Latinx Students and Secondary Music Education in the United States

Abstract

As of 2014, Latinx youth have comprised roughly a quarter of the U.S. population younger than 18 years. Yet Latinx students have not been found to participate in school ensembles at rates consistent with their proportion of the total student population. This disparity has yet to be fully explained by the research literature. The purpose of this review of literature is to synthesize what scholars understand about Latinx student participation in school ensembles. Literature was chosen based on the following research question: What factors may contribute to the disparity between the Latinx student population and the rate of Latinx participation in secondary school music ensembles, nationally? This review revealed several factors that may influence participation rates of Latinx students in secondary music ensembles, including curricular and systemic factors, music teacher attitudes toward diversity, Latinx parental involvement, and Latinx students’ interests. Implications for increasing participation and improving music education for Latinx students are discussed.

Keywords

color-blindness culturally responsive teaching deficit model Hispanic Latinx secondary music ensembles

Introduction

As of 2014, Latinx youth have comprised roughly a quarter of the U.S. population younger than 18 years (Colby & Ortman, 2015). Yet Latinx students have not been found to participate in school ensembles at rates consistent with their proportion of the total student population (Elpus, 2014; Elpus & Abril, 2011). Elpus and Abril (2011), looking at a large nationally representative data set of 2004 transcripts, found that Latinx students made up 15.1% of all students but only 10.2% of music students. Similarly, Elpus (2014) found that Latinx students made up 17.7% of the overall high school student population but only 11.9% of the music student population in 2009. Elpus posited that federal education policy, through the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, had contributed to lower music enrollment rates among Latinx students, though the specific mechanisms through which Latinx students may have been excluded or discouraged from enrolling in music courses, such as mandatory enrollment in remedial academic courses, remained open for investigation.

The Latinx population has grown dramatically in recent decades (Casellas & Ibarra, 2012). From 2003 to 2013, Latinx enrollment in public schools increased from 9 million (19% of the student population) to 12.5 million (25%; Kena et al., 2016). In 2015, the U.S. Census Bureau predicted that Latinx youth will make up over one third of the U.S. population younger than 18 years by 2060 (Colby & Ortman, 2015). Considering this rate of growth, one might expect a rise in secondary ensemble participation rates among Latinx students. While Elpus (2014) found that the disparity between the overall Latinx student population and the Latinx music student population ranged from about 1% to 2% from 1982 to 2000, this disparity had increased to nearly 6% by 2009. The significant growth of the Latinx student population and the relatively low rate of participation by Latinx students in school ensembles should be of great concern to practitioners and researchers in music education.

Additionally, Latinx students have faced several challenges and barriers in schools across the United States. These have included insufficient funding for schools (Valenzuela, 1999; Valverde, 2006), inequitable access to resources and high-quality curricula (Rumberger & Gandara, 2004; Valenzuela, 1999), school personnel that do not value Latinx culture (Norrid-Lacey & Spencer, 2000), unqualified (Rumberger & Gandara, 2004) or uncaring teachers (Fernández, 2002; Valenzuela, 1999), and a lack of Latinx music teachers as role models (Elpus, 2015; Gardner, 2010).

The disparity in secondary music education participation among Latinx students has yet to be fully explained by the research literature. While music classes are common in secondary schools, the previously presented statistics indicate that there have been significant numbers of Latinx students underserved by school music programs. In order to provide a just and equitable education in music for all, music educators and researchers need to address these inequities. Without proper regard for their unique needs, secondary music educators may continue to alienate Latinx students and their families.

Purpose and Research Question

To better serve Latinx students through music education, music educators may require an understanding of the needs of Latinx students. The purpose of this review of literature is to synthesize what scholars in the fields of music education and general education research have written about Latinx student participation in school ensembles. I chose literature based on its applicability toward addressing the following research question: What factors may contribute to the disparity between the Latinx student population and the rate of Latinx participation in secondary school music ensembles, nationally? Relatively, few music education research articles have addressed this question directly. Therefore, I broadened my selection to include literature outside of music education research that provided valuable implications for addressing the research question.

Potential Factors Contributing to the Disparity of Participation by Latinx Students in Secondary Music Education

Curricular and Systemic Factors

Scholars have noted how music teachers have attempted to make school music more interesting, relevant, and responsive to a wider range of students (Abril, 2006; Campbell, 2002; Folkestad, 2006; Kelly-McHale, 2011; Kelly-McHale & Abril, 2015; Tobias, 2013). In constructing such a curriculum, music teachers may take an “additive approach” (Kelly-McHale & Abril, 2015, p. 159) in which non-Western European-based repertoire supplements the core repertoire. Kelly-McHale and Abril (2015) noted, however, that materials whose roots are non-Western European are often presented through a Western European lens (e.g., orchestral arrangements of Latin American folk songs). While such music content may have some similarities with non-Western European music, the musical traditions through which this music is presented are often are often “disconnected from the musical traditions of Latin[x] families” (Kelly-McHale & Abril, 2015, p. 158). This contrast may further alienate Latinx students from joining music classes or contribute to feelings of isolation within music classes. While additive approaches attempt to demonstrate diversity within music curricula, Bradley (2006) argued that the supplementary repertoire (e.g., international music, folk songs, popular music) has often been used simply for “spicing up” (p. 12) concert programs that are predominantly comprised of Western art music. Palkki (2015) maintained that these practices may tokenize the cultures such repertoire was intended to represent.

Researchers have identified prohibitive factors that affect the participation rates of Latinx students in school ensembles including rigid music program structures (Hawkinson, 2015), mandatory remedial education (Ireland D’Ambrosio, 2015), the costs associated with ensemble participation (Kinney, 2010), and a lack of opportunity to participate in school ensembles (Lorah, Sanders, & Morrison, 2014). These factors may be compounded by secondary music teachers who recruit students during the transition from primary to secondary school. As Hawkinson (2015) found, some students have received inequitable exposure to and opportunities to participate in school music programs prior to becoming secondary students. Lorah et al. (2014) advocated for multiple entry points into music programs, arguing that the highly sequential nature of such programs offers few, if any, entry points for students to join an ensemble in later years, such as students who are new arrivals to a school community. This may be especially problematic for students who are enrolled in mandatory remedial classes in earlier years. As Ireland D’Ambrosio (2015) found, such students were often barred from enrolling in elective classes to accommodate the remedial instruction.

While access to secondary music education is common, access alone does not ensure equality of music programs across schools. Schools of low socioeconomic status (SES) have been found to have significantly fewer course offerings than their high SES counterparts (Abril & Gault, 2008), and while not all Latinx students attend low SES schools, Latinx children made up the largest share of all poor children as recently as 2014 (Jiang, Ekono, & Skinner, 2016). Furthermore, Costa-Giomi and Chappell (2007) found that equal access to school ensembles does not necessarily ensure that all ensemble programs provide equitable opportunities for all students within a school district. The researchers found that band programs with larger numbers of Latinx and Black students had less adequate funding and facilities than their majority-White counterparts within the same school district.

Teachers and Diversity

Scholars have argued that teachers’ perceptions, attitudes, beliefs, and dispositions may influence how they interact with non-White students (Delpit, 2006; Ford & Grantham, 2003; Freeman & Freeman, 2001; Villegas & Lucas, 2002). A lens through which educators, including music teachers (Benedict, 2006; Fitzpatrick, 2012), have viewed non-White students is that of the deficit model (Delpit, 2006; Ford & Grantham, 2003; Nieto, 1994; Valencia, 1997). Teachers who incorporate a deficit-based approach to education may prejudge students on their capabilities for success in school based on characteristics such as race, language, culture, and/or socioeconomic status. Ford and Grantham (2003) described how deficit thinking has lead teachers to lower their expectations for non-White students based on negative stereotypes of such students. Nieto (1994) discussed how teachers who subscribed to a deficit-based view of Latinx students implicitly devalued their students’ characteristics that deviated from the White, middle-class norm, such as speaking Spanish at school. As Pulido (2009) found, Latinx students may internalize negative racial stereotypes about themselves despite recognizing their intellectual abilities. Furthermore, Delpit (2006) argued that deficit thinking has been reinforced by teacher education that has emphasized the link between academic failure and socioeconomic status, single-parent households, or cultural differences.

To overcome their deficit-based perceptions of non-White students, Ladson-Billings (2009) argued that it has become normal for teachers to adopt a color-blind approach, to pretend that they see no racial, ethnic, or cultural differences between students. However, Williams and Land (2006) noted that by ignoring race, ethnicity, and culture, teachers may implicitly push students toward the same “normalized White standard” (p. 580). As Ford and Grantham (2003) described, behaviors of White students are often used as the norm on which to compare behaviors of non-White students. While many teachers may subscribe to a color-blind approach with the best of intentions, Williams and Land (2006) maintained that color-blindness, in practice, perpetuates the primacy of dominant groups (i.e., White male students).

Pulido (2009) argued that color-blind practices and policies perpetuate the notion that one’s success is attributable only to one’s abilities and intellect. By ignoring systemic factors that oppress students who do not conform to the norm, teachers may “uncritically accept social arrangements as a result of the superior intellect and abilities of Whites rather than as a consequence of interlocking forms of oppression” (Pulido, 2009, p. 67). Therefore, music teachers who incorporate a color-blind approach may unknowingly contribute to factors affecting Latinx participation in secondary music classes. Compounding this problem, researchers have discussed how some music teachers have experienced difficulties in becoming aware of the impact their own race and culture may have on the classroom (Benedict, 2006; Benham, 2003). Additionally, Ireland D’Ambrosio (2015) found that some music teachers may be uneducated on the institutional practices and policies that govern their classrooms.

School ensembles are typically based on Western European music values and traditions. Scholars have argued that the norms, expectations, and practices of music teachers may be incongruent with those of Latinx students and their families, resulting in the alienation and marginalization of Latinx students in music education (Abril, 2010; Carlow, 2004; Kelly-McHale, 2011, 2013; Kelly-McHale & Abril, 2015; Kruse, 2013; Palkki, 2015; West & Clauhs, 2015). As Kelly-McHale (2011) found, by incorporating practices in music classrooms that privilege such values and traditions, music teachers may implicitly delegitimize the music values of Latinx students. The practice of devaluing minority cultures, however, is not new. School ensembles were once considered activities through which immigrant children could learn to assimilate into American schools (West & Clauhs, 2015), an example of the “melting pot” (Nieto, 1994, p. 419) approach to assimilation and education. Still, Kelly-McHale and Abril (2015) noted that students who have not become acculturated to the normalized standards of American public schools may experience disadvantages to traditional music learning in schools.

Latinx Families

Factors related to Latinx students’ families and home life might affect their participation in school ensembles and other performance activities. Researchers have found that parental support and involvement in their children’s lives may be a significant influence on Latinx students’ motivations to achieve (Ibañez, Kuperminc, Jurkovic, & Perilla, 2004), music program quality (Costa-Giomi & Chappell, 2007), and retention in music programs (Kinney, 2010). Costa-Giomi and Chappell (2007) studied the characteristics of band programs in a large school district with a significant Latinx population and found that there was less parental involvement with band programs in schools with higher percentages of Black and Latinx students. This had important implications for the quality of the programs across the district. Regardless of the institutional support for each program, the parents’ ability to raise funds, conduct booster clubs, afford private lessons, and provide adequate space in their homes for their children to practice may have affected the degree to which these students’ respective experiences were comparable to those of students in other band programs across the district. Costa-Giomi and Chappell’s (2007) findings indicated that factors unrelated to the parents’ attitudes, such as SES, may have affected their levels of engagement. Similarly, Hossain and Shipman (2009) found that education, extrafamilial support, and family size affected the degree to which Mexican fathers engaged with their children’s academic work, casting further doubt on generalizations made about uncaring Latinx parents.

The factors that may negatively affect Latinx parental involvement may be increased for single parent households. 69% of all children residing in a single-parent household were low-income in 2014 (Jiang et al., 2016). While this does not necessarily indicate that Latinx students are more likely than students from other racial or ethnic groups to come from single-parent households, given that Latinx students made up the largest proportion of low-income children at the time, the effects of family structure among Latinx students may be significant. Since many key activities of music programs (e.g., concerts) are scheduled outside of school hours, single parents may face challenges to accommodating transportation to and from such events. Indeed, Kinney (2010) found that students who lived with both of their parents were more likely to enroll and remain in their band program.

Latinx Students

Researchers have found that Latinx students may not feel that secondary music classes are completely relevant to their lives (Lind, 1999; Lum & Campbell, 2009; Palkki, 2015). Latinx students may feel that the curriculum of school ensembles has little to do with their personal interests; the specific music content (e.g., Western classical music) of school ensembles may not be culturally relevant. Additionally, some Latinx students have been found to perceive a dichotomy between the kinds of music and music practices appropriate within school and those that are appropriate outside of school (Kelly-McHale, 2011).

In response to the growth of the Latinx population and the underrepresentation of this population in ensemble programs, West and Clauhs (2015) argued that the number of students who do not identify with Western European heritage or who may not place great value in the traditions of school ensembles will continue to grow. Indeed, Latinx students have expressed feeling disconnected from the music of their school ensembles; Lind (1999) found that Latinx students reported less affiliation with their choral ensemble than did their White counterparts. While the researcher did not indicate a cause for such a finding, others have found that some students have racialized school ensembles. In particular, Brewer (2010) found that students at a predominantly Latinx high school considered band a White activity.

Students’ experiences outside of school help shape the lens through which they view the world; the cultural values that Latinx students bring to school may influence their perception in school ensembles. The disconnect between the cultural, linguistic, and music experiences of students outside of school and those within the music classroom may contribute to feelings that school music is irrelevant in the lives of Latinx students. Kelly-McHale (2013) studied the experiences of children of immigrant families from Mexico and found that the music experiences of the students within the classroom were isolated from the students’ own cultural and linguistic experiences outside of school. Their teacher’s pedagogical emphasis on teacher-directed goals and adherence to sequenced instruction contributed to a lack of cultural responsiveness in the classroom. Additionally, the sociocultural norms of Latinx students may differ from the norms of school ensembles. Specifically, the competitive nature of school ensembles may contrast the cultural values commonly held among some Latinx students. Kelly-McHale and Abril (2015) noted that competition, either within or between ensembles, may not be as valued among Latinx students as collaboration or interdependence. In general education research, Conchas (2001) found that Latinx students were most successful in academic environments with a strong collaborative element.

While not all Latinx students may find school music relevant, there is no evidence to suggest that Latinx students are uninterested in music. In their narrative study, Lum and Campbell (2009) described how Mexican American children engaged in rich music experiences outside of school through technology, familial influences, and religious activities. These researchers highlighted the disconnect between Latinxs’ preferred music activities and those music activities commonly experienced in school music classes. However, some researchers have cautioned that programming music, such as Mexican mariachi, may be responsive to some Mexican students’ music culture, but not necessarily to non-Mexican Latinx students (Abril, 2009; West & Clauhs, 2015).

Implications for Practice and Policy

There is no single consensus on how to best serve more Latinx students through secondary music education. Still, the current body of literature has provided useful implications for practices and policies affecting Latinx students. These implications address teachers’ curricula and modes of instruction, the types of courses offered in secondary music, the policies governing participation in secondary ensembles, and teachers’ meaningful incorporation of Latinx views, values, and voices throughout their practice.

An effective approach to providing equitable music learning opportunities to a wider population of students may be culturally responsive teaching (see Lind & McKoy, 2016). Culturally responsive teaching is predicated on the concept that a student’s own culture significantly shapes what and how he or she learns. Culturally responsive approaches may be especially crucial for Latinx students and other underserved populations. Unlike with deficit-based or color-blind approaches, teachers may recognize cultural differences between themselves and their students as strengths and contributions to cross-cultural learning. Teachers may honor the lived experiences of their students and their families by creating instructional environments in which knowledge about diversity is valued (as evidenced by the meaningful inclusion of ethnically and culturally diverse content) and cultivate community-building through cross-cultural communication.

Music educators should also consider expanding music course offerings in schools. Since students’ motivations to study music may not necessarily align with the curriculum and values of traditional large ensembles, additional music class offerings may provide spaces for students to challenge deficit-based perceptions concerning Latinx students. School mariachi ensembles are an increasingly common addition to traditional school ensembles. Hip-hop may be another viable genre for music classes and as a framework for understanding and expressing the experiences of youth of color (see Kruse, 2016). However, creating music classes to attract specific populations may be problematic given that music popular among certain large racial or ethnic groups (e.g., Latinxs) may not be culturally relevant among all subgroups (Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, Afro-Latinxs, etc.). Mariachi, for example, is only one of many Mexican genres of music and may not necessarily be relevant to some students, especially those of non-Mexican decent. Therefore, music teachers should carefully consider their local student population and broader community whenever expanding course offerings.

Music teachers should also consider policies that may increase access to and opportunities for participation in secondary ensembles. Common policies that govern who may participate, such as prerequisites of prior music experience and initial enrollment periods limited to the transition from primary to secondary schools, may be prohibitive to students who are new arrivals to a particular school or community or who might otherwise choose to participate in secondary ensembles but are barred from doing so due to mandatory remedial instruction. Music teachers may offer multiple entry points into their classes for students who miss out on initial enrollment periods or who drop out of their ensembles in earlier years. While this may be challenging to implement within the highly sequenced structure of traditional ensemble programs, such changes to policy would offer access to music education for more students.

Teachers may better serve Latinx students by actively and meaningfully incorporating the views, values, and voices of such students and their families throughout their practice. Despite the increasing diversity among the student population, it remains that any changes to practice and policy are still largely implemented by non-Latinx educators and policymakers. Even well-meaning teachers may perpetuate oppressive educational systems if the oppressed are not actively involved in the creation of their own education. Therefore, Latinx students and their families should serve as resources for improving their educational outcomes. By listening to the voices of the marginalized, we can learn much about the lack of participation in music education by Latinxs and other students of color and ultimately move from the rhetoric of “music for every child” to one of “music for each child” (Conkling, 2015, p. 5). With care and compassion, classrooms can become a platform for empowering youth of color during a time of diminishing opportunities and eroding civil rights.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Samuel Isai Escalante

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