Abstract
Although in recent times a growing number of women are entering into occupations that were traditionally dominated by men, these gains have not been equally realized. In the state of Jharkhand, a group of women have broken the occupational stereotypes and have become auto drivers, of vehicles that have suitably been named Pink Autos. An empirical study was undertaken to explore the intrinsic as well as extrinsic factors that have affected their occupational choice to break the stereotype. The results provide insights into the driving factors for the success for women micro-entrepreneurs.
Keywords
Introduction
The last decade has seen a noticeable shift in the social and economic climate in India with many traditional and conservative practices and conceptions giving way to new things. However, despite the most striking feature that the market is more or less equally divided between men and women, significant differences still continue in terms of occupational choices by them (Broverman, Vogel, Broverman, Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz, 1972; Jansen & Gellner, 2015; Weisgram et al., 2010). A number of occupations continue to be dominated by men, that is, occupations like the armed forces, manufacturing and construction that are still considered historically suited to men because of their association with physical strength and aggression. Although in recent times a growing number of women are entering into occupations that were traditionally dominated by men, these gains have not been equally realized. A number of professions for example, accounting, journalism and general medicine have started having feminization. In the state of Jharkhand, a group of women have broken the occupational stereotype and have become auto drivers of vehicles that have suitably been named as pink autos. These auto rickshaws are meant for women passengers, driven by women auto-drivers. The present study sets to explore the intrinsic as well as extrinsic factors that have affected their occupational choice to break the stereotype.
Jharkhand, a state with abundance of natural resources, is also gifted with land suitable for agricultural activities. Women in Jharkhand have traditionally been engaged in agrarian activities and have been equal contributors to the economic well-being of the households. During the colonial period, the area witnessed the emergence of capitalist enterprises which saw this area serve as a big labour catchment area. A number of tribal women contributed to workforce that was required for these enterprises. Even in independent India and well till the modern times, women from this region look for opportunities to contribute economically in occupations that may be considered traditional or in areas that are still dominated by men.
Women, in particular, even if they have made inroads into the masculine domains are led by their own perception about the occupation. If they feel that they do not fit the macho stereotype that is required in the occupation, it affects their motivation to enter or remain in these occupations (Peters, Ryan, & Haslam, 2015). Although there could be several factors that account for the differential penetration of women into these occupations, one of the major factors seems to be the gendered nature of occupational stereotypes. Although a large number of studies on gender stereotypes have been found, there seems to be a huge gap in the literature about women in the southeastern region of India and their occupational choices in terms of existing stereotypes.
In the state of Jharkhand, a group of women have broken the occupational stereotype and have become auto drivers of vehicles that have suitably been named as ‘pink autos’. These auto rickshaws are meant for women passengers, driven by women auto-drivers. The impact of female transport services being run in other cities in India has been life-changing for the female drivers as well as the passengers. The venture was started on 10 November 2012 as a collaborative effort between Jharkhand State Diesel Auto Union and Rajmoni Properties, a private real estate group that was keen on investing in a social cause. The idea was conceptualized when a worker’s relative was brutally raped and thrown out while travelling alone during the night in an auto. The idea to start a female transport service was hence initiated by Sanjay Sahu, the proprietor of Rajmoni Properties, to maintain the safety and dignity of women in the city and also to empower women to become entrepreneurs and have financial independence. A group of women, mostly from the poor background, were motivated to take up the training course for becoming auto drivers. Despite the initial hiccups mostly due to the perception in families of this being a male dominated occupation, 40 females signed up for the training programme. After weeks of training and practice sessions, 12 females got the licence and the local administration fixed the routes where these female drivers would ply the autos. Currently, there are 35 female auto drivers and 6 of the trained drivers are now also the owners of their vehicles, and the others are waiting to repay their loan amount to the bank and the real estate company that provided them with the down payment. These women are able to make around ₹3,000–6000 in a month and are immensely satisfied with their chosen occupation, their uniform and vehicle being pink truly representing independence, mobility, employment and the hope of a better life.
Literature Review
Occupational Stereotypes
In describing the meaning of stereotypes, Loosemore and Tan Chin (2000) go to the origin of the term, that was introduced as early as in 1922 by Lippman to refer to people’s tendency to categorize others into distinct social groups and to generalize the traits that distinguish all the members of one group from others. These traits are usually based on over-simplistic generalizations, faulty reasoning and motivational biases. Studies have found that people stereotype because the cognitive process of categorization simplifies perception and the stimuli into manageable categories (Hogg & Abrams, 1988; Sawin, 1995). Several authors also claim that these stereotypes are grounded in people’s belief systems, which, in turn, affect their behaviour. The authors claim that such belief systems are often times so ingrained in the mindsets that makes people become resistant to change stereotypes (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1981; Brewster-Smith, 1972; Nelson, Acker, & Manis, 1996; Sawin, 1995). One of the other characteristics of the stereotypes is that they are contagious, influencing even those who do not believe in them (Azar, 1997).
A number of studies on stereotypes (Hinton, 2000; Rake & Lewis, 2009; Sanderson, 2010; Sargeant, 2011; Schneider, 2004) find that stereotypes are usually based on perceptions that can result in prejudice. Several studies consider these stereotypes to be based on gender (Eagly & Karau, 2002; Kreitner & Kinicki, 2004), which can have an impact on behavioural aspects of men and women. For instance, in these studies (Larkin, 2008; Oswald, 2003), it was found that women are perceived to be submissive, emotional, affectionate and more creative than men, and more fit for professions in education, government and social services, whereas men are perceived to be assertive, aggressive, courageous, competitive and ambitious more suitable for occupations in finance, construction and engineering.
Few studies have termed this gender stereotype related to profession as ‘occupational stereotypes’. It has been defined as a preconceived attitude about a particular occupation, about people who are employed in that profession and suitability of an individual for a particular profession (Kassin, Fein, & Markus 2011; Lipton, O’Connor, Terry, & Bellamy, 1991). Infact as early as 1942 (Parson) a study showing difference between the genders was used as explanatory variable to understand differences in social behaviours including educational and occu-pational choice. Almost two decades back also studies demonstrated that stereo-types of people in different jobs exist (Lipton et al., 1991; McLean & Kalin, 1994). The advancement in knowledge, proliferation of information and govern-ment initiatives for creating an equitable economy, however, has had little impact over the years and a study conducted as recently as in 2015 that looks into the gendered, racial and sexual orientation stereotypes over a 10 year period in the USA, focussing on the millennial generation, shows no change in the perceptions over the years (Porter & Rosado-Solomon, 2015). Even in the recent times a significant body of literature has found that women are underrepresented in fields such as construction, engineering and science. The heterogeneity between individuals in these studies is often examined through the lens of gender and personality. The segregation of men and women into different occupations and different roles remains widespread, yet it would need around half of all women to move into a traditionally male dominated job in order to achieve full integration (Swanson, 2011). There is evidence that people’s perception of attributes that are required for certain occupations still continue to be strongly influenced by the number of men and women in that occupation. For instance, Cejka and Eagly (1999) demonstrated that participants had a very strong tendency to assume that in occupations that were dominated by men, stereotypically masculine attributes (such as physical strength and competitiveness) were necessary for success, but that in occupations that were dominated by women stereotypically feminine attributes (such as beauty and warmth) were instead necessary.
Cejka and Eagly (1999) also provided evidence that occupations could be distinguished on the basis of the extent to which they required stereotypically masculine or feminine physical, personality or cognitive characteristics. Impor-tantly, they found that occupations that were seen to require masculine physical and personality characteristics (e.g., strength and aggression) showed a more substantial fit with being male than occupations that required masculine cognitive characteristics (e.g., analytical thinking). The former occupations were also rated as substantially less attractive by women than the latter occupations. Hence, certain occupations still go by the long held assumptions of the trade and the suitability of individuals working for it according to their gender.
There is a wealth of evidence to suggest that gender stereotypes has dis-advantaged women more because a number of occupations are off limit according to the expectations of what women are like and should be like. Gendered workplace stereotypes are not only descriptive of the characteristics and behaviour of people who belong to particular work groups but are also strongly prescriptive-serving to structure expectations about how people should act (Rudman & Glick, 2001).
Intrinsic and Extrinsic Factors for Breaking Occupational Stereotypes
Many of the studies consider the occupational choice to be based on gender (Cobb-Clark & Tan, 2009; Ham et al., 2009; Larson et al., 2002) according to which the decision to choose a particular career path or occupation is intrinsically linked to the personal characteristics of the individual. A number of recent literatures also draws upon psychological theories that consider the correlation between gender, personality type and certain occupational choice (Borghans et al., 2008; Furnham & Fudge, 2008; Heckman et al., 2006). These theories have significantly led Heckman et al. (2006) claim that personality has a greater effect on occupational choice and cognitive ability, and this finding is more pronounced among women.
Among the factors that help women choose their occupation, irrespective of the existing stereotypes are Ambition and Self-confidence and a sense of Independence. In several studies related to women entrepreneurs it has been found that women overcome the obstacles in starting a business through their confidence overcoming both family hostility and a culture of masculine advantage (Gill & Ganesh, 2007).
Stereotypes provide a standard against which individuals can be evaluated. The social identity perspective provides a basis for the expectation that stereotypes also provide a standard for people when thinking about their own careers, and deciding which occupations to pursue. Individuals who see themselves belonging to a certain group are more likely also to internalize its norms. In line with this, people who perceive that they possess attributes that are characteristics of members of a given occupation exhibit greater occupational engagement.
The aspects which have been highlighted in studies are that of social desirability (Freedman, Podsakoff, & MacKenzie, 1993), which consists of two factors-self-deception and impression management factor. While self-deception refers to the unconscious tendency to see oneself in a favourable light, impression management is the conscious presentation of a false front to create a favourable impression (Zerbe & Paulhus, 1987). Certain occupations require traits that are socially desirable, and the impression management has to be controlled accordingly. For example, a much early study (Broverman et al., 1972) found women to be more expressive, sensitive and warm but less competent, logical and objective. Men, on the other hand, are considered more decisive and strong and suitable for managerial positions, and considered as reasons why women are not considered for managerial positions (McKenzie, 1993). One of the major factors affecting a women’s choice of occupation is the supporting environment that includes her family and social environment.
Jansen and Gellner (2015) find that there is a strong relationship between occupational gender stereotypes and job satisfaction in the labour market. Considering every aspect of a job, women are not more or less satisfied in stereotypically male jobs than in stereotypically female jobs. However, women in stereotypically male jobs are less satisfied with their work climate and the content of tasks, but they are more satisfied with their income. The results of the study indicate that women in stereotypically male jobs trade off the negative effects of gender against higher income they are earning. They cite the theory by Akerlof and Kranton (2000) incorporating the social identity into the economic framework and argue that identity losses cause individual utility costs. Each individual belongs to certain social categories and these categories have certain attributes and prescribed behaviour. If individuals comply to the behaviours they gain utility but if they violate these behaviours they suffer identity losses in the form of utility costs. As every culture is prone to categorize members by gender, societies have strong prescriptions about gender specific behaviour. Hence, deviating from one’s socially expected behaviour in jobs associated with opposite sex puts a cost on the individual to conform to the expected behaviours. Therefore, the model predicts that women suffer utility costs if working in stereotypically male jobs, and vice versa.
Adachi (2013) also quotes the much earlier research of Gottfredson (1981, 1996), which demonstrated that people began to associate gender with occupations at an early stage of their life and gender appropriateness became an important factor when they chose occupations later in their life. In the study Adachi finds that between men and women, men had a stronger inclination to maintain those stereotypes. Wilbourn and Kee (2010) found out that gender stereotypes for women were less restrictive than men’s. According to Glick, et al. (1995), people formed occupational images based on the people who are engaged in the occupation rather than the task that the occupation involves. Once a certain occupation was dominated by a certain gender and conceived that the personal traits suitable for that occupation would be either masculine or feminine depending on the people who first took up the occupation.
The causes of the stereotypes are also due to some external factors, although in recent times women have been taking increasing interest in income-generating activities, self-employment and entrepreneurship (Jyoti, Sharma, & Kumari, 2011). The economic, social, religious, cultural and psychological factors affect origination and success of women entrepreneurs (Habib, Roni, & Haque, 2005). The reasons and motivations for starting business or economic activities are earning money, enjoying a better life, availability of loans and favourable government policies for women empowerment. Other reasons are a personal desire to utilize one’s skills and talents, assurance of family security, self-confidence, non-ability to find suitable job or work, or economic necessity (Afrin, Islam, & Ahmed, 2008).
Due to these enabling factors, women have been taking increasing interest in recent years in income generating activities-either through self-employment or by taking up even non-traditional activities (such as computer training, catering services, beauty parlour, gym, etc.). Once these professions are chosen by women the environment at their workplace is also a factor that affects their perception of the occupation and their own satisfaction.
Methodology
The present empirical study is an attempt to enrich the existing occupational stereotyping literature by analyzing the influence of intrinsic and extrinsic factors on entrepreneurial success of female auto drivers in the capital city of Ranchi, Jharkhand.
The details of data collection tools and techniques have been discussed in this section.
Sample Characteristics
The population of the study consisted of 35 Pink Autos in Ranchi. The researchers considered the entire population of female auto drivers of Ranchi for their study. An empirical study was undertaken by providing a questionnaire to all the 35 micro-entrepreneurs of Ranchi, Jharkhand.
Survey Instrument
A structured questionnaire, consisting of Parts A–C, was constructed in line with the research objectives of the study. Part B was adapted from Matharu, Changle, and Chowdhury (2016) and was based on a 5-point scale to identify the responses towards motivational factors for women micro-entrepreneurs. While Part C was adapted from Hendersen (1996) and was administered to assess the gender and occupational stereotyping in various male dominated professions and patriarchal societies. Part A captured the demographic profiles of the respondents. Based on the existing and relevant literature with an aim to collect the facts as well as to discern the various aspects of occupational stereotypes, an empirical study has been undertaken in Ranchi. The factors that motivated them to join this occupation were explored. One-on-one discussion with the female auto drivers was undertaken to understand the ground realities and to know of their viewpoints regarding the chosen occupation. Structured interviews were conducted and noted (with permission), which dealt with other aspects like their day-to-day challenges, family size, support from family, issues in child rearing, income generation, time management, challenges in the occupation and support from the local administration, police and the government.
Results and Discussion
The present study has used the IBM SPSS 20.0 package for analyzing the data. The Cronbach alpha was checked for the reliability of the instrument used. Other techniques like the descriptive statistics (mean, variance and standard deviation) and correlation were used. Relevant data were captured through the respondents and represented through graphs and charts.
Participants were primarily of the age group of 18–35 years. They relied on their occupation as their main source of income. Around 95 per cent of the respondents were married whilst the rest 5 per cent fell into the Single (Separated/divorced) category. The geographical nativity of the respondents varied across the districts of Jharkhand, namely Ranchi, Gumla, Lohardaga, Daltonganj, Bundu, etc. It was also notable that around 65 per cent of the respondents could not even complete their matriculation.
Looking at the mean values in Table 1, it was clearly discernible that the 35 women entrepreneurs who were considered for the study were high on self-confidence, had a deep desire to build wealth and were seeking opportunities for growth as well.
Descriptive Statistics
The mean and standard deviations shown in Table 2 have been calculated for the given sample. Among the independent variables, ambition has the highest mean, having a value of 20.828, whereas work environment shows the lowest mean with a value of 6.971. This denotes that the women entrepreneurs especially the female auto drivers who were considered in this study in Ranchi had adjustment issues in a male-dominated work environment.
Descriptive Statistics
Before undertaking further analysis, the instrument (19 items) was checked for its reliability, that is, Cronbach’s alpha (see Table 3). The initial value of Cronbach’s alpha (0.335) that was generated was not statistically acceptable. Hence, the researchers adopted the item scale deletion method (Hair, Anderson, Tatham, & William, 2006). After which the Cronbach alpha was 0.655 for 14 items. Nunnally (1978) indicated that though 0.7 is considered to be the threshold, new developed measures can be accepted with an alpha value of 0.60. Moreover, the use of any scale for the first time in a new culture can have a cut off value for the alpha coefficient as 0.60. Going by this, the researchers strongly felt that their scale reliability was very much within the acceptable range.
Reliability Statistics
The correlation coefficients of the independent variables of motivation-related factors, that is, ambition, supportive environment, confidence, affluence, inde-pendence, responsiveness and work environment have also been statistically calculated (see Table 4).
Correlation Matrix
It shows how well the variables are related to each other. It is observed that supportive environment and work environment (both extrinsic motivational factors) had a higher correlation of 0.654. This higher correlation is representative of the fact as reiterated by the women entrepreneurs that a supportive and strong peer group network helps in creation of an amicable and congenial work environ-ment. Many women entrepreneurs even bring in their school going children or kids to their place of work and manage the things with the support of their colleagues. For example, the researchers came across Ms. Heera Devi, a lady with immense grit and determination who brings in her baby of 31/2 months old to work and toils for not less than 10–12 hours per day. This has been her routine for almost 5 years now. Even the 7-year-old son of Savitri Devi joins her almost daily at her work after his school.
The next higher correlation of 0.426 was observed between the two intrinsic factors of ambition and independence.
The research consisted of Part C that looked into the empirical assessment of occupational stereotyping of the profession of auto drivers. Part C assessed the respondents preference towards choosing a particular gender if they were to be born again, choice towards a male/female supervisor, opinions based on gender and job fitness and viewpoints regarding whether men and women can equally perform on a job or not.
Figure 1 shows a strong preference of 52 per cent for the female gender by the women entrepreneurs. This indicates a general pride among the women with respect to the feminine attributes and qualities held by them currently and they have vociferously stated their inclination to be born again as a female. Only three to four women of the total of 35 respondents felt that being a male would make their lives much easier.
The Figure 2 indicated that, when the respondents were asked if they would ever switch jobs, what would be the preferred gender of their boss/supervisor. Majority of them were of the opinion that, if their ambitions, confidence and life goals were in place, the gender of their boss/supervisor was immaterial and had no role to play in their professional lives.
Figure 3 was an indication that despite the respondents (female entrepreneurs) taking a strong stance on the need for women empowerment and the growing versatility amongst women, they were quite accepting of the fact that both men and women are equally fit for a male stereotyped job.
Figure 4 shows that 85 per cent of the respondents strongly feel that any job can be performed equally by both men and women if proper and prior training is given to them.
Conclusion
The present study achieved its stated objective of exploring the female attitudes towards self-employment. This study also gives a detailed insight into the motivation-related factors such as ambition, supportive environment, confidence, affluence, independence, responsiveness and work environment, which can affect entrepreneurial initiation and success. The surveyed female entrepreneurs have chosen a traditional male bastion of being auto drivers and have contributed significantly to their profession. This is indicative through the high self-confidence among the female auto-drivers and their high sense of ambition and independence. Majority of them were of the opinion that, if their ambitions, confidence and life goals were in place, the gender of their boss/supervisor was immaterial and had no role to play in their professional lives.
The current study could correlate with the findings of Jansen and Gellner (2015) that had results that women in stereotypically male jobs trade off the negative effects of gender against higher income they are earning. Though the study by Glick et al (1995) has stated that people tend to form occupational images based on the individuals engaged in the occupation rather than the depicted activities of the occupation, the case of pink autos in Ranchi has shattered those preconceived notions and image forming and has set an example in other states in India (PrabhatKhabar,
Implications
The present study is a classic case that provides significant theoretical implications for the policy-makers and the government of Jharkhand for micro-entrepreneurship development and women empowerment. It also enhances the literature on female entrepreneurship and the demographic characteristics and personality attributes of such women. The study has also touched upon a rare, unknown and untapped case of female entrepreneurs of a Tier-II city of India that could provide critical insights into the occupational stereotyping aspects.
Limitations and Scope
Although the present study makes an attempt to analyze the effect of female attitudes towards self-employment and delves into the character of occupational stereotyping by choosing a male bastion, the research had its own limitations. Though the entire population of the study was chosen, it was still a seemingly less number. The lack of adequate number of respondents could be made up for, by including other exhaustive factors in the study. Similar such professions can be chosen for a comparative study. Also to eliminate the regional effects, cross-cultural studies can immensely contribute and add to the existing occupational stereotyping literature.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.