Abstract
As part of the first qualitative-based research on the life-course of methamphetamine users in Aotearoa/New Zealand, this paper analyses the life domains of school, friendship and work. Through application of interactional theory, this paper increases understanding of the situational contexts and interpersonal factors that influence drug use trajectories and the transition from one life domain to another by identifying the patterns within each domain and the influence school, friendship and work exerts on drug use and, conversely, how drug use impacts on school, friendship and work. The analysis discovered 20 commonly shared adverse experiences that hindered educational and employment success and contributed to drug use, including: negative school transitions, significant turning point events, weak commitment to school, poor school attitude and performance, low academic achievement, low school and work ambition, low parental expectations, and high levels of mental health issues, delinquency, delinquent peer involvement, bullying victimisation, work victimisation, unstable careers and illegal economic activities. Specifically, it was common for interviewees to ‘track backwards’ in high school. This study highlights the importance of the educational domain for altering drug use trajectories, especially high school.
Introduction
According to Ministry of Health data (2014, 2016, 2019), approximately 1% of Aotearoa/New Zealanders have used methamphetamine (a ‘Class A’ drug) in the previous 12 months, while about 0.2% or 10,000 individuals use methamphetamine on a monthly basis. The same data also indicates that methamphetamine use is clearly differentiated by gender, ethnicity, age and socioeconomic-status, with methamphetamine use overrepresented among males, Māori, those aged 25–44 and those living in the most deprived neighbourhoods. While methamphetamine use in Aotearoa/New Zealand is relatively uncommon and unequally distributed, it has the potential to negatively impact individuals, families and communities. Frequent methamphetamine use can potentially increase the risk of cardiovascular and mental health issues, particularly anxiety, mood swings and paranoia, and has been associated with violent behaviour for those with existing mental health problems and a predisposition for violence (Policy Advisory Group, 2009). Methamphetamine use is also intimately connected to criminal activity. For example, 36% arrested for a criminal offense in 2015 reported using methamphetamine in the previous 12 months (Johnson, 2018), while police figures have found those frequent methamphetamine users arrested by police obtained, on average, $1840 per month from property crime (Policy Advisory Group, 2009). Moreover, survey results from 2010 to 2016 indicate between 33% and 56% of frequent drug users purchased methamphetamine from a gang member or gang associate (Wilkins et al., 2017). And in 2017, the Police Association claimed methamphetamine to be the biggest driver of crime in 11 of the 12 police districts (Clayton, 2017). Thus there is widespread public concern about the manufacture and use of methamphetamine.
More broadly, the 2018 government inquiry into mental health and addiction found one-in-five Aotearoa/New Zealanders experience mental health and addiction challenges at any given time, while the annual cost of serious mental illness and addiction is approximately 5% of GDP (Paterson et al., 2018). Reducing these outcomes and costs is clearly necessary and urgent. The inquiry noted future research on Aotearoa/New Zealand’s drug users should ‘engage more fully with life-course theory’ and a ‘life-course approach’ (Paterson et al., 2018, p. 50, 83). While government policy needs to be guided by evidence, at present there is a serious lack of research on methamphetamine users in New Zealand. This IRB-approved research 1 responds to that call by providing the first life course-based qualitative study of frequent methamphetamine users in Aotearoa/New Zealand. With greater knowledge of the social roles, social bonds, trajectories, transitions and turning points underlying methamphetamine use over the life-course (Boeri et al., 2009), this research has the potential to help improve prevention, intervention and treatment programmes for Aotearoa/New Zealand’s methamphetamine users (Teruya & Hser, 2010).
Prior analysis by the author (Bax, forthcoming) on the childhood and family environment of 41 former methamphetamine users discovered participants had encountered five adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) on average, with almost three-quarters encountering four or more. But while the higher the exposure to adversity the higher the risk of poor health outcomes and frequent substance use (Hughes et al., 2017), ACEs are not, in themselves, sufficient to cause children to become frequent methamphetamine users. This paper therefore focuses the life-course-based analysis on their schooling, friendship and work. Doing so increases our understanding of the situational contexts and interpersonal factors that influence life-course trajectories and the transition from one life domain to another by identifying the patterns within each domain and the influence school, friendship and work exerts on drug use and, reciprocally, how drug use impacts on school, friendship and work. The following analysis discovered 20 commonly shared adverse experiences within these three life domains.
The life-course perspective recognises the interpersonal interactions that impact on the development of delinquency initially taking place within the family, but are then broadened to include the school, the workplace and the community as adolescents mature (Loeber et al., 2003). Interactional theory (Thornberry, 1987), in particular, posits that the causal impact of parental attachment diminishes in middle adolescence, whereupon peer, school and youth culture influences increase in magnitude. According to interactional theory, deviant behaviour stems from both a weakening of an individual’s bonds to conventional society and from a reciprocal social environment where behaviour can be learned and reinforced. The weakening of the prosocial bond is principally caused by reduced attachment to parents, lack of belief in conventional values, and a lack of commitment to conformity; all of which increases behavioural freedom and the possibility of involvement in drug use (Krohn et al., 1996). Since relationships are reciprocal – i.e. people are both influenced by and influence others (White Riley, 1998) – then adolescents are both influenced by their peers to engage in deviant behaviour and seek out peers who engage in deviant behaviours. Associations with drug using peers and drug use then reciprocally feeds back to further weaken prosocial bonds and levels of social control, thus leading to further entrenchment in deviant involvement and maintenance of drug use. Conversely, avoiding frequent drug use can be achieved by establishing a behavioural trajectory towards conformity and prosocial peer networks (Krohn et al., 1996).
A summary by Krohn and Thornberry (2003) of the main findings from influential longitudinal panel studies in criminology concluded delinquent peer involvement is one of the most consistent correlates of delinquent behaviour. Research by Huizinga et al. (2003) found the most important predictor of delinquency is having friends who engage in delinquency. Warr (1993, p. 31) characterised deviant friends as ‘sticky’ because there is a tendency for adolescents to retain deviant friends once they have been acquired. Moreover, the number of delinquent friends, and the time spent with them in unstructured socialising, is a strong predictor of delinquency (Akers et al., 1979; Elliott et al., 1985; Haynie & Osgood, 2005; Warr, 1993, 1998).
Regarding school, Krohn and Thornberry’s (2003) summary also concluded that poor school performance and weak commitment to school are consistent predictors of delinquency and involvement with deviant peers. Since commitment to school and deviant behaviour are in a mutually reinforcing causal relationship over time, then delinquency feeds back to negatively impact on commitment to and success at school (Thornberry et al., 1991). Hawkins et al. (2003) found consistently low academic achievement to be a strong predictor of delinquency. Loeber et al. (1991) found increases in the seriousness of offenses over time correlated with low school motivation, having a negative attitude towards school, truancy and being suspended. Conversely, educational commitment and achievement, and parental expectations and involvement, protect against deviance (Hawkins et al., 2003; Thornberry et al., 2003).
Employment, however, is commonly seen as conformist behaviour that strengthens the commitment to and involvement and belief in conformity, and therefore inhibits delinquency (Miller & Matthews, 2001; Warr, 1998). Nevertheless, Laub and Sampson’s (2003) life-course theory postulates that job stability is significantly related to changes in adult criminal behaviour. Simply, the stronger the adult bonds to work, the less deviance and crime. By contrast, persistent adult offenders are likely to lead unstructured and chaotic lives across multiple dimensions (specifically living arrangements, family and work). This means the transition to work may not ‘knife off’ drug use patterns but instead influence continued use. Workplace stress, for example, can lead to increased drug use as a way to alleviate such stress (Agnew, 1992; Steinberg et al., 1982). Thus it should be expected that frequent methamphetamine users experience unstable and weak adult bonds to conventional work.
The life-course method
By focusing on the trajectories across individuals’ lives and the ways in which those trajectories are shaped by personal, social, cultural and structural factors, the life course method offers an expanded organising framework that can (1) portray distinctive patterns of drug use trajectories, (2) identify significant events and factors contributing to persistence or change during the life-course and (3) analytically order the events that occur during the life-course (Hser et al., 2007). Such an organising framework allows drug use researchers to account for the trajectories, transitions and turning points that characterise the life-course of methamphetamine users (Teruya & Hser, 2010).
In this paper, only data from the 35 semi-structured interviews are used. The interviews, conducted in 2018, were divided into two parts: (1) Life in Review (containing 35 prepared questions), and (2) Methamphetamine Use (containing 30 prepared questions). In part 1, interviewees were asked to review their life from beginning to present, including the following domains: family; school; friendships; work; romantic relationships; marriage; parenting; psychological health; physical health; religion/spirituality. Interviews focused on the significant relationships, experiences and events in each of the above life domains in order to understand the trajectories, role transitions and turning points in their life. Participants were also asked about their drug use history (other than methamphetamine), and at the end of each life domain were asked whether that domain has influenced their drug use, and, reciprocally, whether drug use has impacted on that life domain. Part 2 focused specifically on their methamphetamine use, including onset, progression, control, impact, desistance and life post-methamphetamine use. On average, each interview lasted approximately 3 h. Regarding the 41 interviews, contact was initially made with five former methamphetamine users known to the author. A snowballing method was used to locate 22 other interviewees, while the remaining 14 were found through advertisements posted on two online methamphetamine support groups. The interview location was chosen by the interviewee, and included private homes, commercial establishments, public spaces and work.
As Table 2 shows, participants were born between 1962 and 1995 (with half born in the 1970s), with an average age of 43-years. Additionally, 54% are male, 46% female, 74% European/Pākehā and 26% Māori (the general population is 49%, 51%, 70% and 16.5%, respectively). Regarding residence, participants have lived throughout all of Aotearoa/New Zealand’s provinces in various villages, towns and cities. Regarding socioeconomic-status, distribution largely accords with the 2006 Aotearoa/New Zealand socio-economic index (Milne et al., 2013). Despite the sample size, the interviewees’ sociodemographic characteristics are broadly reflective of the general population. To qualify as a former frequent methamphetamine user, participants had to have used methamphetamine for at least six consecutive months, but had not used for at least 12 months. On average, interviewees were frequent methamphetamine users for seven-and-a-half-years, and ceased being a methamphetamine user seven years prior to the interview at age 36. All interviewees also have an extensive and varied history with other (legal and illegal) substances. All have used alcohol and cannabis at least once (beginning at age 14 on average). Approximately three-quarters have used nicotine, LSD and amphetamine. Approximately half have used magic mushrooms and ecstasy, and one-third cocaine. However, only nine have used an opioid (opium, heroin or methadone) and only seven have used ketamine, benzodiazepine or gamma-Hydroxybutyric acid (GHB). On average, each has used 6 of these 14 substances over the past 14–43 years.
Adverse school, friendship and work experience.
The following three sections of the paper describe and analyse the situational contexts and interpersonal factors pertaining to the interviewees’ schooling, friendships and work.
School
Attitude towards school
To gauge attitude towards school, interviewees were asked, ‘What were your feelings toward school?’. A negative attitude towards school has been shown to positively influence delinquency, while a positive attitude has been associated with early desistance from delinquency (Loeber et al., 1991). As Figure 1 shows, only 6-of-the-35 had a consistently more positive attitude towards their primary, middle and high school education. Conversely, 10-of-the-35 had a consistently more negative attitude. For almost half, the attitude began more positive but ended more negative. In only one case did the attitude start at more negative and end up at more positive (and he was the only interviewee who obtained a post-graduate degree). The dominant trajectory was for the attitude towards school to track more negative over time, especially following the transition to high school. During primary school, two-thirds had a generally positive attitude, but by the end of their schooling, 80% were tracking more negative. Both males (relative to females) and Māori (relative to European/Pākehā) were more likely to have had a more negative attitude. None of the Māori interviewees had a consistently positive attitude, while all left school with a more negative attitude.
Attitude towards school.
School performance
Interviewees were asked, ‘How was your school performance?’ Low school performance is considered a consistent predictor of delinquency and other problematic behaviours, while delinquent involvement reciprocally reduces school performance (Krohn & Thornberry, 2003; Thornberry et al., 1991). Averaged over their whole schooling, two-thirds were either below-average or average, while only three were excellent. At all age levels, male and Māori interviewees were more likely to be located at the below-average level, and less likely to be located at the excellent level. Tracking performance over the three tiers, performance substantially decreased over time (while delinquency increased). As Figure 2 shows, those at the below-average level increased from 6 in primary to 22 in high school, while those at above-average decreased from 11 in primary to just 2 in high school. Again, male and Māori interviewees were more likely to be consistently below average and less likely to be consistently excellent.
School performance.
School performance closely mirrors attitude towards school. As Figure 3 shows, only one interviewee saw both performance and attitude increase over time. Likewise, the three who consistently performed excellent also had a consistently more positive attitude. Additionally, eight-of-the-nine who were either consistently average or below-average also had a consistently more negative attitude. And 15-of-the-20 whose performance decreased over time likewise saw their attitude decrease from more positive to more negative.
School performance over time.
Commitment and ambition
Regarding ambition, life-course research shows weak school commitment is related to involvement in delinquency and drug use, while delinquency reduces commitment to school (Krohn & Thornberry, 2003; Thornberry et al., 1991). Just over one-quarter of interviewees were committed and ambitious students who applied themselves (for at least an extended duration). Conversely, almost three-quarters were not ambitious, did not really apply themselves and did not possess future goals. Again, male and Māori interviewees were less likely to be ambitious. Of those considered ambitious, Interviewee-24 (female, 42-years-old) committed herself at primary and middle school because she ‘loved to get really good grades’. However, she ‘tracked backwards’ in high school as socialising, having a boyfriend and being popular became more important. Like with attitude, performance and conduct, it was common for those with ambition to ‘track backwards’ in high school. Of those lacking ambition, Interviewee-13 (male, 47-years-old) ‘just wasn’t into’ studying. He was ‘too busy having a good time’ and being ‘a class clown’ to ‘see the bigger picture’. This ‘lack of application’ led to him obtaining 23% on his Year 11 math exam. Yet when in prison on cannabis charges at age 20 he re-sat the exam and obtained 97%.
Parental expectations
Low parental involvement in the child’s daily activities has been found to be positively associated with delinquency (Farrington, 2010; Lewis et al., 1982; Thornberry et al., 2003). Over 80% had parents with low academic expectations, while only three had parents with high expectations (and all three fell strikingly short of meeting these expectations). Interviewee-28’s (male, 38-years-old) parents had no expectations towards him succeeding academically. Both were too busy working, while his father had a serious drinking problem and his mother allowed him to regularly stay home (wherein he smoked cigarettes and cannabis). By contrast, Interviewee-1’s (male, 56-years-old) strict disciplinarian mother wanted all four children to become ‘doctors, lawyers and airline pilots’. Desiring ‘little preppy kids’, she made her children wear grey uniforms to their small rural school (which had no uniform policy).
School transition and significant turning point events
For life-course theories, disruptions in major transitions in the life-cycle have the potential to influence delinquency (Loeber & Le Blanc, 1990). For almost half, the transition to a new school ended up constituting a turning point. Twenty-of-the-24 transitions analysed had a negative outcome, with 12 occurring during high school. Interviewee-16’s (male, 46-years-old) transition to a boarding high school was a ‘brutal nightmare’ experience as he suffered severe separation anxiety from his mother and was bullied by older students. Then the transition to a new town during Year 10 following his parents’ divorce led to befriending cannabis using deviant peers as a way to ‘fit in’, which initiated his life-long poly drug use. For three-quarters, significant turning point events negatively impacted on their schooling. Twenty-five-of-the-40 events occurred in high school. These events included: parental divorce; the death of a mother, brother, uncle or friend; the institutionalisation of a mentally ill mother; being taken out of primary school for 18-months by methamphetamine addicted parents; getting shingles; getting a cannabis using boyfriend; getting kicked off a sports team for violence; getting pregnant; being suspended or expelled; being kicked out of one’s friendship circle; and being raped.
Impairment
For almost a quarter of interviewees, an impairment negatively impacted on educational attainment. These included dyslexia, visual impairment, shingles (through the eye), a deep-seated fear and lack of English proficiency. For interviewee-26 (female, 39-years-old), a deep-seated fear caused by her ‘physically violent’, ‘mentally violent’, ‘very controlling’ and ‘domineering’ step-father negatively impacted on her ability to concentrate, comprehend knowledge and form relationships.
Educational attainment
Low school achievement has been clearly shown to positively influence delinquency (Farrington, 2010; Hawkins et al., 2003), while delinquency and drug use are related to failure to graduate high school (Thornberry et al., 2003). Over half the interviewees left school before or during Year 11. Regarding highest secondary qualification, a quarter obtained the lowest qualification of ‘NCEA Level 1’. By contrast, 63% of Year 11 students enrolled nationwide in 2010 attained their Level 1 (NZQA, 2020). Only three obtained NCEA Level 2. By contrast, 64% of Year 12 students enrolled nationwide in 2010 attained their Level 2 (NZQA, 2020). And only four obtained Level 3 and thus completed high school. By contrast, 52% of Year 13 students enrolled nationwide in 2010 attained their Level 3 (NZQA, 2020). In sum, over half obtained no secondary school qualification, while 43% obtained no qualification at all. In particular, 6-out-of-9 Māori interviewees obtained no high school qualification, while the other three only obtained Level 1. As shown in Table 1, interviewees’ lack of attainment contrasts sharply with those students nationwide who were Year 11 in 2017 and Year 13 in 2019.
Highest school qualification.
Mental health, emotional or identity issues
Four-out-of-5 interviewees suffered adverse mental health, emotional and/or identity issues that noticeably impacted on their education. By contrast, a nationally representative sample of Aotearoa/New Zealand secondary school students in 2007 assessed 4-out-of-5 as having ‘overall good wellbeing’ (Fleming et al., 2014). The adverse experiences included issues concerning sexual or ethnic identity, bulimic or self-harm behaviours, suicidal thoughts (including suicide attempts), and feeling shame, rejection, lost, unloved, severe anxiety, and most commonly, self-defined depression (26%), low self-esteem (29%) and anger (31%). The coupling of depression and anger finds support in a study of major depressive episodes, which found over half experienced feelings of irritability/anger (Judd et al., 2013). For example, Interviewee-11 (female, 48-years-old) encountered eight ACEs and felt unsafe, unloved, insecure and angry and subsequently self-medicated with drugs to block out her childhood trauma. She is one of seven interviewees who experienced school as a sanctuary from the dysfunction unfolding at home. For eight others, however, school did not offer such a respite. For Interviewee-20 (male, 44-years-old), school was not a sanctuary from his opioid-addicted mother’s chaotic lifestyle because she (and his absent father) did not prepare him for school. He always felt ‘anxious’, ‘insecure’ and like he ‘didn’t fit in’, and thus he never successfully adapted to the normative and disciplinary school structure.
Bullying victimisation
Almost half the interviewees suffered either moderate or severe bullying victimisation. By contrast, two large studies (Boden et al., 2016; Denny, et al., 2015) both reported 6% of 13–17-year-olds suffered severe bullying victimisation. Of those who suffered moderate bullying, Interviewee-32 (male, 31-years-old) was ridiculed by European/Pākehā peers at middle school for not knowing the basics of English (as he had attended a Māori language primary school). He then, ‘didn’t like school anymore’ and ‘didn’t want to be there’. Of the 10 who suffered severe bullying, Interviewee-34 (male, 29-years-old) was regularly bullied at a private middle school and then ‘viciously’ bullied at high school. The ‘trauma’ caused by this victimisation was the main cause of his drug use onset. Numerous studies report an association between bullying victimisation and substance use (Luk et al., 2010; Tharp-Taylor et al., 2009). Due mostly to anger and frustration, four interviewees became bullying perpetrators, three of which were partly in response to their own bullying victimisation. Interviewee-30 (female, 36-years-old) was constantly bullied in primary school for not being able to speak English and for wearing glasses. At high school she had ‘heaps of anger’ in her and ‘became a bully’ and ‘real hard chick’ who was expelled for selling cannabis to students.
Private boarding school experience
Seven interviewees attended boarding school, which was an overwhelmingly negative experience. In five cases it directly influenced drug use onset. Aotearoa/New Zealand’s private schools have been found to have higher prevalence rates of bullying (Denny et al., 2015). Interviewee-1 (male, 56-years-old) was sent to a high school just as his older brother exited, and only returned home on Sundays. For the first two years he suffered ‘mental torture’ as he was bullied by his ‘sadistic’ older brother’s victims. He began high school (Year 9) top of his class, but took two years to complete Year 12 and by Year 13 had lost all interest. Alcohol consumption began ‘as soon as I could’ at 15, and cannabis use at 16. Both substances were easily available at school, and he quickly became a regular user because he ‘wasn’t happy’ and so was ‘looking for a good time’.
Sexual relations
For one-quarter of interviewees, romantic or sexual relations impacted negatively on their education as it diverted their attention, time and energy. As interviewee-15 (male, 46-years-old) said of high school: ‘I was too busy chasing girls and not worrying about anything else’. For interviewee-19 (female, 45-years-old), the ‘worst thing’ for her schooling was ‘getting into a relationship too young’ at 14 with a 17-year old, because being ‘too focused’ on the relationship ‘100%’ diverted her attention from school.
Delinquency
Regarding conduct, interviewees were categorised as ‘conforming’, ‘mostly conforming’ or ‘deviant’ based on whether they conformed to or violated school norms and rules. None were only conformists, whereas half mostly conformed and the remaining half were deviant for at least an extended duration. By the end of schooling, however, four-fifths (and all Māori interviewees) were regularly deviant. Their deviant conduct included: causing disruption in class; physically or verbally abusing a teacher; bullying; fighting; stealing; damaging property; being truant; getting suspended or expelled; consuming cigarettes, cannabis or alcohol; and/or illegal drug dealing. Moreover, a quarter said they often did not pay attention in class or acted as the ‘class clown’. By contrast, 7.4-in-1000 students were suspended nationwide in 2000 (Ministry of Education, 2020), whereas 1-in-7 interviewees were suspended. Likewise, 2.4-in-1000 students were expelled nationwide in 2000, whereas 1-in-6 interviewees were expelled (two twice). Additionally, an analysis of juvenile offending data from the Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study found that at age 18 (in 1990–1991) two-thirds either never offended or offended at one age only (Fergusson et al., 2000).
Deviant peer associations
As noted above, delinquent peer involvement is one of the most consistent correlates of delinquent behaviour (Krohn & Thornberry, 2003), especially drug use (Mears & Field, 2002). Three-quarters of the interviewees were influenced by (and influenced) deviant peers to use legal and illegal drugs. The contextual–situational factors underpinning their relationships varied. A bored interviewee-2 (male, 56-years-old) saw his truant classmates ‘having fun’ being truant and smoking cigarettes, so joined them. Interviewee-3 (female, 53-years-old) gravitated towards the ‘wrong’ peers after moving from a small rural to a large urban school. Interviewee-11 (female, 48-years-old) ‘started hanging out less with goodie-goods’ as she had gravitated towards binge drinking and cannabis using peers. Interviewee-29 (female, 38-years-old) became involved with a ‘crowd of friends that I was trying to be cool with’. Interviewee-16 (male, 46-years-old) was put in the top class with ‘the nerds’, and being ‘unmemorable’ gravitated towards four cannabis using classmates. Interviewee-20 (male, 44-years-old) associated with ‘troubled kids in the same situation as me’. And Interviewee-28 (male, 38-years-old) believes ‘a lot of the time I was the one influencing my mates’. Twelve-of-these-26 socialised with older peers (2 to 10 years older). By comparison, Glueck and Glueck’s (1952: 89) pioneering research also found ‘almost half the delinquents were attracted to youths older than themselves’ (they hypothesised such youths were searching for a substitute ‘ego-ideal’ to admire, look up to and emulate). Interviewee-14 (male, 47-years-old) ‘always got on with the older crowd’, who made him feel ‘protected’ and ‘safe’. Both Interviewees 22 (male, 43-years-old) and 32 (male, 31-years-old) always wanted to associate with older peers as both desired to ‘grow up fast’ and engage in delinquency. Interviewees 8 (female, 49-years-old) and 28 (male, 38-years-old) socialised with older peers because both felt more mature than their ‘immature’ same-age peers.
Situation at end of schooling
Only two interviewees left school moving in a successful trajectory academically, with both directly entering university. However, Interviewee-11 (female, 48-years-old) dropped out after one year as her increasing drug use negatively impacted on her studies. All others had either: lost interest; had ‘had enough’; was aimless; was ‘over school’ and desired to ‘get out’; was failing academically; had been suspended or expelled; was suffering psychological issues due to a traumatic event(s); or had fallen pregnant. Thus while 22 begun primary school moving in a positive trajectory, almost all left high school ‘tracking backwards’ and largely unqualified and unprepared to succeed in the adult world of work.
The influence of school on drug use, and the impact of drug use on education
Interviewees were asked, ‘Do you think school influenced your drug use?’ For three-quarters, the answer was yes. But in no case was school itself the sole factor. In 15 cases, relationships at school was the sole factor, while in 12 cases both the school environment and relationships at school influenced their drug use. Thus relations at school (with fellow deviant peers) was a much more powerful influence than school itself. Regarding relationships, some were influenced by drug using peers, who ‘normalised’ drug use by making them ‘accessible, fashionable and fun’. Some were trying to ‘gain acceptance’ to their ‘social group’. Some were ‘trying to be grown up’. Some desired to be ‘cool’ and ‘popular’. Some were self-medicating trauma caused by bullying. Regarding school factors, drugs were ‘available’; or the school itself had a ‘bad marijuana problem’; or cannabis use was ‘the in thing to do’; or rugby coaches supplied beer; or having a ‘shit teacher’ caused loss of interest in school and contributed to drug use; or drugs were used to help deal with problems experienced at school (such as dyslexia, needing ‘to fit in’, and ‘missing out on a few sporting goals’).
Conversely, interviewees were asked, ‘Do you think your drug use impacted on your education?’ Despite all except one using at least one drug while at school, for half of them their drug use did not negatively impact on their education. And in only 11-of-the-18 cases was their drug use noticeably detrimental to their education. In all 11 cases it was cannabis that impacted on focus, motivation and/or attitude, or led to suspension and/or expulsion. Overall, school (especially deviant peer relations) was more likely to influence drug use than drug use impacting on education (77% vs 51%). Additionally, drug use did not impact on education half the time, and (cannabis) was noticeably detrimental in one-third of cases.
Friendship
Friendship history
Interviewees were asked, ‘Can you tell me about the friends you have had in your life?’ Only three consistently had non-deviant friends. Of them, Interviewee-1 (male, 56-years-old) said he ‘always had nice, lovely, caring friends’. All three usually used methamphetamine alone. Half had a combination of non-deviant and deviant friends. For example, Interviewee-6 (male, 50-years-old) ‘always had a couple of key [non-deviant] friends’, yet an attraction to high risk behaviours led to forming friendships with a few criminal offenders. Almost half consistently had either a few or many deviant friends. Of them, Interviewee-3 (female, 53-years-old) said she has ‘lived a life where I have had truckloads of the wrong friends’.
Importantly, 4-in-10 have been gang members or associated with gang members for an extended duration. Longitudinal research shows gang association facilitates or enhances deviant behaviour and disrupts life-course transitions from adolescence to adulthood (Huizinga et al., 2003; Thornberry et al., 2003). Of these 14, 12 had gang associations prior to methamphetamine use onset, and all but two maintained some level of association post-methamphetamine use.
In addition, a quarter struggled to form and/or maintain friendships. For example, Interviewee-10 (female, 48-years-old) believes visual impairment in childhood impacted on her ability to develop relationships, and so her friendships tended to be ‘all or nothing, and then they sour’. Conversely, one-third managed to maintain long-term friendships from childhood or adolescence into adulthood (with non-deviant or deviant friends). For example, Interviewee-15 (male, 46-years-old) has had a core group of largely non-deviant friends, and even though he ‘neglected’ these ‘real’ friends for ‘fake’ friends when using methamphetamine, they never abandoned him and have grown close again post-methamphetamine use.
The influence of friendship on drug use, and the impact of drug use on friendship
Interviewees were asked, ‘Do you think your friendships have influenced your drug use?’ In all cases their friends influenced their drug use. In only two cases did their friends help to restrict or reduce their drug use (not including when desisting from methamphetamine).
Interviewees were then asked, ‘Do you think your drug use has impacted upon your friendships?’ For 30-out-of-35 their drug use impacted more negatively on their friendships. Although methamphetamine use was involved in all 30 cases, in 12 cases methamphetamine was the only drug that negatively influenced their friendships. So while all friendships influenced their drug use, if we exclude methamphetamine then for half drug use did not impact negatively on their friendships. Interviewee-3 (female, 53-years-old) said, ‘When you mix people and drugs, it really puts a spin on the whole relationship thing’. But, she added, ‘that is totally dependent on the type of drugs and the situation’. Methamphetamine use often contributed to them ‘pushing away’ their ‘real’ non-methamphetamine using friends. As interviewee-15 (male, 46-years-old) said, ‘You start neglecting all your real friends, and then you start lying to them so you can go out with the guys you are doing meth with’.
Work
Work history
Interviewees were asked, ‘Tell me about the jobs you have had, and the relationships with your work colleagues and bosses’. On average, all interviewees have had at least eight different jobs over careers spanning 10–40 years. Their main occupation can be placed within the ‘Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations’. While interviewees are distributed throughout all eight categories, almost two-thirds are located among machinery operators and drivers and labourers, occupations requiring few or any educational qualifications. By contrast, only two obtained professional status occupations.
Work stability
The work history of just over one-quarter can be characterised as relatively stable and consistent. These interviewees have mostly worked within the same industry, and slowly worked their way up the occupational hierarchy. This includes Interviewee-9 (female, 48-years-old), who spent 30 years working within the equine industry. Despite regular methamphetamine use between 2010 and 2013, she ‘excelled’ at her job because of her deep knowledge of the industry and the extensive social capital accumulated throughout the region. Conversely, the work history of almost three-quarters can be characterised as relatively unstable and inconsistent, or largely non-existent. Interviewee-1 (male, 56-years-old) ‘had a lot of little, meaningless jobs’ from 18 to 35 because he was ‘aimless’ and ‘didn’t know what I wanted to do’. Interviewee-10 (female, 48-years-old) has had 25 different jobs over 30-years. Her opiate and methamphetamine use caused her to be ‘fired’, or ‘leave jobs and places in a hurry’, or her contract was simply ‘not renewed’.
Ambition
As with their education, two-thirds cannot be considered to have been ambitious or driven to succeed career-wise. Interviewee-3 (female, 53-years-old) caught a bus to a faraway city after an argument with her (schizophrenic) mother at age 16. After spending three weeks staying with a friend she was asked to begin paying her way. She then obtained a job at a massage parlour doing sex work. She was raped by her first boss, and at 32 realised she had been doing sex work for half her life. Of the one-third who did possess ambition, interviewee-2 (male, 56-years-old) was the most driven. At 20, he told an insurance broker his long-term goal was to be ‘self-employed by the time I was 30’; a feat he achieved at 35 by ‘working from daylight till dark’. But like Interviewees 19 (female, 45-years-old) and 20 (male, 44-years-old), his methamphetamine use was the main cause of shutting his business down. Interviewees 6 (male, 50-years-old) and 18 (male, 45-years-old) have been the most successful. Interviewee-6 has achieved associate professor status. And despite dyslexia and delinquency leading to very poor educational attainment, interviewee-18 has become a very successful small-business owner. Despite widespread lack of ambition, over half still possessed a strong work ethic. Interviewee-13’s (male, 47-years-old) parents were ‘strong on things like values and morals and ethics’. Despite more than 20-years of daily cannabis use before, during and after work, he managed to ‘maintain my memory, work ethics, standards, pace and get results’. Nevertheless, his heavy cannabis use still held him back from ‘doing even better’, and if (like school) he had applied himself further he could have ‘been something more’.
Illegal work
Over half the interviewees have been involved in illegal work activities. Of the 20, 16 were involved in the illegal drug industry. Three grew and sold cannabis, three sold both cannabis and methamphetamine, four sold methamphetamine only, five were poly drug dealers and one was financially dependent on the money her husband made from manufacturing methamphetamine.
Relationships
Regarding relations with co-workers, more than 80% had mostly positive relations with co-workers, while three-quarters had mostly positive relations with their superiors. One-third mentioned at least one serious conflict with either a co-worker, superior or business partner. The nature of these conflicts were either due to: money (including being cheated out of large sum of money by a business partner or stealing money from the company); interpersonal relations (including having a ‘run in’ with or being ‘shafted by’ a boss, or having ‘fallouts’ with co-workers due to the effects of drug use or a ‘bad attitude’ or ‘bad temper’); and work performance (including an injury displeasing superiors or failing a drug test). Similar to school bullying victimisation, over half were victimised by co-worker(s) and/or superior(s). This included being defrauded; verbally abused; sexually abused; sexually harassed; ‘put through the ringer’; ‘managed out’; ‘ripped off’; ‘used’; exploited; ‘blacklisted’; bullied and neglected. Conversely, only three admitted to being victimisers at work, and all three cases involved being fired for stealing money from the company.
The influence of work on drug use, and the impact of drug use on work
Interviewees were asked, ‘Do you think your work has influenced your drug use?’ While for 85% the answer is yes, for almost three-quarters it was the work itself, rather than relationships at work, that principally influenced their drug use. For example, work (or overwork) led to them feeling physical pain, psychologically distressed, stressed, bored or lethargic. And so drugs were used to ‘numb the pain’, ‘relieve daily stresses’ or provide ‘energy’; or they were sex workers so drugs allowed them to ‘cope with what was going on’; or they worked in a nightclub or pub where drinking was encouraged and normalised; or they received an income sufficient to allow regular use; or they were doing nightshift work so methamphetamine allowed the shift to pass by quicker; or they were methamphetamine dealers where using methamphetamine with customers allowed them to bond with existing customers or ‘hook’ in new customers. Where relationships were the prime influence, co-workers either introduced them to drugs or made drugs accessible and available; or they used with co-workers and/or superiors (thus increasing their use); or mistreatment by co-workers and/or one’s boss led to increased drug use.
Interviewees were then asked, ‘Do you think your drug use has impacted upon your work?’ For all interviewees, their drug use impacted on their work in some way. But in two-thirds of cases, their drug use had some functional influence on their work. For example, cannabis was used to ‘numb the pain’ of doing ‘hard physical monotonous’ labour; or heroin induced a care-free attitude, which helped being a good saleswoman; or alcohol use before sex work helped to ‘get ready to do that sort of stuff’; or speed aided in being able to tattoo ‘for hours’ while ‘intensely focused’; or methamphetamine induced ‘such a good mood’ that it created a ‘wonderful rapport with the customers’. While in all but five cases meth was involved, in only one-third of cases was methamphetamine the only influence. In nine cases methamphetamine only impacted negatively on their work, while in eight cases it did not negatively impact on their work. In the remaining 13 cases, methamphetamine began as functional but turned dysfunctional over time. It initially increased motivation, productivity, efficiency, and/or quality but eventually demotivated them, hindered productivity and/or decreased efficiency and quality.
When Interviewee-2 (male, 56-years-old) achieved his dream of self-employment at 35 his body ‘was already starting to wear out’. At 37, his over-worked body was so ‘beaten up’ that one morning he could not get out of bed. He had started using methamphetamine in 1999 as a ‘pick me up’ to attend work-related social gatherings, so thought, ‘What would happen if I tried some of that meth?’ An hour later he was working again, and thinking, ‘This is the best shit on earth’. For the next six years methamphetamine was ‘an investment that paid dividends’. But by 2006, ‘the cash which I could take out of the business wasn’t covering the progressive addiction of the meth’. By contrast, Interviewee-13 (male, 47-years-old) used methamphetamine as a ‘tool’ to be more efficient and productive at work. He left his job before his ‘functional’ use turned dysfunctional. The introduction of drug testing at his new job forced him to rationally evaluate his drug use, and he decided to stop using methamphetamine and cannabis.
Discussion and conclusion
Before and while attending school, the interviewees encountered five ACEs each on average (although six were exposed to none or one), with 66%–74% experiencing parental separation, parental substance abuse, emotional neglect and physical neglect. In line with interactional theory, the cumulative effect of these ACEs contributed to low attachment to parents and a lack of belief in conventional values and commitment to conformity. Such adversity highlights the importance of prosocial and protective authoritative parenting practices (Patterson, 1980). Of the 20 commonly shared adverse experiences discovered within the domains of school, friendship and work, Table 2 shows interviewees experienced 11 each on average. As interactional theory predicts, 66%–83% exhibited weak commitment to school, poor school performance, low academic achievement, a negative attitude, low school motivation and ambition, and low parental expectations. Moreover, participants also experienced high levels of mental health issues, significant turning point events, delinquency and delinquent peer involvement (including gang associations and older delinquent peer relations). In addition, almost half suffered bullying victimisation and a negative school transition experience, both of which hindered academic attainment and contributed to drug use. Moreover, boarding school, sexual relations, an impairment and difficulty making friends impacted on educational success for almost a quarter. As interviewees transitioned into work, between 54% and 71% continued to lack ambition, were victimised, had unstable careers and ended up involved in illegal economic activities.
Table 3 shows the influence family, school, friends and work had on drug use, and, conversely, how drug use impacted on each of the four domains. 2 Taken together, the life domain is more likely to influence drug use than drug use is to impact on that domain, especially a negative impact. While the family influenced drug use for 86%, it impacted negatively only half the time. While school influenced drug use for three-quarters, drug use was noticeably detrimental only one-third of the time (due to cannabis use). However, it was relations with deviant peers more than school factors that influenced use. Friendship was the most influential of the four domains; it influenced onset, continued and/or accelerated drug use for all interviewees, and drug use had a negative impact on friendship for 86%. Nevertheless, that impact was disproportionately due to methamphetamine use. If methamphetamine is excluded, then about half the time drug use did not negatively impact on friendships. Work influenced drug use for 85%, but for 71% it was work itself and not relations at work. And while drug use impacted on work for all interviewees, it had a partially positive impact for two-thirds. Again, methamphetamine was disproportionately influential. However, methamphetamine use was just as likely to not impact negatively as to impact negatively, while it was more likely to turn from functional to dysfunctional over time.
Bi-directional influence of drug use.
To observe adversity over time, interviewees’ ACEs were compared with their adverse school, friendship and work experiences. This analysis produced three almost equal sized groups; as interviewees transitioned from the family domain into school, friendship and work, the adversity for each one-third either remained consistent, decreased or increased. Importantly, the adverse experiences for three interviewees was significantly lower than all others (i.e. half that of the average). But despite lack of adversity, all three still developed serious and long-term poly drug use habits. This indicates becoming a frequent methamphetamine user is not the result of one specific combination or pattern of factors but of several different combinations. Since delinquency involves a very complex aggregation of internal and external conditions, then becoming a frequent methamphetamine user may result from ‘a variety of different sequences leading to the same result’ (Glueck & Glueck, 1952, p. 168).
According to interactional theory, if problems in the family or school are left unattended then a behavioural trajectory is likely to be established that substantially increases the likelihood of a deviant career. This is because ‘the reciprocal nature of the causal system tends to be self-perpetuating’ (Thornberry et al., 1991, p. 33), and so delinquency becomes more likely. If problems are not detected and treated early, then childhood delinquency is likely to trigger a process of ‘cumulative adversity forged in interactions with institutions of social control’ (Sampson, 2016, p. 495) – family, school, peers, neighbourhood, work, etc. – that perpetuates continuity in deviance.
With 12-of-the-20 adverse experiences related to school, and with the significance of deviant peer involvement, this paper highlights the importance of the educational domain for altering drug use trajectories, especially high school. Programmes that knife off deviant trajectories (especially for male and Māori students) could include those recommended by a government report (Gluckman, 2011) which seek to increase school commitment, performance, achievement, attitude, ambition, motivation, parental expectations and involvement, and decrease mental health issues, bullying victimisation and deviant peer involvement. In addition, attention should be paid to transitions from one school to another, and for a smoother and more successful transition from school to work (Thornberry et al., 1991). More broadly, the ‘Harvard Study of Adult Development’ has taught us the importance of a college-level education on the life-course. The data from one of the world’s longest studies of adult life indicate that it is education, rather than intelligence, socioeconomic status or wealth, that best predicts self-care, job status, healthy aging and life expectancy (Vaillant, 2012). The data also show the pursuit of education is most successful in cohesive and racially tolerant communities that heavily invest in their families and their school systems (Vaillant, 2012). For example, a social development model-based ‘Community That Cares’ intervention programme in Seattle provides tools to prevent drug abuse by reducing or eliminating risk factors and enhancing protective factors in individuals and their environments during the course of development (Hawkins et al., 2002).
Finally, the bi-directional influence between work and drug use is in accord with Laub and Sampson’s (2003) life-course theory. Specially, almost three-quarters had relatively unstable and inconsistent work history; two-thirds were not ambitious or driven to succeed career-wise; over half have been involved in illegal work activities; and over half were victimised by co-worker(s) and/or superior(s). According to the theory, such unstable and weak adult bonds to conventional work is more conducive to continued delinquency than desistance. This finding indicates attention should be paid to employment contributing to the stability of deviance. Instead of helping to ‘knife off’ deviant trajectories, instability, lack of ambition, victimisation, drug using coworkers, overwork, pain, stress, distress, boredom or lethargy can further ‘butter up’ drug use and deviant conduct.
Regarding limitations, while 65 total respondents is obviously too small to produce a representative profile of Aotearoa/New Zealand’s methamphetamine using population, the Wilkins et al. (2015) quantitative survey only included 99 respondents. Despite the sample size, the rich data in this study provide original, valuable and useful knowledge about the situational contexts and interpersonal factors that influence life-course trajectories, transitions and turning points for methamphetamine users in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Additionally, future analyses will provide much needed knowledge about onset of, persistence in, and desistance from methamphetamine use throughout the life-course.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The author wishes to acknowledge all participants in this research.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
