Abstract
The present article is based on empirical work carried out in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, where the women were displaced by the dam projects. The main objective of the study is to examine the socio-economic conditions of displaced women after being forcibly displaced from their ancestral home land. Dam projects are the symbol of the economic growth of a nation, but unfortunately, millions of people are being displaced by dam projects in India. What happened to their socio-economic condition? Are they properly resettled? Such questions are always unanswered. The respective government gives only monetary compensation to the whole family. It has been observed that after being forcibly displaced, the displaced women face a lot of socio-economic problems such as poverty, unemployment, being homeless, jobless, dowry issues, domestic violence and health issues.
Introduction
In Independent India, the hydropower project was considered a temple of modern India by the first generation leader (Judge, 1997). It is evident that the economic development strategy in India is largely nurtured at the cost of the Dalits, with a large section of the victims being tribals and lower castes (Advani, 2009). People are forcibly displaced by the dam projects from their ancestral land and ancestral property, and this disrupts their social relation, family structure and kinship structure (Kaushal, 2009). They are alienated from their traditional ancestral shrines, holy rivers, mountains, forests and traditional places of worship (Mishra, 2002). Displacement, resettlement and rehabilitation have been serious concerns for all developing countries, including India. Since, last 60 years, large numbers of hydropower projects have been constructed, more than 50 million people have been displaced and only 25% of displaced people were rehabilitated (Saxena, 2008). It has been seen that a large number of development projects have been poorly constructed and not properly implemented, resulting in an undesirable impact on the environment, affecting the quality of people’s lives (Saxena, 2008).
In an Indian patriarchal society, women are not given their due rights in the form of compensation in the resettlement package by the respective government. Nowhere, the land is registered in the name of women, and as such, they are totally neglected. Even the women heading households and widows do not get any compensation after being displaced. Men are the recognized heads of households; therefore, compensation is often paid only to them (Asthana, 2012).
Indian law and government policies also do not provide any relief to the displaced women. Gender inequality exists in all sections of the Indian society, whether it may be in jobs, families or in the matter of land rights or in compensation issues (Hemadri et al., 1999). These gender inequalities are clearly seen in mountain regions where women are the backbone of the hill economy and most men migrate to the plains in search of jobs (Nathan, 2009). Women are not given their due share in the compensation package as all the compensation, whether in the form of land or money, is issued in the name of the male member of the family and not jointly (Thukral, 1996). The ownership of landed property is an essential condition before one can claim compensation. Those who do not have property or those who are indirectly dependent on it cannot claim compensation (Advani, 2009). It has been observed that gender bias and discrimination can be seen in the Land Acquisition Act 1984 with regard to land ownership and other issues (Thukral, 1995).
The present study has focussed on displaced women in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, where they have been forcibly displaced from their ancestral home land due to the Thein and Baglihar dam projects. The study highlighted some socio-economic issues that displaced women face after displacement. It has been seen that the majority of displaced women face lots of challenges due to forced displacement, and they do not get any kind of compensation or resettlement facility.
Objective and Methodology
The present article is focussed on how development-induced displacement has changed the lives of displaced women and has rendered them poor and helpless. For this purpose, I selected the Pul Doda and Kathua regions where people are displaced by dam projects. The main objective of the study was to examine the socio-economic conditions of displaced women after being forcibly displaced from their ancestral home land.
The study is based on primary data collected from the field in Pul Doda and the Kathua region of Jammu and Kashmir following a purposive sampling method and snowball technique. In the purposive sampling method, the researcher purposely chooses persons who, in his judgement about some appropriate characteristic required of the sample members, are thought to be relevant to the research topic and are easily available to him, as in the snowball technique, where the researcher begins the research with the few respondents who are known and available to him. Subsequently, these respondents give other names to those who meet the criteria of the research, which in turn gives more new names (Ahuja, 2014). An interview schedule was the main research tool used for conducting the present study. Most of the displaced women in the affected villages were scattered in different locations. So it was difficult to cover the maximum number of respondents. The study has taken 240 samples of displaced families out of 700 in both places forthe research, which is 35% of the target population.
Finding of the Study
Economic Impact on Displaced Women
Women are the backbone of the family who handle all the domestic activities. Most of the male members of the family are working outside the house, and it is the women, in the house who manage everything from childcare, to looking after the elderly, to giving financial support to the family through different sources. The study demonstrates that, women, who are the backbone of the family, are tremendously affected due to the loss of the regular source of income. Displaced women are ignored by the project authorities and also by their family members. The study also focusses on the economic problems faced by displaced women.
Table 1 shows the occupation and income of women before and after displacement in the Kathua region. This table clearly shows that before the displacement, 68 women (56.66%) earned between ₹1,600 and ₹2,000 by selling milk, mushroom and chakla (mat). There were 29 women (24.17%) who earned ₹1,100−₹1,500 by selling vegetables and medicinal plants. The study has also shown that 23 women (19.17%) were working as tailors and earned ₹500−₹1,000 per month.
Occupation and Income of Women Before and After Displacement in Kathua.
2. Private job refers to working in schools, private offices or clinics, etc.
3. The figure in parentheses shows the percentage.
Displaced women were not dependent upon their husband’s income; every woman was self-dependent before the displacement, but after the displacement, the situation has changed. The study has found that after the displacement, 70 women (58.34%) have become housewives, and they are now totally dependent on their husband’s income. The study also manifests that 27 women (22.50%) have opened their petty businesses at the new place and earn ₹1,000−₹1,500 per month to contribute towards the family income. There are also 23 women (19.16%) who are working in private schools and earn ₹1,600−₹2,000 per month.
Most of the displaced women reported that selling mushrooms was the main source of income through which they earned their livelihoods. The mushroom was the natural product that the displaced women got free of cost from the agricultural fields. The study has found most of the displaced women collected mushrooms from the fields and then sold it into the market. The mushroom is used for medical purposes; which is why the cost of mushrooms is very high.
Every year, on average, every displaced woman earned about ₹15,000−₹20,000. But after the displacement, due to the loss of their agricultural land and regular source of income, their social life was affected. The majority of the women faced economic hardship, as they became dependent upon their family members. Their social and economic status declined after displacement. Those women who were once self-dependent are now dependent upon their husband’s income. For a better understanding, the study has put together some case studies, which show how the displaced women faced economic hardship after displacement.
One of the displaced women reported that:
Natural resources are part of life in the village. In our ancestral village, we were dependent on natural resources. It was part of our life. Our social life started with natural resources. We would get up early in the morning and go to the forest to collect fodder, fuel, grass, water from spring, mushrooms. These natural resources helped me economically because I did not pay for them. I got them free of cost.
She further added,
At the time of medical emergency, I used medicinal plants for fever, cough, back pain which I got from the forest free of cost. I was not dependent upon the doctor. I used traditional knowledge to cure diseases. But due to displacement, I lost natural resources, traditional knowledge, and economic resources. At the new resettlement site, I face economic hardship, because of the high cost of medical treatment. (Kamlesh Sharma, 53 years)
Another displaced woman revealed that:
Before displacement, I was self-dependent as I earned my income through various traditional activities like selling milk and mat. I was free to buy whatever I wanted for myself and my children. My monthly income was 2,000 rupees. But now, after displacement, I am dependent upon my husband’s income. I cannot buy even small things for myself without my husband’s permission. If I have to buy any expensive thing for myself, quarrel starts between my husband and me.
She further reported, ‘Conflict and verbal abuse has become quite common between both of us after displacement. All this has adversely affected my health, and I am living under psychological depression. Frequent quarrel with the husband also has a bad effect on my children (Rani Devi, 45 years).
The above discussions show that displaced women face a lot of economic hardship after displacement. The majority of women have lost their source of regular income and are forced to depend on their husband’s income. The standard of living among displaced women has tremendously declined as they do not get any financial support.
Occupation and income patterns of women in the Pul Doda region are shown in Table 2. It has been observed that before the displacement, most of the women were self-dependent. It was found that 24 women respondents (20%) earned ₹3,000−₹5,000 per month by stitching clothes and making chakla (mat), followed by 22 respondents (18%) who earned ₹1,500−₹3,000 per month by making garments for babies and adults. There were 42 respondents (35%) who earned ₹8,000−₹15,000 by selling milk, mushroom and medicinal plants. Further, 18 respondents (15%) earned ₹7,000−₹10,000 per month from the beauty salon and 14 (12%) of the displaced women were working as housewives.
Occupation and Income of Women in Pul Doda.
But after the displacement, most of the displaced women were affected due to the loss of their regular source of income, and about 65% of the women were dependent on their husbands’ income. Around 35% of women can earn ₹1,000−2,000 per month by tailoring, working as a maids and doing private jobs in the clinics and other offices.
It was observed that the majority of the displaced women were self-dependent, and they never felt the economic burden on themselves or their families. But after the displacement, the social lives of displaced women have tremendously changed from being self-dependent women to being dependent women. Due to the backwardness of the region, most of the displaced women stated that they did not get ample job opportunities. Before displacement, they earned their livelihood within the village and also at home. It was also seen that the economic status of displaced women has tremendously declined since the displacement from their native places. The study has found that in the Pul Doda region, displaced women are the most affected by forced displacement. They did not get any compensation from the government as they were considered dependent family members.
One of the displaced women from Pul Doda reported that:
Before the displacement, I was earning 5,000 rupees, and I enjoyed my personal life because of being self-dependent. Even my husband took my help during the financial crisis. I never felt deprived, and I never felt hesitant to buy costly items for personal use. When I went to my mother’s home, I used to bring many things for my brother’s children and my mother and father. I enjoyed my status among the family members as well as among neighbors and relatives. But after the displacement, I lost my social status, which I had achieved throughout my life. Now I am dependent upon my husband’s income, and sometimes we quarrel with each other for sharing the income of my husband. Whenever I need money for my expenses, he directly refuses me, and then conflict begins between us. (Meena Devi, 35 years)
Another woman revealed that:
Before the displacement, I used to get up early in the morning and go to the forest for collecting the fodder, fuel, for animal and also for cooking. I had two cows and used to sell 30 kg of milk in the market. I earned about 12,000 rupees per month from my cows. I used to make extra money for my children and also for my expenses. But after the displacement, I have not only lost my home but also my source of income for my children. Now, I am dependent upon my husband’s income. I cannot spend money without his wish. My children and I are living under the poverty condition, and no one has come to help us for the last ten years. (Babli Dev, 39 years)
The study has found that after the displacement, most of the women have lost their income and social status. It is very difficult for the displaced women to regain their social status because, in the new place, there is no scope for them to earn their livelihood. It has been observed that displaced women have faced economic hardships since the time they were forced to move from their native places, where they were earning their livelihood. The living conditions of displaced women fell below the standard, and they started living under poor conditions. The additional workload and family responsibilities also increased due to declining family income. Similarly, health status has also gone down due to depression.
The study also focusses on the loss of SHG as an economic issue among displaced women in Pul Doda. It was one of the few income sources among displaced women. The study has highlighted the economic problems caused to displaced women after their loss of SHG.
The study found that 76 (63.34%) of the displaced women were active members of a Self-Help Group (SHG), and the remaining 44 (36.66%) of women were not members of any SHG. The study has observed that in Pul Doda, Jammu and Kashmir, there were 5−7 SHGs in different places in which the displaced women actively participated. But after the displacement, the SHG was missing among the displaced women. The study found that due to the loss of SHG, the displaced women lost their economic status.
One of the displaced women stated that:
Self-Help Groups (SHG) were very important in our life because they were helpful at the time of the financial crisis. In our self-help group, we were about 25 members, and every month, we were collecting one thousand rupees (about 25,000 per month) and provided it to those who were in need. We were meeting weekly or after 15 days to discuss our problems and share information and to find the solution to our problems. Group members used to rectify their economic and social problems through mutual assistance. After the displacement, we have lost the self-help group and felt an economic burden in our family. The SHG is a big loss for me because I was doing business with the help of SHG. We solved our financial problems through SHG, and every member was always ready to help each other. She further added that the loss of SHG has a direct impact on our economic and social status.(Shakuntala Devi, 52 years)
Another displaced woman also reported that:
Self Help Group (SHG) was one of the biggest financial support for my family and me. I ran a small business with the help of SHG and earned 10,000 rupees per month. We were 20 members in the group, and we collected 1,000 rupees per month and gave to those women who were in more need at the time of the financial crisis. Every member was supportive and always ready to help each other. But after displacement, we have lost our financial support because most of our SHG members have migrated to a different place, and we have lost our social contact.
She further added,
SHG is based on trust and community feeling. At the new place, we are unable to rebuilt SHG. We cannot trust anyone in the new place. The attitude of the host community is not good, and they always quarrel with us in one way or another. Now we have become helpless, and we do not have any financial support. (Skhina Begum, 38 years)
Use of Self-Help Group Money by Displaced Women
The study has observed that 18 women (23.60%) used SHG money for personal expenses such as buying jewellery and good clothes, and 33 women (43.42%) used SHG money for business and personal expenses. There were 25 women (32.89%) who saved their money, which they got from the SHG. From the above data, it was seen that the majority of the displaced women were dependent upon their SHG from which they earned their livelihood and also maintained their economic and social status.
The study has observed that the loss of SHG has affected the social life and status of displaced women. After the displacement, most of the women were not in a position to continue with SHG due to the loss of neighbourhood relations, friend circles and relatives.
One of the displaced women reported that:
Before the displacement, I was saving 25,000 rupees every year for my daughter’s marriage with the help of SHG. I was engaged with SHG for the last ten years. I deposited 1,000 rupees every month, and when I faced any financial problems regarding health issues, child education, or social functions, I used that money to solve my problems. I never faced any economic burden before displacement. Now, after displacement, my family faces a lot of economic hardship as we have lost our income source. My children also left their education because I was not able to continue their studies. My husband is working in a factory in Jammu, and he hardly earns 8,000 rupees, which is not enough for our family. I am living in a rented house for the last ten years, and it is difficult for me to educate my children due to low economic conditions. (Alka Bala, 42 years).
The study illustrates that in the Pul Doda region, the majority of the displaced women lost their source of income after displacement. The standard of living has declined among women as they lost their income and occupation. Besides occupation, the SHG has also affected their economic status, because most of the women were dependent upon their SHG. After the displacement, the displaced women were unable to continue with the SHG as most of their members had migrated to different places.
It has been seen that previous studies have also focussed on the economic impact on displaced women. Parasuraman (1993), Patnaik (2000), Rao (2013), and Mohanty (2011) have discussed how due to forced displacement, women lost the traditional source of income/livelihood, such as fuel, fodder, food collection, fishing and preparing baskets. They further manifested that after the loss of their regular source of income, most of the displaced women became dependent family members. The study also highlights similar issues faced by displaced women. Besides these issues, the study also discussed the loss of SHGs among displaced women after the displacement, which has directly affected them economically. This issue has not been discussed in detail in previous studies. Therefore, it tries to fill the research gap.
Social Impact on Displaced Women
Dam displacement and resettlement is a painful process as it directly affects the social lives of displaced people. After the forced displacement, there are so many social issues and problems that emerge among displaced women, which further leads to social problems for society.
The study highlights the social impact on displaced women after being forcibly displaced from their ancestral land due to dam projects in Jammu and Kashmir.
Dowry Issue
Dowry is an exchange of money and other valuables from the bride’s family to the groom’s family. It is given by a girl’s family at the time of marriage to make her life comfortable at her in-law’s house. But nowadays, it has become a social stigma. Earlier, in rural areas, dowry was not a big issue. Whatever the parents could afford, they would give it to their daughter. But after the displacement, due to contact with urban people, dowry has become a common social phenomenon. It is easy for the affluent class to adopt the dowry norm as they have resources. For poor people, it has become a problem because they cannot afford to give expensive things, but under social pressure, they are compelled to do so. Due to more exposure, girls are also demanding expensive things from their parents to make their lives more comfortable without considering whether their parents can afford it or not.
The study has found that, in Kathua region, 30.84% of respondents said that the demand for dowry has shot up at the new location. While in Pul Doda, there were 15.84% of respondents who pointed out that there were dowry demands after displacement. In the Pul Doda region, the majority of displaced families had alliances within their relatives, that is, parallel cousin marriages and cross-cousin marriages, which were prominent among them, and dowry demand was not seen much. But after displacement, people started to marry their sons and daughters outside of their relatives, which resulted in a demand for dowry.
In Kathua, dowry demand was high as compared to Pul Doda. The displaced people entered into marriage alliances with other communities and also with the host community. People started demanding many expensive things from the girl’s parents in the form of dowry, and sometimes displaced families were compelled to take loans from the bank to fulfill their demand, which became an economic burden among displaced people. It was observed that due to the high demand for dowry, displaced women are living their lives under depression.
One of the displaced women reported that:
Before displacement, in my native village, I did not face any dowry demand for my daughter as I married her within relatives. Our alliance partner did not make any demand for dowry, and as such, we gave our daughter what we could afford according to our financial status.
She further reported,
I have four daughters. I got two of them married in my native village and had not given much dowry in their marriages. But the remaining two daughters were married at the new resettlement site after displacement. In their marriages, I faced the dowry problem. Due to urbanization and the modern lifestyle, the other party started making a huge demand for dowry. To fulfill their demand, such as AC, Fridge, Motorcycle, Car, etc. I had to take a financial loan. (Shanti Devi, 63 years)
It was perceived that many respondents did not openly talk about the dowry issue, as it is a very sensitive one. However, the study has found that the demand for dowry has increased after displacement. The main reason for the increasing demand for dowry has been the monetary compensation that the displaced families got.
Domestic Violence
According to Ganley and Schechter, domestic violence is a pattern of coercive and assaultive behaviours that include physical, sexual, verbal and psychological attacks and economic coercion that adults or adolescents use against their intimate partner (Ahuja, 2014).
The study illustrates that after the forced displacement, the incidence of domestic violence, such as verbal abuse, physical assault and mental harassment, increased among displaced families.
In Kathua, 23% of respondents reported that they faced domestic violence in their family after displacement. On the other hand, in Pul Doda, similar kinds of problems were seen after displacement. It has been found that 31% of respondents reported that domestic violence has increased among displaced families after displacement.
The study has found that in both places, that is, Kathua and Doda areas, domestic violence was reported after displacement. Displaced men suffered from depression due to the loss of employment, a regular source of income and ancestral property. To cope with their depression, they started drinking alcohol, which resulted in domestic violence in the form of verbal abuse and battering.
One of the displaced women reported:
Before displacement, my husband had his own business in Pul Doda, and he was earning about 25,000 rupees per month. I have two children, and they were also doing well in school. I had a cordial relation with everybody in the family, and there was no conflict. But after displacement, my husband lost his business, ancestral property, house, and he started a small business at the new place. His income is very less, and it became difficult for us to manage our monthly expenses. Due to all this, my husband suffered from depression and started drinking alcohol. Every day he would come home drunk and would start abusing me verbally and my children. Sometimes he even beat me in front of my children. All this had a very bad effect on my children, and they have also started quarreling within themselves and with me. The peace of our family is disturbed, and we are living under constant depression. (Babita Kumari, 43 years)
It has been perceived that very few respondents openly discussed domestic violence, as it is a very sensitive issue. Most of the respondents were reluctant to talk about domestic violence, and thus it becomes very difficult to collect sufficient information about the cases. However, the study has found that domestic violence has increased since displacement due to the loss of the main source of income and increased unemployment among displaced families.
Wage Discrimination Among Displaced Women
Wage discrimination has become a serious problem among displaced women. It has been found that those women who were working in private schools, hospitals, clinics and offices were getting very low wages compared to men. Thirteen displaced women participated in the discussion. In the FGD, most of the women reported that they hardly earn ₹1,500 per month, whereas men earn about ₹5,000−₹7,000 per month for the same jobs. They further stated that due to the backwardness of the region, they do not have an ample opportunity to get a satisfactory job. However, to fulfill their basic needs, such as food, clothes and shelter, they were forced to work in different places to contribute to the family income. For the last 11 years, they had lived in rented houses, and the respective state government did not provide them with any rehabilitation facilities. Sometimes, it becomes very difficult for them to pay house rent as well. The majority of the displaced women revealed that before the displacement, such kinds of problems never occurred because most of the women were self-employed, and they earned a good amount of money to contribute to family income as well as personal expenses. But now, after displacement, wage issues have become a problem among displaced women. The state government and the project authorities have ignored the socio-economic issues related to displaced women.
One of the displaced women reported:
Before the displacement, I was running a business and earned 6000 rupees per month. I was self-dependent. I did not face any problem as such. My socioeconomic status was good within family and society. But after displacement, my socioeconomic status got changed as my regular source of income is lost. Now, I am working in private medical clinics and earn hardly 1600 rupees per month. Whereas for the same job in the same clinics, men get 4000 rupees. I am working there to fulfill the basic need of the family. Due to the backwardness of the region, I do not have a good employment opportunity. I am working there at low wages because I don’t have any other option. I am working forcibly to contribute to family income. As my family is living in rented houses for the last 11 years. I don’t have my own house. My family is homeless since the last decade. (Anju, 36 years)
From Table 3, it shows that, in Kathua region, 38 respondents (31.67%) suffer from skin allergies and asthma due to the change in climate, and blood pressure and obesity due to the change in lifestyle at the resettlement site. There were 51 (42.50%) of the respondents who reported that they were suffering from thyroid and diabetes at the resettlement site. Most of the displaced women reported that due to the change in climate and lifestyle at the resettlement site, they suffer from such diseases, which have become an additional economic burden for them. Earlier, they remained busy throughout the day on their farms and, as such, were very active and healthy. The study further found that 31 (25.83%) displaced people did not face any health issues.
Health Issues Among Displaced Women After Displacement.
It was observed that Kathua is a hot region, and it was very difficult for displaced women to adapt to the hot climate after the displacement. The displaced women belonged to the hilly region, and they were living in a moderate climate. At the resettlement site, the temperature would go up to 49 degrees during the summer season.
It has also been observed that most of the women are suffering from thyroid and diabetes diseases after the displacement. These diseases have further increased the economic burden on the displaced families. On average, ₹1,500−₹2,500 are spent on treatment every month. Some of the women also reported that they are have been depressed for the last nine years as their family members suffer from deadly diseases such as kidney failure and heart problems.
The same was true for kathua people who were suffering from diabetes, thyroid issues and obesity. At their native place, people were busy throughout the day on their farms, and thus were very active. As such, they did not face any health issues. But now at the resettlement site, most of the people do not have any work to do as they have lost their agricultural land. Only male members work outside, and the rest of the members sit idle throughout the day.
Due to this, many health problems have cropped up among displaced women. Without work, they are leading a monotonous life, which further aggravates other health issues with no physical activity. The problem has aggravated due to the change in the family structure from joint to nuclear family after the displacement. The young male member of the family leaves and earns outside the family; as such, there is no one to take care of the ailing member of the family. The patient feels alienated as there is no one to take care of him and, as a result, his health keeps on deteriorating, and he suffers from depression.
The study has also found that dietary habits have also changed among displaced people; this has further led to an increasing number of diseases such as diabetes and thyroid. Earlier, at their native place, villagers worked throughout the day and ate rice both at lunch and dinner time. But due to a change in climate and less work, the dietary habit has also been affected. This change in the food pattern has also led to many health issues among displaced people.
One of the displaced women revealed how she faced health issues after the displacement.
She said,
At my native place, I used to work throughout the day in the field and did not face any health issues. But after displacement, I was forced to live within four walls of the house throughout the day as I had no work except the domestic work. I spend the whole day watching TV serials and gossiping with neighboring women.
She further reported,
Due to the absence of any tiring work, at the resettlement site, I gained a lot of weight, which led to many health issues, such as diabetes and thyroid problems. I am suffering from diabetes since the last 20 years after displacement from my native place. (Sunita Devi, 49 years)
While, in the Pul Doda region, the study has found that 33 (27.50%) respondents reported that they suffer from typhoid, malaria and skin diseases after the displacement. There were 59 (49.17%) displaced people who reported that they were suffering from depression due to the loss of their regular source of income, ancestral property and low socioeconomic status. The study further found that 28 (23.33%) displaced people did not face any problems after the displacement as they were well settled at the resettlement site.
In the Pul Doda region, the majority of the displaced women reported that they were suffering from depression for the last decade as they are living in rented houses and do not have their own houses. They further added that due to the low socio-economic status, loss of family business, loss of the education of their children and marriage issues, they suffer from depression. It was also observed that those displaced people who are living near the river Chenab also suffer from typhoid and malaria due to an unhealthy environment and polluted water. The study has put forth some case studies for a better understanding of how displaced women are living with depression.
One of the displaced women shared her experience of how she is facing depression after displacement.
She said,
Before the displacement, my husband was running a business which fetched us good earnings, and I was earning enough to support my family. My children were also studying in a reputed private school. My family never felt any economic problems, and I was also running a beauty salon and also earned good money. But after displacement, my husband and I lost business due to dam displacement.
‘The state government has given us only monetary compensation, but the compensation did not fulfill our basic needs.’ She further said,
My children also left their education as I was not capable to afford their education. My husband is working in a private company in Jammu and hardly earns 10,000 rupees per month. Since, last ten years, I am facing depression problems such as stress, low/high blood pressure. Due to the low income of the family, my children have also started working in big shops as a helper to support the family. I am living in a rented house, and sometimes it is very difficult for me to pay house rent. Day by day, my health got affected due to psychological depression. Many times, I fell unconscious in the middle of the road due to low blood pressure. I feel regular headaches due to depression. (Anita Devi, 48 years)
Other displaced women also shared their experiences of how they have been facing depression for the last decade.
She said,
Due to the loss of huge family business, my husband is suffering from heart diseases. Due to the low economic status of the family, I am unable to give him proper treatment. I use all compensation money for his treatment, but unfortunately, still, my husband is suffering from chronic diseases.
She further reported,
For the last ten years, I am living under trauma and depression. At the time of displacement, the state government had promised to provide a good amount of compensation and resettlement facility. But ten years have been passed, and nothing has happened. I am still living in a rented house. I feel hopeless and helpless, and nobody comes forward to help me. I am constantly living under emotional trauma and depression for the last ten years. (Madhu Bala, 45 years)
Conclusion
Dam displacement has become a serious issue across the nation and the world. Every year, large numbers of developmental projects are undertaken without proper planning and policy. In the name of development, millions of people are being forcibly displaced from their ancestral land and their traditional occupations. Forced displacement affects every section of the society equally. However, it is the women who are the worst sufferers. After displacement, the displaced women not only face economic hardship, but also have their social lives affected due to the lack of proper resettlement and rehabilitation facilities. They are forced to live under miserable conditions. The resettlement and rehabilitation policy further aggravates the suffering of women as it is gender biased.
It has been seen that after forced displacement, the displaced women face a lot of economic hardship due to the loss of their regular source of income, loss of traditional occupation, loss of SHG, loss of livestock and an increase in their health diseases due to unfavourable environmental conditions and psychological depression. The study further observed that women who are self-dependent and earn their livelihood from generation to generation have to forcibly leave their traditional occupation and depend on their husband’s income. After displacement, most of the displaced women lost their socio-economic status, which they had earned throughout their life. Women are the backbone of the family and take whole family’s responsibility, but they do not get any kind of benefits, either from the government or the family. They face social problems such as dowry demand and domestic violence within their families. So, there is a need to especially focus on displaced women and their issues and to prepare such a policy so that in the future, no women face any kind of socio-economic problems after displacement.
Suggestion and Policy Recommendation
In the process of compensation, resettlement and rehabilitation policies, all the adult female members should be considered as separate entities.
Land should be allotted in the names of displaced women and widows.
Special attention should be paid to the marginalized sections of displaced women and adult girls.
The state government should give special employment packages to displaced women and also give special skill training so that they can earn their livelihood through different means.
At the resettlement site, proper health, education and sanitation should be provided to displaced women
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.