues of religion, individual rights and Brahmin hegemony in the public sphere (Thube, 2022).

After Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism, Garud’s grandfather engaged with Ambedkar’s mission. He and his troupe started to organize Ambedkari jalse. Their songs would highlight the fight for equity, the right to lead a respectful life and Ambedkar’s mission towards the emancipation of Dalits and annihilation of caste. Their jalsa troupe went on to perform and enlighten people for the next two decades (Garud, 2017). The jalsa tradition uses folk songs that mark the beginning of identity, self-respect and power struggle in the Dalit political discourse. It helps them to highlight the struggle for equity through music and use their songs for something other than mere entertainment (Chaudhary, 2022).

Maitreya writes,

The next watershed was the inception of Ambedkar’s anti-caste movement in 1927. It was at this time that Ambedkari jalsa was born, and shahiri – now almost a century-old performative act of singing a story–acquired a truly rebellious form in which the world otherwise hidden from society was made visible. These songs, written and sung by shahirs in the language of the masses, became the most genuine companions of Mahars and a few other Dalit castes in Maharashtra. (2018)

In Dalit rangbhoomi, ‘Satya Shodhaki jalse’ and ‘Ambedkari jalse’ actively became part of this movement to bring a revolution to the Varna system. Due to Ambedkar’s stand on caste and gender equality, women as Dalits also were inspired. They dynamically participated in jalsa and shahir mehfil (a gathering of people called mehfil or jalsa). The core of jalsa is for artists to circulate ideas among the uneducated group in a simple way where everyone can enlighten, educate and have a touch of Dalit social consciousness. Thus, jalse were organized in small villages, Dalit gallis/blocks and in many cities (like Solapur, Nashik, Aurangabad and other Maharashtra) in the Marathi language. ⁵

Gore (1993) strongly accepts protest or movement as the core of Ambedkar’s ideology (cited in Lal, 2003, p. 313). By following this philosophy, Ambedkar’s followers were inspired by his ideas. Dalits started to raise their voices to break the caste fence and spread Ambedkar’s ideas through oral songs through the medium of Dalit theatre. Through this, they could reach to kheduk/villagers and the uneducated so that everyone could enlighten, educate and come to know about their rights. Dalit Shahirs used jalse as a medium to present vivid expressions about inhuman behaviour, the struggle of the downtrodden under the caste hierarchy and disputes among Dalits and non-Dalits to resist the politics of the upper caste. For this counteract, jalse movement played a significant role in collecting all Dalits against this exclusionary caste behaviour witnessed for thousands and thousands of years. There were many socio-political movements, including the Dalit Panther Movement (1970), the Dalit Buddhist Movement and Temple Movements for Liberation.

Maitreya writes about the role of the Dalit jalse in the making of critical awareness about the Ambedkar’s life and legacy (annihilation of caste) to appeal quickly to villagers while entertaining them. For this, the government of Kolhapur had the support to jalsa scheme. Bhimrao Kardak played a major role in spreading the Satyashodhak movement in villages. His songs, and a troupe, their writings and performances gave the Ambedkari movement a means of proliferation. When a Bheem Geet or anti-caste song is played out loud in public or when a shahir sings passionately against exploitation anywhere in the nation, much is owed to Kardak and his association and their imagination of what music can and ought to be and do. Together, they made Ambedkar a part of the musical consciousness that is popular among people till today in its own unique way (Maitreya, 2019b).

Conclusion

It has been found that Dalits’ self-consciousness makes them aware of the world’s challenges (unemployment, poverty, no good shelters for living, inequality, untouchability, mob lynching of Dalits and other issues related to their life). Ambedkar’s social movement is remarkable, followed by the Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Savitri Bai Phule, Fatima Sheikh, Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Dayananda Saras. The artists, singers and writers have carried out this legacy. Their entertaining mediums and genres have followed the different practices under Ambedkar’s ideology. Dalit Maharashtrian jalse inspires to anti-caste movement. Paswan and Jaideva say about a protest in literature, ‘It is symbolic of the changing times from the past to the present. It results from frustrations and disgust, taboos and fake beliefs. The literature of protest is the new generation’s voice in every generation’ (Paswan & Jaideva, 2004, p. 25). Dalit rangbhoomi is the platform to influence the young generation to transfer their painful stories and reflect on thousand-and-thousand years of brutal oppression and anti-caste ideas to deconstruct the Indian caste system. Dalit jalsa artists have created a unique route where the writers have followed and carried the legacy. The Dalit artists are the media for circulating Ambedkar’s message, ideas and vision to protest against Brahmanical ideology. My response through this study to Spivak is subaltern can speak. They (Dalits) speak through jalse and oral songs and performances. There is a need to change society, so social and political equal opportunities to Dalits are required to give equality.

For further research, a rigorous discussion on Dalit and non-Dalit writing on Dalit can be a part of the research. There is a scope to work on women’s contributions to protest literature. Their positive contribution and the invisible role will help to understand the distance between upper and lower caste women. ‘In the twenty-first century, Dalit women would question the policing of their freedom and autonomy. This is already happening in some parts of the country’ (Thapar, 2000, p. 128). Thus, women’s rights and equality can be another focus on the area of understanding Dalit protest literature from a woman’s perspective. Besides this, there is also scope for a comparative study of Dalit and black studies by applying the postcolonial theories in their protest writing. However, this article is limited to not decking the issue in detail. As a new term, subaltern, researchers can study the Dalit voice as a subaltern sharpened by applying the Marxist theory. At the same time, the study will also make sense of understanding from the postmodern perspective. This study also can be extended through the immigrant’s Punjabi Dalit perspective (based in the United Kingdom) on how ‘Dalits perceive larger religious, immigrant, national contexts and the intra-personal relations’. ⁶