Navigating labour's labyrinth: Developing a typology of platform work in Sub-Saharan Africa

Digital surplus value

Building on Marx's theory of surplus value, I employ Fuchs’ (2010, 2015) concept of digital surplus value to understand how platforms extract value from workers’ labour beyond direct compensation. In the African context, I find this concept particularly salient due to the intersection of digital labour with pre-existing informal economies (Anwar and Graham, 2020a; Meagher, 2016). I observe digital surplus value in platform work manifesting through various mechanisms. Platform workers often engage in unpaid activities such as waiting for tasks or maintaining their digital profiles, contributing to the extraction of surplus value through unpaid labour time (Woodcock and Graham, 2020). Additionally, I note how platforms collect and monetize worker data, creating additional value beyond direct labour (van Doorn and Badger, 2020). I also examine how platforms shift economic risks onto workers, extracting value through reduced overheads (Shapiro, 2018).

I extend this concept by incorporating Zuboff's (2019) notion of surveillance capitalism, examining how platforms extract value not only from labour but also from the data generated by workers and users. I find this particularly relevant in the African context, where data protection regulations are often less stringent (Daly et al., 2019; Taylor and Broeders, 2015). In my typology development, digital surplus value informs my analysis of income security and peripheral exclusion. I examine how different categories of platform workers experience varying degrees of value extraction and how this shapes their economic precarity (Schor et al., 2020).

Alienation in platform work

I revisit Marx's multifaceted concept of alienation, adapting it to the context of platform work. Following Vallas and Schor (2020) and drawing heavily on Mészáros (1970) seminal work on alienation, I examine four dimensions of alienation in the platform economy. First, I observe alienation from the product of labour manifesting as workers’ lack of control over their data, ratings and digital reputations (Casilli, 2017). Second, I identify alienation from the act of production in how algorithmic management systems dictate work processes, schedules and performance metrics (Moore and Joyce, 2020; Rosenblat, 2018). Third, building on Mészáros’ (1970) analysis of alienation from ‘species-being’, I argue that platform work often reduces labour to a series of discrete, commodified tasks, potentially undermining workers’ sense of professional identity and purpose. Lastly, I examine how the individualized nature of platform work can undermine solidarity and collective action among workers, resulting in alienation from other workers (van Doorn, 2017).

In the African context, I argue that these forms of alienation interact with traditional labour structures and social norms in unique ways. For example, I propose that the communal nature of many African societies may intensify the experience of alienation from other workers in the individualized platform economy (Meagher, 2016). Alienation is central to my typology development, informing my analysis of worker autonomy and rating dependence. I examine how different categories of platform workers experience varying degrees of alienation and how this shapes their relationship with platforms and their work (Anwar and Graham, 2021b).

Digital neo-colonialism

Extending Nkrumah's (1965) concept of neo-colonialism to the digital realm, I examine how global tech platforms may perpetuate economic dependencies and power imbalances reminiscent of colonial relationships. I incorporate (Couldry and Mejia'’s (2019) concept of ‘data colonialism’ to analyse how platforms extract value from African workers and users while often circumventing local labour regulations and data protection laws (Friederici et al., 2016; Kwet, 2019).

I characterize digital neo-colonialism in platform work by several key aspects. I observe asymmetric power relations between Global North-based platforms and African workers, mirroring historical colonial dynamics (Thatcher et al., 2015). I examine how these platforms engage in the extraction of data and value from African digital labour markets, often without commensurate benefits to local economies (Wood et al., 2019). Furthermore, I analyse the imposition of algorithmic governance systems developed in Global North contexts, which may not adequately account for local realities (Amoore and Raley, 2017). Lastly, I consider how the perpetuation of global digital divides through uneven infrastructure development further entrenches these neo-colonial relationships (Carmody and Fortuin, 2019).

I find this concept crucial for understanding the broader political economy of platform work in Africa. It informs my analysis of peripheral exclusion in my typology, examining how different categories of workers are positioned within global digital labour markets (Anwar and Graham, 2020a; Graham et al., 2017).

Framework integration and analysis

My integrated theoretical framework informs both methodology and analysis through four key variables that structure my typology of platform workers in Sub-Saharan Africa: autonomy, income security, rating dependence and peripheral exclusion. Each variable emerges from and connects to the core theoretical concepts outlined above.

I base my understanding of autonomy on the concept of alienation, particularly alienation from the act of production (Mészáros, 1970; Mukhopadhyay, 2020). I examine how algorithmic management and platform design affect workers’ ability to control their work processes and schedules. I derive my analysis of income security from the concept of digital surplus value extraction, looking at how different worker categories experience economic precarity within the platform economy (Heeks, 2017). I view rating dependence as reflecting new forms of algorithmic control and digital surveillance, examining how workers’ livelihoods are shaped by opaque rating systems (Rani and Furrer, 2021; Rosenblat and Stark, 2017). I inform my analysis of peripheral exclusion with my conceptualization of digital neo-colonialism, analysing how different worker groups are included in or excluded from the global digital economy (Anwar and Graham, 2020a; Graham et al., 2017).

This theoretically grounded analytical framework enables me to develop a typology that captures both the diverse experiences of platform workers and the structural forces shaping platform work in Sub-Saharan Africa. By integrating neo-Marxist and postcolonial perspectives, I analyse how power relations, value extraction and colonial legacies manifest in and transform African labour markets through digital platforms (Howcroft and Bergvall-Kåreborn, 2018). The framework guides my subsequent methodology and empirical analysis, allowing me to offer insights that are both theoretically sophisticated and practically relevant to platform work in Sub-Saharan Africa. This approach contributes to both academic discourse on digital labour and policy considerations in this rapidly evolving field.

High-skilled independents

High-skilled independents category represents a distinct segment of platform workers such as programmers, designers and writers. This categorization, while acknowledging the contested nature of ‘skill’ in digital labour discourse, refers to workers with specialized technical or creative expertise who leverage this for platform-mediated work. From a neo-Marxist perspective, they embody a complex position: While retaining more control over their work than other categories, they remain subject to surplus value extraction through platform intermediation (Fuchs, 2014). The postcolonial dimension is evident in their participation in a global division of digital labour, often servicing clients from the Global North and potentially reproducing neo-colonial economic dependencies (Couldry and Mejias, 2019).

These workers exercise significant control over their work processes, schedules and client selection, constrained by platform algorithms and global competition. Their income security, while high compared to the other categories, remains volatile due to project-based work and platform dependencies. Success depends heavily on platform rating systems, reflecting new forms of algorithmic control (Rosenblat et al., 2016) while global inequalities in digital infrastructure and recognition of skills create persistent challenges.

Interview data revealed significant gender disparity, with over 80% of participants identifying as male, highlighting the prevailing gender imbalance in access to engineering and technical education (Dele-Ajayi et al., 2020; Nakayiwa et al., 2020). A South African female games developer's experience – ‘It's a boys club, and sometimes I feel like I miss out on jobs because of my gender’ – exemplifies how platform work reproduces existing gender biases. Workers primarily utilize global platforms like Fiverr, Upwork, Freelancer, alongside regional platforms like Gebeya, and Umurava navigating a landscape of opportunity and precarity shaped by algorithmic reputation systems and geopolitical barriers (Mann and Graham, 2017; Scholz, 2017).

The tension between autonomy and instability manifests distinctly across the region, emerging platforms like Umurava in Rwanda promise more tailored opportunities, yet still bind creatives to the same systemic constraints found globally. A Rwandan designer's experience – ‘I work on projects aligning with my passion. However, dependence on ratings and client feedback causes significant stress’ – resonates with Beerepoot and Lambregts (2014), who underscore the impact of digital reputation systems on creative work. Similarly, a Zimbabwean designer's report of nationality-based discrimination affecting income relative to South African peers reveals how digital platforms reproduce geopolitical hierarchies. These dynamics concentrate elite capture (Carmody, 2012), while perpetuating global knowledge economy inequities (Asongu and Nwachukwu, 2016).

The privileged position of high-skilled independents manifests in higher salaries, improved employment perks, more job opportunities, stronger negotiating power and comparatively easier international mobility. Nonetheless, this scarcity of skills also comes with drawbacks: a high number of unfilled positions leads to increased workloads, which can cause substantial stress, work-life imbalance and even burnout, particularly noted among South African and Zimbabwean workers who reported having to work during the night especially now because of prevailing power blackouts or ‘loadshedding’ in the two countries. These challenges, however, predate the electricity challenges, as noted by Oosthuizen et al. (2016) and Van Belle et al. (2017 ). Additionally, a portion of these workers experience feelings of professional inefficacy, contributing to reduced job satisfaction and, in some cases, a tendency to consider leaving their organizations or the IT sector as a whole (Van Belle et al., 2017). The persistence of such instability dynamics underscores forms of enduring domination by corporate intermediaries and advanced economy partners that perpetuate marginal outcomes (Nyabola, 2018), reminiscent of unequal historical North-South trading systems (Nkrumah, 1965).

While sharing characteristics with Vallas and Schor's (2020) ‘cloud-based consultants’, my findings reveal unique challenges faced by African workers in this category. Their experiences reflect Marx's concept of alienation in a digital context, where workers are disconnected from the full value of their labour while reproducing gender and geographical inequalities. This dynamic simultaneously challenges and reinforces existing power structures, demonstrating how platform capitalism can perpetuate neo-colonial relationships even as it creates new opportunities for skilled workers in the Global South, echoing Nkrumah's (1965) critique of neo-colonial economic relationships.

While focusing on African high-skilled independents, it is essential to contextualize their experiences within the broader global digital labour market. Professionals in IT and creative sectors globally navigate similar landscapes of autonomy and platform dependency (Schor et al., 2020). However, the reliance on platforms for primary income and the severity of challenges like rating fluctuations and market volatility are more pronounced in the African context (Aneja and Sridhar, 2019; Barnes et al., 2014). Moreover, African professionals also face unique challenges such as nationality-based discrimination and disparities in access to opportunities (Graham et al., 2017), highlighting the need for region-specific support strategies.

Low-skilled dependents

The low-skilled dependents category, emerging from my empirical analysis and theoretical framework, represents a distinct segment of platform workers in Sub-Saharan Africa. This categorization refers to workers engaged in tasks that require minimal specialized training or qualifications. From a neo-Marxist perspective, these workers embody a digital proletariat subject to intense exploitation and alienation within the platform economy (Fuchs, 2015). The postcolonial dimension is evident in the replication of unequal power structures reminiscent of colonial labour relations (Coleman, 2019; Langan, 2018; Mbembe, 2001).

Low-skilled dependents play a significant role in the digital gig economy, working primarily in semi-skilled or unskilled positions on platforms like Vuba Vuba, UberEats, Uber, Bolt, DoorDash, Mr D Food, Jumia Food and Taxify. Unlike ‘high-skilled Independents’, who have more autonomy and often take on specialized tasks, this group consists of workers from various backgrounds, including university graduates, who turn to gig work due to limited job opportunities in their fields of study. Their work is focused in urban centres in Rwanda, South Africa and Zimbabwe, highlighting the importance of strong digital infrastructure in these roles.

These workers occupy a distinctly precarious position, characterized by minimal autonomy under strict algorithmic management, consistently low, with highly unstable and often insufficient earnings and heavy dependence on opaque platform rating systems. While participating in the platform economy, they face significant barriers to upward mobility and experience forms of digital marginalization through platform mechanisms that concentrate control over work processes, schedules and earnings.

There are notable differences among these countries. In Zimbabwe, even individuals with degrees are forced to rely on platform income to survive, due to infrastructure gaps and economic challenges. Among the three countries, South Africa offers relatively more options for semi-skilled workers, although discrimination still persists, leading advocates to call for labour regulation reforms that encompass gig workers (Parker and Horowitz, 2022). A ride-hailing driver from South Africa shares their experience: ‘I work 8 to 10 hours a day driving for Bolt in Johannesburg. They set low fares and change rules without consulting us. But I don't have many other options to make a living’. Unlike ‘high-skilled independents’ who possess specialized skills and more bargaining power, these workers face strict control by the platforms over their work conditions.

The lack of discretion over work schedules, rates and processes leads to a sense of alienation, where individuals are disconnected from decisions that greatly impact their livelihoods (Marx, 1992). A delivery rider from Zimbabwe emphasized this, saying, ‘I can't choose when or where I work. The app assigns orders seemingly at random, adding to the uncertainty of my income and time’. This limited agency suggests a broader sense of dispossession, as platforms prioritize efficiency through opaque algorithms that dictate the terms of participation (Rosenblat, 2018). A delivery rider from Rwanda explains, ‘The app completely dictates my work schedule. I often have to work late hours just to make enough money, which leaves very little time for my family’. This lack of control sharply contrasts with those in the gig economy who are ‘aspiring entrepreneurials’ or ‘established entrepreneurials’, as they typically have more autonomy over their work schedules and business decisions.

Income security reflects Marx's concept of the reserve army of labour in the digital age with workers bearing significant financial risks while platforms extract increasing surplus value. A South African driver explains, ‘Bolt takes 25% of our fares for connecting us with riders. We are responsible for vehicle, insurance, and fuel costs, but we have no way of verifying if their share is justified by the expenses related to technology alone’. This lack of transparency, combined with an oversupply of willing participants, creates conditions that are conducive to exploitation, as viable alternatives are scarce for this group. While Rwanda's reliable infrastructure offers some advantages, the concentration of platforms in Kigali limits potential benefits, while power outages in Zimbabwe and South Africa further exacerbate worker precarity.

The dependence on ratings systems for low-skilled dependents exemplifies new forms of algorithmic control and surveillance in the platform economy (Arubayi, 2022; Cieslik et al., 2021; Rosenblat, 2018). A ride-hailing driver from Rwanda said, ‘The app tracks if I take a route that they don't recommend, which is frustrating because sometimes I know of a shortcut or a route with less traffic’. A South African driver expressed a similar sentiment, stating, ‘Imagine having to deal with a passenger who becomes intoxicated and vomits in your car, and then you receive a two-star rating. You report it to the platform, but they don't resolve it, and no one compensates you for the inconvenience and lost earnings’. Aspiring entrepreneurials, who may rely more on direct client relationships and personal networks, encounter fewer instances of being at the mercy of customer ratings and platform algorithms.

The experiences of low-skilled dependents in my study both align with and diverge from existing typologies of platform workers. While they share characteristics with Vallas and Schor's (2020) ‘gig workers’, my findings reveal unique challenges faced by African workers in this category, particularly in terms of the intersection between digital labour and pre-existing informal economies.

From a postcolonial perspective, these workers’ experiences echo neo-colonial economic systems where external powers concentrate decision-making rights for asymmetrical accumulation (Ayelazuno and Mawuko-Yevugah, 2020; Carmody, 2017; Nkrumah, 1965). Gray (2023) draws parallels between current technological obscurity and historical European resource appropriation, with interfaces replacing gunboats. Notably, even local African platforms like Vuba Vuba and Mr D Food replicate these exploitative models, demonstrating global digital capitalism's pervasive influence and the challenges of developing worker-centred alternatives.

The low-skilled dependents category in my typology reveals the intense precarity and exploitation faced by a significant segment of platform workers in Sub-Saharan Africa. Their experiences highlight the ways in which digital platforms can exacerbate existing inequalities and reproduce colonial-era labour relations in the digital age. Future research should explore the long-term socio-economic impacts of this form of platform work and the potential for collective organization among these workers to challenge their precarious conditions.

Aspiring entrepreneurs

The aspiring entrepreneurs category, emerging from my empirical analysis and theoretical framework, represents a distinct segment of platform workers in Sub-Saharan Africa. This group embodies a complex position within the platform economy, straddling the line between worker and entrepreneur. From a neo-Marxist perspective, these workers represent an intriguing contradiction: while still subject to platform-mediated exploitation, they actively seek to accumulate capital and become small-scale entrepreneurs. The postcolonial dimension is evident in their attempts to navigate and potentially subvert global platform structures dominated by the Global North.

The aspiring entrepreneurs category represents approximately 20–30% of ride-hailing and delivery drivers across the countries studied, with the highest proportion found in Zimbabwe (35%), followed by South Africa (25%). These semi-skilled workers strategically utilize platforms like Uber, Bolt and InDrive not only for income, but to launch their own entrepreneurial side businesses. For example, a Zimbabwean may balance full-time employment while operating a small bolt ride-hailing fleet in evenings and weekends. Others leverage account sharing arrangements to coordinate teams serving different neighbourhoods. These deliberate approaches demonstrate financial motivations but also longer-term ambitions to enable future startup ventures.

My analysis reveals that aspiring entrepreneurs occupy a distinctive middle ground within the platform economy's hierarchy. These workers demonstrate moderate autonomy, exercising more control over their work processes than low-skilled dependents while still facing significant platform constraints. Despite their efforts to diversify income sources through strategic platform use, their earnings remain largely unpredictable and often insufficient, reflecting persistent income insecurity. Through experience, they have developed strategies to mitigate the impact of platform ratings on their livelihoods, achieving a moderate level of rating dependence. While more integrated into the digital economy than some groups, they continue to encounter barriers to full participation and upward mobility, manifesting as moderate peripheral exclusion.

Aspiring entrepreneurs in the platform economy have moderate autonomy, allowing them to navigate between different platforms and balance gig work with other employment. However, their income security is low due to the unpredictable nature of gig-based earnings and the need to juggle multiple roles. They rely significantly on platform ratings to access work and income, but they also have enough adaptability to mitigate the impact of ratings on their livelihoods. While they have better access to digital platforms compared to more marginalized groups, they still encounter barriers that limit their full participation in the digital economy. The journey of this group in the platform economy showcases both entrepreneurial ambition and the challenges of navigating an uncertain and fluctuating landscape. The majority of interviewees fitting this category depended on maintaining accounts with three or more platforms to safeguard inconsistent earnings, a common survival strategy.

The experiences of aspiring entrepreneurs in my study both align with and diverge from existing typologies of platform workers. While they share some characteristics with Vallas and Schor's (2020) ‘gig workers’, their entrepreneurial aspirations and strategies set them apart. My findings reveal unique challenges and opportunities faced by African workers in this category, particularly in terms of navigating the intersection between digital labour, informal economies and entrepreneurial ambitions.

The availability of platforms and reliable connectivity infrastructure are crucial factors that shape opportunities. South Africa offers the widest range of options, with new ride apps appearing regularly, allowing workers to adapt. In contrast, Zimbabwe has fewer platforms, expensive data costs and limited broadband, leading to more dependence. Rwanda falls somewhere in between, with a mix of local and foreign platforms and supportive digital entrepreneurship policies compensating for fewer options. The innovative use of platform accounts is a distinct trait among the aspiring entrepreneurials group. A Zimbabwean freelancer exemplifies this, having developed a unique business model within the digital workspace. He explains, ‘I've set up a system where a team uses my Upwork account for projects for a fee, ensuring a steady flow of income for me even when I'm not directly working. It's like managing a small enterprise within the platform’. This method not only provides consistent income but also demonstrates their entrepreneurial thinking within the gig economy's limitations and opportunities.

From a neo-Marxist perspective, the strategies employed by aspiring entrepreneurs can be seen as attempts to overcome alienation and gain greater control over their labour power (Marx, 1978). However, these efforts often remain constrained within the broader structures of platform capitalism. Relying on informal agreements instead of enforceable contracts for account sharing and subcontracting arrangements concentrates risks with workers if account access is revoked. This reliance on informal arrangements absent enforceable contracts concentrates risks with workers if access is denied, reflecting the vulnerabilities of ‘ad hoc informal under-regulation’ that Heeks (2017) identifies across African platform ecosystems.

The postcolonial dimension is evident in how aspiring entrepreneurs navigate and attempt to subvert platform structures dominated by Global North companies. Their innovative strategies can be seen as forms of resistance to digital colonialism (Allen-Robertson, 2017; Arubayi, 2022), albeit within the constraints of the platform economy. Furthermore, while platforms prohibit informal collective organization around sharing accounts, enforcement is rare due to detection difficulties. If discovered, suspension risks months of reputation building and income loss. There is little legal recourse for informal approaches that violate terms of service. Thus, formalizing protections around innovative models is essential for sustainability.

The reliance on platform ratings is important but also risky. A multi-faceted issue that requires strategic navigation. That's why a worker from Zimbabwe explains, ‘Ratings matter, but I diversify my sources of income by working with multiple platforms, from Bolt to freelance writing gigs’. This strategy demonstrates their understanding of the gig economy's dynamics and the need to mitigate risks associated with rating fluctuations.

The journey of aspiring entrepreneurs reflects the contradictions inherent in platform capitalism, particularly in the African context. While seeking to overcome their precarious position as platform workers, they often reproduce elements of the very system they aim to transcend. This aligns with Nkrumah's (1965) observations on the complexities of economic independence in postcolonial contexts.

The aspiring entrepreneurs category in my typology reveals the complex interplay between worker agency, entrepreneurial ambition and structural constraints in the platform economy. Their experiences highlight both the potential for innovation and empowerment within digital labour markets and the persistent challenges of precarity and exploitation.

Established entrepreneurials

The established entrepreneurials category, emerging from my empirical analysis and theoretical framework, represents a unique segment within the platform labour market in Sub-Saharan Africa. This group embodies a complex position that challenges traditional Marxist notions of the worker-capitalist dichotomy. From a neo-Marxist perspective, these individuals have transitioned from being part of the digital proletariat to becoming small-scale capitalists themselves, yet they often maintain a critical stance towards exploitative platform practices. The postcolonial dimension is evident in their efforts to create locally responsive alternatives to Global North-dominated platforms, reflecting Mbembe's (2001) concept of postcolonial agency and innovation.

Established entrepreneurials consist of individuals who have transitioned from being platform workers to successful entrepreneurs. These entrepreneurs have either scaled their platform activities into sustainable businesses or identified market gaps to launch new platforms tailored to local needs. In contrast to ‘low-skilled dependents’ and ‘discouraged peripherals’, who often face challenges with platform dependencies and access barriers, established entrepreneurials leverage their platform experiences, business expertise and capital to create and expand their enterprises.

My analysis reveals how established entrepreneurials have achieved a position of relative power within the platform economy through their strategic evolution from workers to business owners. These entrepreneurs exercise significant autonomy through their control over business processes, schedules and strategic decisions. Their success in building diversified income sources and sustainable businesses provides them robust financial security, markedly different from other platform worker categories. While customer feedback remains important for their operations, they have largely transcended dependence on platform-specific rating systems. Having overcome many digital and infrastructural barriers themselves, these entrepreneurs often work actively to reduce exclusion for others entering the platform economy, demonstrating both their privileged position and potential for fostering more inclusive digital labour markets.

Within the platform economy, established entrepreneurials embody high autonomy, allowing them to manage their tasks, schedules and business processes with significant discretion. This stands in stark contrast to the rigid constraints faced by typical gig workers. Their entrepreneurial ventures, marked by diversified income sources, provide them with robust income security, shielding them from the uncertainties of fluctuating platform work. Unlike others, they are less reliant on platform rating systems, with customer feedback influencing business growth rather than dictating access to work or income. Furthermore, these entrepreneurs face minimal exclusion from the platform ecosystem. Having navigated and overcome common digital and infrastructural barriers, they often take the lead in breaking down these obstacles for others through innovative and inclusive business models.

The experiences of established entrepreneurials in my study both align with and diverge from existing typologies of platform workers. While they share some characteristics with Vallas and Schor's (2020) ‘platform architects/technologists’, my findings reveal unique challenges and opportunities faced by African entrepreneurs in this category, particularly in terms of navigating postcolonial economic structures and local market needs.

Established entrepreneurials in the platform space leverage their experience across transportation, delivery and professional services sectors most frequently to launch ventures. A Rwandan platform founder shared, ‘We became frustrated with platforms taking high commissions, so my co-founder and I used our networks and portfolios to establish our own platform. We encouraged fellow platform workers to join us, offering better payment’. This narrative is typical among established entrepreneurials, who leverage their understanding of the pain points in the platform economy to create more equitable and locally responsive platforms.

From a neo-Marxist perspective, these entrepreneurs represent a potential avenue for worker empowerment within the digital economy. Their efforts to create more equitable platforms align with Marx's vision of workers gaining control over the means of production. However, as Harvey (2010) notes, the transition from worker to small-scale capitalist can also reproduce existing power structures.

These entrepreneurs represent a shift in the labour-capital dynamic within the digital economy. While platforms often contribute to precarity through low pay and lack of protections (Anwar and Graham, 2021a; Standing, 2014), established entrepreneurials navigate these challenges by establishing businesses that offer greater autonomy and income security. Their journey aligns with Mészáro'’s (1970) notions of overcoming alienation, as they transition from precarious work conditions to positions where they have more control over their economic activities and resist exploitation commonly experienced in platform labour (Mandel, 1968).

The postcolonial dimension is evident in how these entrepreneurs navigate and challenge global platform structures. Their efforts to create locally responsive platforms can be seen as forms of resistance to digital colonialism (Couldry and Mejias, 2019; Dinika, 2022). However, as Nkrumah (1965) observed, the challenges of true economic independence in postcolonial contexts are complex.

However, an intriguing and concerning trend arises: some local platforms established by these entrepreneurs begin to mirror the exploitative practices of larger, foreign counterparts. This phenomenon aligns with Nkrumah's (1965) neo-colonial thesis, highlighting the replication of foreign exploitation patterns even within indigenous entrepreneurial ventures. Such mimicry underscores the pervasive influence of global digital economy structures, where even local entrepreneurs, in their efforts to compete and thrive, may inadvertently adopt similar practices that perpetuate worker precarity and inequality.

The established entrepreneurials category in my typology reveals the complex interplay between entrepreneurial agency, structural constraints and postcolonial economic dynamics in the platform economy. The challenges faced by these entrepreneurs highlight the persistent inequalities in the global digital economy. Their struggles to acquire clients, establish trust and secure funding reflect broader postcolonial dynamics, where African entrepreneurs must navigate a global market that often favours established Western entities. While their experiences showcase the potential for local innovation and empowerment within digital labour markets, they also underscore the persistent challenges of overcoming global inequalities.

Discouraged peripherals

The discouraged peripherals category emerged from my research as a critical, yet often overlooked, segment within the digital gig economy ecosystem. While not as actively engaged in platform work as other categories, these individuals are crucial to understanding the full spectrum of platform labour dynamics in Sub-Saharan Africa. From a neo-Marxist perspective, they represent an extreme manifestation of Marx's concept of the reserve army of labour in the digital age (Kaarsholm, 2020; Magdoff and Magdoff, 2004; Marx, 1978). The postcolonial dimension is evident in how global platform structures reproduce and exacerbate existing inequalities, echoing Fanon's (Fanon, 1963) observations on the persistence of colonial power structures in postcolonial economies.

I should add, as a methodological note, that I identified discouraged peripherals through snowball sampling, community outreach and referrals from active platform workers. These individuals had attempted to engage in platform work but faced insurmountable barriers, or had briefly participated before being excluded. Their experiences provide crucial insights into the mechanisms of exclusion within the platform economy. Notably, my research revealed that the majority of individuals in this category are women, highlighting a significant gender dimension to digital exclusion in the platform economy.

These individuals face barriers that prevent them from regularly participating in platform-based work. Limited digital access, linguistic limitations, and platform eligibility criteria hinder their engagement with these platforms. Unlike ‘low-skilled dependents’, who participate in platform work despite precarious conditions, and ‘high-skilled independents’, who navigate these platforms with autonomy, ‘discouraged peripherals’ are largely sidelined from the gig economy and experience severe marginalization. This sets them apart from groups like ‘low-skilled dependents’, who still rely on platform income to some extent, indicating a clear stratification within the platform ecosystem (Graham et al., 2017; Schor et al., 2020; A. J. Wood et al., 2019).

My analysis reveals the profound marginalization of discouraged peripherals within the platform economy. These individuals face the most severe barriers to participation, reflecting extreme peripheral exclusion deeply rooted in systemic inequalities. Their virtual absence of control over engagement with digital labour platforms indicates minimal autonomy, while their exclusion from platform work often results in extreme economic precarity. Unable to build the necessary reputational capital due to their inability to participate consistently in platform work, the concept of rating dependence becomes effectively meaningless for this group. Their experiences illuminate the stark limitations of platform economy's promised democratization of work opportunities.

The extensive barriers faced by discouraged peripherals reinforce their exclusion, particularly when compared to ‘low-skilled dependents’ who navigate algorithmic management to participate on platforms. A former remote worker shared, ‘I once did some remote jobs but I was using my cousin's laptop at night and when he went back to university I stopped, as I had no other option. The work is only at night because it's for American organisations in different time zones. No internet cafe opens at night here’. This sentiment highlights the informality of their situation and emphasizes the profound marginalization experienced by those who are denied even disproportionately unequal platform access.

From a neo-Marxist perspective, the exclusion of discouraged peripherals represents an extreme form of alienation, where individuals are not only disconnected from their labour but entirely prevented from participating in the digital economy. This aligns with Marx's concept of the reserve army of labour, but in a digital context where algorithmic systems create new forms of exclusion (Fuchs, 2014).

The postcolonial dimension is evident in how platform exclusion reproduces and exacerbates existing inequalities. As Mbembe (2001) argues, postcolonial power structures often operate through mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. In the case of discouraged peripherals, global platform structures act as new forms of ‘digital borders’, reinforcing historical patterns of marginalization. Digital exclusion disproportionately affects women, reflecting and amplifying existing gender inequalities in access to technology, education and economic opportunities. This gendered digital divide is not a simple binary but intersects with other social and economic factors such as class, race and geography (Robinson et al., 2015, 2020). In Africa, for instance, Gillwald (2018) demonstrates how gender interacts with income and education levels to influence ICT access and use. These digital inequalities are deeply rooted in pre-existing socio-economic and political structures Gurumurthy (2004). The gender digital divide has significant implications for women's economic empowerment, as lack of digital access can exacerbate existing gender gaps in employment and entrepreneurship opportunities (World Bank Group, 2016). Furthermore, disparities in digital skills can limit women's participation in the modern workforce, potentially widening economic gender gaps (UNESCO, 2018).

These exclusions sharply deviate from the promised seamless and democratizing nature of platforms. Instead, the algorithmic measures used by platforms create barriers to participation and perpetuate a history of dispossession by fragmenting work into insecure microtasks and limiting access for Africans (Casill and Posada, 2019). The requirement for unpaid investments in reputation through ratings before accessing opportunities reintroduces the logic of coercion and forced labour (Woodcock, 2021).

The exclusion of discouraged peripherals must be understood within the broader context of global political economy. Drawing on world-systems theory (Wallerstein, 2004), we can view this digital marginalization as a new manifestation of core-periphery dynamics in the global economy. Global platforms, predominantly based in the Global North, extract value from African labour markets while simultaneously excluding large segments of the population from participation. This digital exclusion thus reinforces Africa's peripheral status in the global economy, perpetuating historical patterns of uneven development.

The discouraged peripherals category in my typology reveals the extent of exclusion and marginalization within the platform economy in Sub-Saharan Africa. Their experiences highlight how digital platforms can exacerbate existing inequalities and create new forms of exclusion. Future research should explore the long-term socio-economic impacts of this exclusion and potential strategies for more inclusive platform economies.

Digital labour through African experiences: theoretical advances

This paper advances theoretical understanding of digital labour transformation in the Global South through its analysis of platform work in Sub-Saharan Africa. The typology – encompassing high-skilled independents, low-skilled dependents, aspiring entrepreneurials, established entrepreneurials and discouraged peripherals – reveals how platform capitalism manifests distinctly in African contexts while illuminating broader patterns of exploitation and resistance. By integrating Fuchs and Sandoval's (2014) digital labour analysis with postcolonial theory, I demonstrate how platform-mediated precarity in Africa extends beyond job insecurity or low wages to encompass deeper forms of digital dispossession, where algorithmic control and data accumulation create new forms of dependency that echo historical patterns of colonial exploitation. The analysis of low-skilled dependents and discouraged peripherals reveals a new form of digital ‘reserve army’ of labour demonstrating how platforms create a global pool of on-demand workers, exacerbating labour surplus and wage depression. This digital reserve army differs from Marx's original concept in its global scope and algorithmic management yet serves a similar function in maintaining a perpetual oversupply of labour that suppresses wages and worsens working conditions.

My examination of aspiring and established entrepreneurials challenges prevailing narratives about digital entrepreneurship in Africa. While these workers demonstrate significant agency in navigating platform structures, their experiences reveal how entrepreneurial aspirations often reproduce rather than challenge exploitative practices. This contradiction emerges from the structural constraints of global platform capitalism, where even locally owned platforms frequently replicate the algorithmic control and value extraction mechanisms of their Global North counterparts.

The identification of discouraged peripherals as a distinct category contributes to theories of digital inequality by revealing the layered nature of digital exclusion in African platform economies. Beyond simple access barriers, algorithmic bias, infrastructure gaps and skill mismatches create new forms of exclusion in the digital economy. This extends theoretical understanding beyond conventional notions of the ‘digital divide’ to illuminate the complex, multidimensional nature of digital marginalization in Africa. This paper thus makes three principal theoretical contributions. First, it demonstrates how the intersection of neo-Marxist and postcolonial theory reveals previously obscured dimensions of platform labour exploitation. Second, it shows how geographic variations in platform capitalism's manifestation illuminate broader theoretical insights about digital labour transformation. Third, it advances new frameworks for understanding digital exclusion in the Global South.

My typology of platform workers reveals how conventional understandings of platform precarity, largely developed through Global North case studies, fail to capture crucial dimensions of worker experience in postcolonial contexts. For example, while existing frameworks emphasize algorithmic control and rating systems as primary mechanisms of worker control, my analysis shows how these technical mechanisms interact with colonial legacies of economic dependence and uneven development to create distinct forms of platform-mediated subordination.

Geographic variations and theoretical insights

Geographic variations across the three study countries reveal distinct manifestations of platform capitalism. Rwanda's paradoxical dynamic, where government digital-first policies have spawned local platforms that replicate global platform practices, extends theoretical understandings of digital neo-colonialism. South Africa's platform economy demonstrates how platform architectures actively incorporate and transform historical patterns of racial and economic stratification, moving beyond simplistic views of platforms as neutral amplifiers of existing inequalities. Zimbabwe's emergence of a ‘skilled precariat’ – educated workers pushed into precarious platform work – challenges assumptions about skills and labour market security, revealing how platforms can function as mechanisms of deskilling in Global South contexts despite development narratives positioning them as opportunity vehicles.

Synthesis and future research

The identification of discouraged peripherals extends theories of digital inequality by revealing how algorithmic exclusion operates through the interaction of technical systems with pre-existing marginalization, how platform accessibility requirements function as new forms of primitive accumulation and how digital exclusion relates to broader processes of uneven development. These findings carry implications beyond Africa, demonstrating how platform capitalism's global expansion reproduces colonial patterns of economic subordination through digital means, while local contexts both shape and resist its homogenizing tendencies.

Future research directions include longitudinal studies tracking worker mobility patterns across platform categories, comparative studies examining platform capitalism's intersection with various postcolonial contexts and investigations of worker organization and resistance. Understanding platform capitalism's future requires engaging with its manifestations in the Global South, where the majority of digital workers increasingly reside, to develop theoretical frameworks capable of addressing its global dynamics.