Abstract
Research concerning men working in predominantly female environments has suggested that stereotyping can occur when gender norms are violated, such as men teaching at the elementary school level. The present study investigated the presence and perspectives of male elementary school music teachers in specific geographical regions of the Northeastern United States. A qualitative analysis of six public school districts representing multiple states in the Northeastern United States revealed that women still hold a majority among elementary music teachers. Interviews were then conducted with three selected male elementary music teachers to determine if any of them felt discriminated or marginalized among their female colleagues. While these men did claim that their masculinity indeed caused various issues relating to male discrimination, all three felt content with their positions regardless of their gender identification.
Horace Mann once stated that the increase of women elementary school teachers in the 19th century, due to shifting attitudes toward women in the workplace, may potentially result in male teachers feeling “feminized” due to their underrepresentation in this specific industry (Sargent, 1998, p. 169). In a 2014 survey conducted by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, male elementary school teachers accounted for 19.1% of the total population, revealing men as a statistical minority in early education (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014). While significant work has been conducted on the trends of women participants in male-dominated industries, limited research exists about perceptions of men working in female-oriented environments. This is particularly apparent in the field of elementary music education, where the majority of general music teachers have been female (Greger, 2014).
Kanter (1977) reported that when any group represents less than 15% of an organization, its members will be subject to forms of discrimination. Though the current 19% reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics is slightly above Kanter’s statistic, Reskin (1988) argued that any dominant group in an occupation will use power to maintain a privileged position. This has the potential to create an unethical and prejudicial work environment that mirrors the struggle borne often by women, where qualities of assertiveness and ambition are typically associated with masculinity (Heilman & Wallen, 2009). In the case of male elementary school music teachers, Greger (2014) argued that stereotypes concerning gender identification negatively affect masculinity, making men, as phrased by Heilman and Wallen (2009), “wimpy and undeserving of respect” (p. 664).
As a male elementary general music teacher, I find that my personal or professional experiences have not been hampered by the fact that I am in the gender minority. I have never felt marginalized or threatened that my own sense of masculinity has become diminished due to the fact that I work in a predominantly female environment. Evidence collected by researchers, however, has pointed to social influences inaccurately labeling men in elementary positions as “gay, effeminate, or a pedophile” (Greger, 2014, p. 8), yet my experience has yielded no such conflict. On the contrary, I find my position stimulating, meaningful, and worthy of pursuit regardless of gender differences.
This perception has led me to ponder if other men currently operating in my profession felt similarly, or if they have experienced discrimination and prejudice from their colleagues, administration, students, or the community at large. Do male elementary general music teachers feel their masculinity being threatened by working in a nontraditional role? In addition, do women currently hold a majority in elementary music positions that for men would be considered a violation in terms of sexual stereotyping or traditional norms on gender identification?
To answer these questions, I compared the current trends of several school districts in the Northeastern United States with the survey conducted by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. In addition, I examined interviews taken from male elementary school teachers within the field of music. Their testimonies provide broad implications for the present status of gender equality in the elementary school workplace that can potentially be used to help eliminate gender stereotypes. In understanding these perspectives, a more equitable model of elementary music education can be envisioned in the goal of providing quality instruction for students, regardless of the teacher’s gender identification.
Related Research
Studies in gender relations as applied to the professional workplace have been conducted for some time, particularly at the recruitment level. Explorations of hiring practices in industries that are stereotyped as predominantly male or female was the subject of a study by Cohen and Bunker (1975), who determined that the interaction of gender and the specific position of the applicant suggests that gender stereotyping occurs stages of the job selection process” (p. 570). A related study conducted by Kopetz (1981) focused on the hiring of a secondary instrumental music teacher when comparing the gender of the applicant with the primary instrument notated on the applicant’s resume.
Kopetz circulated four sets of fictitious resumes, each set rotating the name of each gender-specific applicant with his or her background information. Instruments represented on each resume were also gender-specific, as defined by Abeles and Porter (1978), including clarinet, trumpet, violin, and oboe. While results did not show a significant difference between both gender and instrumental preference, males were generally preferred over females by evaluators to receive a formal interview.
The issue of males receiving more employment opportunities as music teachers in secondary schools was noted by Delzell (1993) in her examination of high school band teaching positions. Though high school choir and orchestra teachers had a more equitable gender balance, male band teachers had a much stronger representation. Delzell theorized that while elementary music teachers had a greater female connotation, positions labeled “instrumental conductor” had a more masculine connotation (p. 78). This may have been reinforced by the historical nature of the band position, which possesses a military origin and thus is stereotypically associated with males.
These results and others (Jackson, 1996; Sears, 2014; Sheldon & Hartley, 2012) have established the existence of an imbalance between gender and secondary instrumental education. Elementary general music education has seemed to follow that same trend, though in favor of females (Gamble & Wilkins, 1997; Klecker, 1997; Koza, 1993; Sargent, 1998). Koza (1993) explored the historical perspectives of the lack of male music teachers in the mid-19th century, which indicated that music was considered a female art. This led to the misconception that pursuing a career in music education, particularly at the elementary level, was “effeminate” and considered detrimental to adolescent masculinity (p. 220).
To compensate for this perceived lack of manliness, Klecker (1997) suggested that serving in nontraditional gender careers for many men is merely a stepping stone in a move to serve in school administration. Williams (1992) contended that men have innate advantages in receiving more administrative promotions than women, which she referred to as the “glass escalator effect” (p. 263). However, men performing “women’s work” (p. 253) were still largely accepted by their female colleagues and felt generally satisfied with their choice of profession. Klecker (1997) reported similar results when surveying nearly 2,000 elementary school teachers. While job satisfaction for female teachers was reported as higher than males, the overall rating by the male teachers was generally very positive.
While this evidence shows strong support for a statistical disadvantage for males in the elementary school environment, it does not seem to have curtailed a general feeling of acceptance and job satisfaction. Sargent’s (1998) interviews of 23 male elementary school teachers revealed a rejection of stereotypically male behavior, including the need for an authoritative presence. Participants did feel that as men, they were required to perform more traditionally male acts, including filling disciplinary roles to manual chores, such as lifting objects, moving furniture, or repairing technology.
In addition, the greatest dissatisfaction experienced by the participants was a feeling of suspicion due to their close proximity with children. Gay men in this study were particularly concerned about individuals who might conflate sexual orientation with pedophilia. Even in the majority of participants who identified themselves as heterosexual, the issue of being mislabeled as gay was personally significant. Concerns that touching a child would lead to accusations of molestation or abuse were common themes. However, men were reluctant to discuss these concerns with anyone, even other male elementary teachers.
Through interviews with male elementary school teachers, Sargent (1998) and others (Dodson & Borders, 2006; Greger, 2014; Roulston & Misawa, 2011) have developed a contradictory set of responses about males and their participation in a female-dominated work environment. In many cases, men felt objectified by their assumed roles as disciplinarians, symbols of physical prowess, and candidates for professional advancement. On the other hand, men also felt general satisfaction and acceptance by their female colleagues without any desire for an advancement in position. This paradox reflects the lack of a unified perspective of men serving as elementary teachers both within and outside a music discipline.
Methodology
Six public school districts from the Northeastern United States were selected by a team of three researchers including the author. Two public school districts in New Jersey, New York, and Vermont were selected independently by each researcher for their proximity to each school district. Selection by proximity was decided due to the possibility that the researcher would need to visit the school and ascertain the gender identification of the specific music teacher in the event that the name notated on the school’s website was not clearly defined. The researchers individually examined the staff pages of each district’s school website and identified teachers of the elementary music department by name and position title.
In the absence of the title “Ms./Mrs.” or “Mr.” on the district websites, gender names were classified by each researcher individually and compared with the classifications of the other researchers. An outside researcher was then solicited to interpret each gender name outside of the researchers’ investigation.
Names were agreed upon by all parties and then translated into gender identification. It was determined by all parties that the names identified on the school websites were clearly defined, thus, no physical visits to each school were necessary. Specific position titles were classified into General Music, Instrumental Music, and Vocal Music. Data were then codified and transmitted into a central spreadsheet.
Case study information was gathered by each individual researcher by selecting music teachers in a nontraditional gender role. Each researcher chose one music teacher from the examined regions who represented a male elementary music teacher in a predominantly female faculty and conducted a semistructured interview using predetermined questions developed by Sargent (1998). Data were reported via case studies as defined by Sears (2014). Each participant received a pseudonym absent of any personal information. Participants represented individual or a combination of music subjects, including General Music, Instrumental Music, and Vocal Music. Specific responsibilities, demographics, and personal testimonies were notated on each case file without compromising the identities of the participant or the school district of the participant’s position.
Major themes covered in the interview sessions included personal and professional background information, perceptions as a male in an elementary school environment, definition of teaching responsibilities, and comments on specific incidents where the participant’s gender brought either positive or negative connotations. One interview was conducted live, one was tape-recorded over the phone, and another was conducted through Skype after receiving a signed consent agreement from the participant. Interviews were transcribed using Microsoft Word, then synthesized and coded for common themes, including similarities and contradictions in comparison with related research (Wiersma & Jurs, 2009).
Consensus of the data was performed as outlined by Hill, Thompson, and Williams (1997). An independent researcher was solicited to examine the interview and field note data of each researcher. The researcher coded the data into the following categories: male masculinity, discrimination, and job satisfaction. A cross-analysis was then conducted to determine patterns in these key areas as indicated by consistent and repetitive themes. The results were then discussed among the researchers until a single unified version was endorsed as the best representation of the data.
Results
Gender Distribution of Sample
Six public school districts were selected by the research team from the areas of New Jersey, New York, and Vermont. Districts were selected according to the physical proximity of each researcher. Data were tabulated using each district’s main website by accessing the “staff/faculty” pages on each individual elementary school webpage. Music teachers were categorized by their names, which clearly reflected their gender identification through a gender-specific first name or a Mr. or Ms./Mrs. designation, and position description.
Only the job description as pertaining to the elementary school was used in the final calculations. In addition, the small number of vocal, also designated as “chorus,” teachers is most likely due to the fact that vocal music is commonly associated with general, or classroom, music. Teachers specifically designated on each webpage as Vocal or Chorus were placed into a separate category as opposed to General Music instructors.
As illustrated in Table 1, a total of 42 elementary music teachers were listed in each respective district’s staff directory. Of those 42, 13 educators were identified as male from their first name or a “Mr.” notated in the directory. Twenty-nine educators were identified as female, constituting 69% of the total sample. Males in the sample accounted for 31%, which is approximately 12% greater than the figures reported in the 2014 Bureau of Labor Statistics for male elementary school teachers. Transgender individuals were not identified by the school websites, so this was not taken into account for the purposes of the study. Race and gender identification were also not notated in each school’s staff directory, so these demographics were also excluded from the data.
Male/Female Characteristics According to Job Description.
Specific job descriptions were also categorized under the headings of General Music, Instrumental Music, and Vocal Music. Nineteen of the 42 total elementary music teachers were identified as general music specialists. Of these 19, 15 were female and 4 were male, representing a 79% to 21% difference, respectively. Teachers listed as having an instrumental specialty accounted for a total of 10, 6 male and 4 female. This represents a 60% to 40% difference between male and female elementary band teachers. Three teachers who were documented as vocal specialists were male, while 10 of the total 13 were female. As was the case with the general music teachers, males demonstrate a significant minority in this category with 31% as opposed to the female 69%.
These statistics contribute evidence that the field of elementary music education remains a predominantly female-oriented industry. With the exception of instrumental music, women represent a majority in both general and vocal music in the public schools. Though the data reported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics only account for the total amount of elementary school teachers, the figures as pertaining to elementary music educators are comparable as men are still a minority in this field.
Participant Interviews
Qualitative data were organized into three case studies acquired through interviews of male elementary school music teachers. As illustrated in Table 2, each participant was assigned a pseudonym to protect his identity. All three teachers specialized in teaching Grades K–5 and had a minimum of 20 years of experience in the same field. All three teachers were also above 40 years old; 2 were Caucasian and 1 was African American. Two teachers specialized in general, or classroom, music, while one focused solely on instrumental lessons. One teacher also taught part-time at the high school level, but a concentration on the participant’s elementary school experience was used for the purposes of this study.
Demographics of Interview Participants.
Case Study 1: James
James was a K–5 music teacher specializing in instrumental lessons, band, and orchestra. He taught at two elementary schools within the same district in which he attended the same schedule by beginning at one school and transitioning to the other halfway through the school day. James began his career in music by attending a community college after deciding that music was a place he felt like he belonged. He felt a connection with children through earlier experiences such as babysitting, which sparked an interest in working with young people. James eventually matriculated into a 4-year university and received his bachelor’s in music education with a concentration in trumpet.
James received his first formal music teaching position in a suburban elementary school, where he taught instrumental music to fourth and fifth graders. During this time, James returned to his collegiate alma mater to complete his master’s degree. After 6 years of teaching at his first assignment, James transferred positions to another district due to potential budget cuts. He then began teaching at another elementary school where, at the time of the interview, he is currently employed. His responsibilities include teaching instrumental lessons to fourth and fifth graders in addition to conducting ensembles including band and orchestra.
James recalled that he always wanted to become an elementary teacher, though after 20 years at the same building, he felt that he was “getting kind of bored” and may need a change. A previous conversation with the high school band director of his district resulted in an interesting moment when the director explained to James not to worry, because “someday you’ll get out of the elementary school,” implying that teaching at the elementary level was merely a “stepping stone” and less prestigious than elementary teaching.
James acknowledged that there are significantly fewer male elementary music teachers than females, though he explained that it had never bothered him. In his personal life, he is married to a female police officer, and he mentioned that
the only time it ever really does bother me is when we go to some kind of event at her work and she’s introducing me to other police officers that are male and they’re saying “Oh, he’s a music teacher.” That’s the only time it’s ever bothered me, but I can tell you that being a male teacher has never bothered me.
In his professional relationships with students and parents, James recalled that he had not felt any adverse effects, though he conceded that young students sometimes regarded him with some apprehension, as if they are expecting him to be more stringent than female teachers. He attributed this to the possibility that these students may not have “a father in the picture” or because they are in financial distress. As such, James recognized that he may have inadvertently become a role model for these children, though he does not perform his duties in any extraneous way to encourage this.
James had in the past been asked, along with other male teachers, to perform stereotypically male duties, such as acting as a disciplinarian during emergency procedures or setting up chairs and equipment for concerts and performances. However, James admitted that he is “kind of blind when it comes to these gender issues.” He continued:
To me, I think that the real benefit to having a male is for those kids that I’m telling you about where they come from single-parent families and their mom’s raising them, their grandma’s raising them, they have no father in the picture and I think that makes a big difference. I don’t think it has as much to do with discipline as it does to have that male figure. But that’s the only thing I can think of. (November 13)
James did not believe that his music teacher colleagues within the district consider gender as a negative issue in their teaching practices either. Teaching in an elementary school is something that he truly enjoys and finds fulfilling. Finally, he illustrated that he is not the only teacher serving in a nontraditional gender role in the district:
I would guess that everybody would feel very similar to the way that I feel. We have a female band director at one of our high schools, and I think she does a great job. I know a middle school band director that’s female, and she’s phenomenal too. I can’t think of a situation where people would think differently. (November 13)
Case Study 2: Don
Don began his career in accounting before he realized that the industry made him “miserable.” After taking a series of voice lessons in his late teens, he developed an interest in music, eventually deciding that he would rather spend his career performing and teaching. This decision was partially fostered by his family; several members including his mother, father, and uncle were teachers and Don felt this was a large influence on his life. His mother in particular was a music teacher, who Don credits for his primary music education such as the ability to sing and play piano.
Don had initially matriculated into a collegiate accounting major through the INROADS program for minority students, but obtained his music education certification once he became involved with the opera program. On graduating, Don obtained a position as a part-time piano instructor at an all-boys alternative school. He recalled that to foster a rapport with his students, nicknames fashioned after Hostess food items were developed, including “Twinky,” “Cupcake,” and “Cream Puff.” Don himself was nicknamed “King Dong” by the students.
Don taught general music to kindergarten through fifth-grade students in an urban public elementary school. The school had the largest number of non-English first language speakers in the city. Don also taught choir at the district’s high school as well. Don considered being a male elementary music teacher “tricky” because of the significantly low ratio of male teachers compared with female teachers in his building. He explained:
When you’re in a female-dominated field, there are things you just have to be very careful about. You have to be careful how you say things, the jokes you tell, the language you use because you just have to be very sensitive with the members of the opposite gender.
He always has to “think twice” before saying something to a female teacher as opposed to conversing with a male teacher.
He also believed the fact that he is older (48 years at the time of the interview) lent itself to the caution he felt he must take when speaking to a female colleague. Being an older, African American male is, as Don mentioned, a “different dynamic,” and forced him to pay closer attention to his surroundings in everyday situations. However, he acknowledged that he receives positive reactions from parents, colleagues, and administrators when they become familiar with his status as a music teacher.
Don believed that it was imperative that he is perceived as a positive male role model. However, Don’s emphasis is not reflected in his gender, but in his race as an African American:
Oh, absolutely it’s my responsibility . . . especially being a black male in a predominately African American school where a lot of the families don’t have a male role model in the house. It is imperative that I’m a strong role model in the school.
He exclaimed that often people are surprised when they meet him because they do not necessarily picture a black man as a music teacher. He mentioned that “I can’t tell you how many times I’ve heard, ‘We didn’t know black people did that.’ I say, ‘Well, now you know somebody who does.’”
Though Don spent much time focusing on his role as a male in a predominantly female-oriented environment, he felt that his relationship with the other music teachers of his district had “nothing to do” with gender specificity. Aside from being asked to monitor the boy’s bathroom on occasion, Don had not been asked by his colleagues or administration to perform any male-stereotyped activities or labor. However, the specter of sexual harassment loomed over Don’s professional practices, as he recalled that one of his colleagues was fired for making inappropriate remarks.
Don believed that a major reason that men do not actively pursue elementary teaching positions is because most men do not wish to “deal with” small children, even though he explained that “elementary kids are just like high school kids. You just have to be more planned and more organized.” However, Don believed that it should not matter whether a male or a female is teaching, as long as they focus their efforts on “teaching the kids, not the subject.”
Case Study 3: Daniel
Daniel began studying music as a child through the boys choir in his local YMCA. This became a passion that led him to pursue music education in college with a vocal emphasis. As one of five children in a low socioeconomic demographic, Daniel worked for the college music library to help support his family. After graduating, he worked a variety of jobs, including retail, dry cleaning, and laundry before moving to California and earning his state teaching certificate. At the time of the interview, Daniel taught general, instrumental, and vocal music to kindergarten through sixth grade.
In Daniel’s school, only 3 of 24 total teachers were male, including himself. Daniel did not consider this an issue, however, though he wished there were more in his building. When others questioned him about his position, most are surprised that he was not a middle school or high school teacher, incorrectly assuming that all elementary teachers were female. He did not feel that his female colleagues treated him any differently because of his gender, nor did he recognize any gender bias from his administration.
Daniel attributed his enjoyment of teaching at the elementary level to the enthusiasm and affection he received from his students. He recalled how he could not walk across campus without receiving a hug from a student, which he believed would not occur at the high school level. Watching personalities and strengths develop was also a significant motivation for Daniel to teach at the elementary level. However, Daniel strongly cautioned against being too affectionate, such as avoiding chest-to-chest hugs. Instead, Daniel encouraged his students to use “side hugs, where you grab a hold of their shoulder from the side and they grab your arm from the side, and say ‘sideway hug!’” Daniel also advised the interviewer never to converse with a female student alone, but to “always have them with a friend or leave the door open.”
Though Daniel had never experienced any professional difficulties about gender bias, he remained cautious in his interactions with students, particularly in the area of physical contact. His school mostly contained a demographic of Latino students, which he explained is a “very affectionate culture. The children are holding hands all the time. It is cultural. That touch is cultural and needed.”
Discussion and Implications
These interviews contribute to the perspectives of men teaching in elementary school music positions. However, while all three participants remarked on some specific male stereotypes, none found their gender a marginalizing factor in their professional practices. All three did have certain reservations about experiences that were a result of being male, such as the requirement to perform male-oriented duties such as manual labor or disciplinary services. Don seemed the most concerned about gender bias in his conversations with colleagues, while Daniel focused on physical contact with students as a source of trepidation. Regardless, all three participants demonstrated high job satisfaction and a lack of prejudice from their colleagues and administration.
In contrast to Klecker (1997), none of these men portrayed any interest in moving on to administrative positions. In James’s case, the only reason he considered transitioning into a different role was to change an increasingly monotonous schedule due to his longevity in the same position. This result also seems to contradict Heilman’s (2009) theory that men in elementary school positions are considered “wimpy” as all the interviewees felt secure in their masculinity. A high level of job satisfaction was a consistent theme during the interviews in which the feeling of personal fulfillment was a major source of pride and contentment across all three interviews.
Sargent’s (1998) prior research of interviewing 23 male elementary educators shares some common ground with these current results. While Sargent’s participants did not all share feelings of general comfort in their respective working environments compared with the present study’s participants, many aspects of each study are aligned. In all three interviews, each participant commented on the assumed relationship between being a teacher and a role model, particularly for young boys without a father figure. However, this status is not considered as a negative effect of gender bias, but as a natural implication of being a teacher. The most prevalent example of negative gender bias is the association of male teachers with pedophilia and inappropriate sexual contact. Daniel was the only participant to specifically mention this as a daily concern, while Don focused more on the communication between male and female colleagues leading to potential cases of sexual harassment.
These responses lend credit to certain aspects of prior researchers’ assertions that male elementary school teachers have specific gender-biased attributes that both positively and negatively affect their positions (Dodson & Borders, 2006; Heilman & Wallen, 2009; Koza, 1993). These concerns did not affect the participants’ overall job satisfaction, though in the case of Don and Daniel, certain aspects of their professional practices were developed to compensate for the inherent risks of being accused of sexual inappropriateness.
This is particularly interesting when reviewing Don’s background, specifically how he recalls using nicknames such as “Twinky” and “Cupcake” with his students when working at the boys alternative school. These nicknames would normally be associated with homosexuality or with a general derogatory tone, yet Don does not mention any negative backlash from either the students or administration from using these terms. It is possible that Don’s administration was not aware of this practice, and Don mentioned that he no longer used these nicknames at his current school because there were too many students to name. Further research in the differences of male teacher interaction between male and female students could potentially account for implications in gender bias at the elementary school level. In addition, research aimed specifically at criteria such as age, race, and country of origin would be beneficial in exploring any similarities or differences in perspectives among male elementary music teachers.
While gender bias may play a part in future male elementary school teachers’ careers, these interviews contribute evidence to the perspective that the issue is not negative enough to detract from overall job satisfaction. While males still do represent a minority in the elementary school environment, it is plausible that many men currently teaching music in these environments may not necessarily feel discriminated against or marginalized because of their gender identification.
Conclusion
While the three interview participants did not feel their masculinity threatened by their status as nontraditional gender roles working in a predominantly female environment, there are most likely many men who feel that their gender negatively affects their careers as elementary music teachers. Further research should be done to identify these individuals and provide strategies that can be employed to rectify these inequities. Though women throughout the country may also experience similar discriminations in male-dominated industries, the same attention and action can be taken to provide men with opportunities to discuss their concerns without fear of reprisal or marginalization from their colleagues, their communities, or administrations.
It may be that social stigmas still possibly play a part in the employment of males and females in more traditional gender roles in both the elementary and secondary school levels. However, knowledge of these stigmas can give educators the opportunity to encourage diversity and equality in the music classroom. For example, equal attention can be given to discussing both male and female influential figures in music history. In addition, facets of gender roles in areas of world culture can be explored from a cross-cultural perspective.
It is my hope that music educators can develop strategies to incorporate a positive atmosphere free of judgment or bias. Students deserve to be taught by highly qualified teachers who possess great passion for their craft, regardless of their gender identification or sexual orientation. As someone who, at the time of this writing, is a representative of a so-called violation of gender stereotypes, I find my gender irrelevant when compared with my identification as a role model for my students.
Though it seems that gender bias may continue to remain a pervasive issue in modern society, continued efforts to move affirmatively toward equality will give us the ability to develop a truly impartial vision of education. This vision, whether applied to music or the arts in general, has the potential to assist all students in receiving the highest quality of artistic education available regardless of sexual orientation or gender identification.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Dr. Hal Abeles in the Music Education Department at Teachers College, Columbia University, for suggestions to the content of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.