Undocumented Immigrant Status: Implications for Music Education

K–12 Schooling

Pursuant to the ruling of Plyler v. Doe (1982), all students are entitled access to K–12 public education irrespective of citizenship and immigration status. Although access to K–12 education has created more opportunities for undocumented students, schooling experiences may be impacted by status (Patler, 2018). For some students, awareness begins as early as elementary school (Mangual Figueroa, 2017; Martinez, 2014; Patler, 2018; Sánchez et al., 2022). Findings from Mangual Figueroa (2017)—a study of fifth graders—revealed that immigrant students may refrain from participating in activities that draw attention to immigration status as acts of resistance or survival. In a specific group activity, one student exercised resistance by refusing to write down ideas related to “border,” “immigration,” and “countries” (pp. 511–512). Understandably, acts of resistance and survival can be attributed to the sociopolitical climate.

Safety and well-being are critical for immigrants as the realities of police profiling, discrimination, fears of deportation, and possible separation from family function as ongoing stressors in students’ daily lives (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Green, 2019; Jefferies, 2014; Martinez, 2014; Sánchez et al., 2022; Southern Poverty Law Center, 2016; Talleyrand & Vojtech, 2019; Terriquez, 2015; Yasuike, 2019). These stressors intensified during Trump’s 2016 election and incited fears of uncertainty and deportation even in pre- and early adolescent children (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Green, 2019; Southern Poverty Law Center, 2016). In Green (2019), a mother shared her young daughter’s concerns following the election:

My daughter is just six years old and sometimes she has trouble going sleep. She is aware of what happened. She is very smart and can’t be deceived. When this president [Trump] was elected, she came home crying from school and said, “Mom, we’re all going to be sent to Mexico, all of us” and she was so sad and stayed sad for several days. (p. 136)

The middle school years are similarly a time of status discovery and reckoning (Gerrard, 2021; Sánchez et al., 2022). In Gerrard (2021), middle school band students shared deportation concerns with their band directors and other school personnel. One band director commented on the delicate nature of citizenship status:

But the undocumented thing is, it’s another thing that our kids have to deal with. Nobody should have to deal with that kind of stress . . . We have kids that come to school and they’re like 13 years old, 14 and like, “My dad is gone.” And they’re dealing with this stress every day . . . You know, “Oh my family could almost be ripped apart.” (pp. 77–78)

Although students may be cognizant of their own or family members’ citizenship statuses at younger ages, the societal implications are often delayed (Benuto et al., 2018; Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Gonzales, 2011; Sánchez et al., 2022; Yasuike, 2019).

Citizenship status becomes most salient during the latter part of high school—approximately ages 16 to 18—when students are unable to apply for a driver’s license, employment, or begin the college application process without having a social security number (Benuto et al., 2018; Chang et al., 2017; Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Gonzales, 2011; Jefferies, 2014; Martinez, 2014; Sánchez et al., 2022; Yasuike, 2019). Status awareness can lead students to experience a range of emotions including anxiety, fear, shame, frustration, embarrassment, disillusionment, hopelessness, and resentment as they grapple with their realities (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Gonzales, 2011; Jefferies, 2014; Lauby, 2017; Murillo, 2021; Patler, 2018; Sánchez et al., 2022; Torres & Wicks-Asbun, 2014; Yasuike, 2019). Relatedly, status may impact how students engage with others (Jefferies, 2014; Yasuike, 2019) in addition to the organizations and extracurricular activities in which they participate (Lauby, 2017; Sánchez et al., 2022). As an added concern, the costs associated with extracurricular activities may be cost prohibitive for some undocumented students (Sánchez et al., 2022) which could further impact their ability to participate.

Although some undocumented students believe academic success assists in concealing status, receiving excessive attention could elicit concerns of discovery (Yasuike, 2019). Thus, they may adopt more reserved personalities to limit attention or create cover stories to prevent status discovery—including for travel (Yasuike, 2019). Travel for class trips and music ensembles could be problematic for undocumented students (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Lauby, 2017; Sánchez et al., 2022). For example, participants in Sánchez et al. (2022) described concerns of traveling to Washington D.C. for an eighth-grade field trip because of their status. In Gerrard and Vivian (2022), an undocumented student, Vivian, was unable to travel internationally with a prestigious youth music ensemble due to the inability to reenter the United States without documentation. When Vivian participated in another music organization, drum corps, she obtained documented notice from her immigration attorney to prevent potential issues as she toured across the country for performances.

The inability to engage in traditional rites of passage common for documented adolescents in the United States can lead to a sense of liminality, placing undocumented students in a “developmental limbo” (Gonzales, 2011). Liminality can extend into the post-high school years as citizenship status impacts one’s access to postsecondary education and ultimately their educational trajectory and social mobility (Abrego, 2006; Jefferies, 2014; Martinez, 2014; Sánchez et al., 2022; Torres & Wicks-Asbun, 2014; Yasuike, 2019). Abrego (2006) wrote, “[undocumented students’] social incorporation sensitizes them further to the contradiction that, despite their academic success, they are barred from the opportunity to integrate legally, educationally, and economically in US society” (p. 221).

Navigating Higher Education

The transition between high school and post-high school can be concerning for undocumented students as they encounter barriers imposed by the immigration system. Anxiety, fear, anger, depression, shame, stress, and other mental health concerns may develop from barriers to college access (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Sánchez et al., 2022; Talleyrand & Vojtech, 2019; Terriquez, 2015; Torres & Wicks-Asbun, 2014). Though the threat of deportation creates discomfort in discussing citizenship status (Terriquez, 2015), students with limited options may disclose their status to others in search of support (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Lauby, 2017; Murillo, 2017). Plausibly, when students decide to share their status, they are selective with whom they share that information (Murillo, 2017).

Recalling the ruling of Plyler v. Doe (1982), access to education is guaranteed for students in grades K–12 and excludes postsecondary education. To mitigate barriers, DACA was established in 2012, providing undocumented students access to work and postsecondary education (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2022). Importantly, not all undocumented students are eligible for DACA as certain criteria must be met (e.g., residency in the country, age of arrival, and education requirements; U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2022). Those applicants who are granted DACA are supplied a social security number to be used for college and employment applications (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2022).

Residency requirements, however, limit DACA recipients’ access to additional resources. For example, DACAmented ² persons are ineligible to receive federal financial aid (Benuto et al., 2018; Federal Student Aid, n.d.)—including funding from federal work study programs—and consequently, must find alternative means to pay for their postsecondary education (e.g., private or local sources of funding). Additional residency requirements may classify some undocumented and DACAmented students as out-of-state or international students, thereby multiplying their tuition costs (Abrego, 2006; Gerrard & Vivian, 2022) or disqualifying them from additional sources of funding (Benuto et al., 2018). Although undocumented status is not fixed (Abrego, 2006), DACA currently does not grant a pathway to citizenship, requiring recipients to apply for reapproval every 2 years (Benuto et al., 2018; U.S. Citizenship and Immigration, 2022). Benuto et al. (2018) refer to the temporary and limiting nature of DACA as DACAlimited as it provides “piecemeal access to opportunities” (p. 265).

Because of restrictions to financial aid, 4-year institutions are less affordable for undocumented students (Abrego, 2006). Instead, students are likely to enroll in 2-year institutions (Feldblum et al., 2020; Terriquez, 2015; Torres & Wicks-Asbun, 2014), especially if burdened with paying for tuition out of pocket (Terriquez, 2015). Others may need to secure employment to cover tuition costs (Benuto et al., 2018; Torres & Wicks-Asbun, 2014). Even if students attend college initially, completing college could be challenging due to funding and other status-related concerns (Benuto et al., 2018; Gonzales, 2011; Martinez, 2014; Terriquez, 2015; Torres & Wicks-Asbun, 2014). This includes having to work to help support family (Gonzales, 2011; Terriquez, 2015).

Although some high-achieving students may adopt meritocratic ideals—believing that hard work leads to success—systemic barriers can impact undocumented students’ educational and life outcomes (Abrego, 2006; Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Sánchez et al., 2022; Yasuike, 2019). Students may alter their aspirations to pursue different majors or career paths based on citizenship status-related issues (Abrego, 2006; Gonzales, 2011; Patler, 2018; Yasuike, 2019). For example, Patler (2018) found that one undocumented student decided to withdraw from teacher education because of anticipated background checks in the teaching profession that required fingerprinting. Other students may eventually decide or be forced to discontinue schooling if they do not receive financial or navigational support (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Gonzales, 2011).

In Gerrard & Vivian (2022), Vivian encountered numerous obstacles to pursuing music education at the tertiary level. Although she was a DACA recipient, she was ineligible for federal financial aid and the music scholarship awarded by one university for her French horn performance. The university required that she pay international tuition rates which increased the cost of attendance. Without financial support from scholarships and loans, she ultimately decided to postpone college. Scholarship packages and tuition waivers presented by an out-of-state institution afforded her another opportunity to pursue her degree; however, she later received a letter requiring her to deport. Vivian presumed her deportation was a consequence of her disclosing her status to one person in the community. In search of support for Vivian, the community member potentially shared Vivian’s citizenship status with someone who ultimately decided to report her to authorities. Eventually, she negotiated access to a community college which provided a pathway for her to reenter a 4-year institution. Her lived experiences offer insight into the systemic inaccessibility of higher education for undocumented and DACAmented music education students.

Support for Undocumented Students

Support and access to resources are vital for undocumented students as they continue to encounter fluctuating policies and systemic adversity, including discrimination and oppression (Patler, 2018; Sánchez et al., 2022; Talleyrand & Vojtech, 2019). During these uncertain times, undocumented persons may draw upon various forms of capital to navigate the terrain (Allen-Handy & Farinde-Wu, 2018; Chang et al., 2017). For instance, family members and friends may serve as crucial supports (Allen-Handy & Farinde-Wu, 2018; Chang et al., 2017; Lauby, 2017), especially those with navigational capital pertaining to the college admissions process (Allen-Handy & Farinde-Wu, 2018; Lauby, 2017). Regardless of familiarity with higher education systems, family and friends can provide encouragement and motivation (Allen-Handy & Farinde-Wu, 2018) to persist.

In school communities, educators and other school personnel have a role in advocating for and assisting students as they navigate school and access higher education (Allen-Handy & Farinde-Wu, 2018; Jefferies, 2014; Lauby, 2017; Murillo, 2021). Because undocumented students may seek support from K–12 and collegiate faculty (Andrade, 2019; Jefferies, 2014; Lauby, 2017), faculty must have access to accurate information concerning immigration policies and higher education to disrupt misinformation and reduce barriers (Benuto et al., 2018; Jefferies, 2014; Murillo, 2021; Rodriguez & McCorkle, 2020; Rodriguez et al., 2020). Accurate information could prevent teachers from believing false narratives of undocumented students (Rodriguez & McCorkle, 2020) that could cloud their judgment and guidance. Researchers have found that misinformation and a lack of willingness in supporting undocumented students can negatively impact students’ aspirations of pursuing higher education (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Jefferies, 2014; Lauby, 2017; Sánchez et al., 2022).

Damaging practices such as negative reactions to status (Lauby, 2017), making discriminatory comments (Patler, 2018), invalidating students’ backgrounds and experiences, and using derogatory terms—language that criminalizes (“illegal”), dehumanizes (“alien”), and demeans—in reference to undocumented persons can negatively impact relationships with students by creating distrust (Andrade, 2019). Educators and school personnel should instead use more humanizing language (e.g., undocumented ³ person or student rather than illegal, unauthorized, or alien); serve as advocates for undocumented students; and offer affirmation, positive validation, empathy, and encouragement (Allen-Handy & Farinde-Wu, 2018; Andrade, 2019; Sánchez et al., 2022). Allen-Handy & Farinde-Wu (2018) noted that “encouragement pushes back against the often negative portrayals of undocumented children and their families and serves as a shield of protection against fear, depression, and hardship” (p. 795). These efforts are pertinent as undocumented students may blame themselves for their circumstances rather than the larger systems that perpetuate their marginalization (Abrego, 2006).

Because emotional support alone cannot combat systemic barriers, educators should offer navigational information (Sánchez et al., 2022). For instance, schools could be proactive in elucidating how to complete paperwork (e.g., college admissions and financial aid applications) and access critical resources (Murillo, 2021). These resources could comprise names of organizations who provide support to undocumented students and families (e.g., legal, financial, and educational) as students may receive significant help from out-of-school entities (Lauby, 2017). Such guidance is uniquely important as educators may extend postsecondary and career guidance to students at any point during their K–12 and tertiary education. Given the sensitive nature of determining who is undocumented (Jefferies, 2014; Murillo, 2017), these resources should be visible and easily accessible for students and families (Andrade, 2019). “Symbolic gestures” visible in classrooms such as safe space signs or organization flyers could demonstrate support for undocumented persons and help them determine whom they can approach (Murillo, 2017).

Partnering with immigrant organizations (e.g., United We Dream; Refugee And Immigrant Center For Education And Legal Services [RAICES]) and colleges could help with providing crucial information (Murillo, 2021). Schools might consider hosting workshops or other informational meetings to disseminate information (Gerrard, 2021; Jefferies, 2014; Murillo, 2021). Workshops could occur earlier in the high school experience and contain information regarding potential barriers and the college application process as students prepare for their futures (Murillo, 2021). These organizations could also help organize professional development sessions for schools and content for university teacher education programs. Professional development is critical for personnel to develop cultural competence and sociopolitical awareness (Green, 2019; Rodriguez & McCorkle, 2020; Wong, Crewalk, & Velasquez-Soto, 2018), and learn about undocumented students’ needs (Murillo, 2017, 2021; Rodriguez et al., 2020; Rodriguez & McCorkle, 2020; Sánchez et al., 2022). Untrained personnel run the risk of misinforming and disrupting college access for students (Jefferies, 2014; Lauby, 2017; Sánchez et al., 2022). Jefferies (2014) asserted: “Without good training, administrators and teachers are prone to putting students at risk or misguiding their future educational and professional pursuits” (p. 293). Such training is necessary for teachers of all levels to support students throughout K–12 rather than solely high school (Jefferies, 2014).

Conceivably, students may need to reveal their status out of necessity for assistance in accessing higher education (Jefferies, 2014; Lauby, 2017). Thus, faculty developing trusting relationships with students and families is essential (Murillo, 2017). Trusted adults and mentors could assist in reducing anxiety and barriers for undocumented persons (Gonzales, 2011) and create a sense of safety (Murillo, 2017). For some students, having trusted relationships with school personnel influences whether they attend college (Gonzales, 2011; Lauby, 2017). When discussions of status arise, educators should exercise care while listening to students (Green, 2019) as undocumented students may experience anxiety when disclosing status (Lauby, 2017).

As deportation threats remain prevalent, it is prudent to consider that students may experience stress not only for themselves but also for their loved ones (Allen-Handy & Farinde-Wu, 2018; Andrade, 2019; Crawford & Hairston, 2018; Green, 2019). This stress may result in absences from school (Crawford & Hairston, 2018; Jefferies, 2014) and prompt families to leave their homes without notice (Crawford & Hairston, 2018). Because citizenship and immigration status are confidential and protected information, educators should not solicit nor discriminate based on status (American Civil Liberties Union, 2017). Understandably, students and families may worry about completing paperwork that might reveal citizenship status (e.g., paperwork requiring a social security number or driver’s license number). Educators and school personnel should be mindful to not store identifiable information linked to undocumented students (Murillo, 2017) as the disbursement of this protected information could result in dire consequences. Importantly, school personnel posing status-related questions may create a sense of interrogation (Crawford & Hairston, 2018). Rather, personnel should allow students agency in deciding when to disclose their status (Murillo, 2017).

Implications for Music Education

As we consider increasing access to music education for marginalized populations, issues related to citizenship and immigration status ought to be considered. Learning from undocumented students’ experiences could help music educators and administrators better respond to a population that might otherwise remain unnoticed and underserved in schools. Furthermore, an increased awareness of undocumented immigrant experiences could assist music educators in cultivating more socially just and inclusive spaces.

A common theme in the literature is centered on issues of access to education. Although access to K–12 education is granted pursuant to the Supreme Court ruling of Plyler v. Doe (1982), undocumented students are not guaranteed access to music programs. Music educators may invite all students to participate; however, certain practices might discourage undocumented students from enrolling. In particular, asking for personal information such as government-issued identification cards or credit/debit card payments for instrument rentals could deter families from enrolling in music classes (Gerrard, 2021)—specifically in instrumental music (e.g., band, orchestra, mariachi, and jazz). Recalling that schools should not request nor report on issues of citizenship status (see American Civil Liberties Union, 2017), educators should be mindful of soliciting confidential, protected information (e.g., “getting to know you” or other information forms that ask about country of origin or citizenship status). Music educators should check with school personnel and undocumented immigrant advocates to determine best practices for handling instrument rentals and program-specific paperwork and finances (e.g., medical forms, uniform fees, trip fees, and activity fees) as these practices evolve over time. For example, music educators could consider excluding social security numbers, driver’s license numbers, and other information relating to U.S. citizenship. Because music educators interact with students for numerous semesters and years, trusting relationships are likely to develop which increases the likelihood of citizenship status disclosure. When students or families confide in educators with such private and sensitive information, educators should proceed cautiously to not violate confidentiality. If sensitive information is leaked, dire consequences could ensue for students and families including deportation (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022).

At the tertiary level, college and university professors commonly work to recruit students from high schools. Considering the accessibility of community colleges for undocumented students due to issues of funding (Terriquez, 2015; Torres & Wicks-Asbun, 2014), faculty at 4-year institutions could work closely with faculty at 2-year institutions to help bridge pathways for students interested in pursuing music or music education degrees. One significant pathway involves financial support. Even if students gain admission to colleges and universities through the application and audition process, limited access to sufficient funding could stunt initial enrollment or persistence in programs (Benuto et al., 2018; Gonzales, 2011; Terriquez, 2015). Unlike U.S. citizens, undocumented students are not eligible for federal loans, grants, or scholarships (Federal Student Aid, n.d.). Thus, their options are often limited to paying for school out-of-pocket (Terriquez, 2015) or securing private or nonfederal funding. ⁴ Undocumented and DACAmented students may not have the required items necessary to secure college loans from many financial institutions; however, there are some lenders who extend loan options for DACA recipients. To assist in mitigating financial obstacles, colleges and universities could prioritize private funding for undocumented and DACAmented students (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022) who might otherwise not attend school. For example, organizations and private donors could establish funds for which undocumented and DACAmented students could apply. Offering this financial support would align with efforts of increasing access to music programs for marginalized persons.

There are various stressors that could potentially impact students’ experiences on campus. Foremost among potential stressors is inappropriate and derogatory language. Although the media might normalize terms such as “illegal” and “alien” in reference to undocumented persons, such language criminalizes and dehumanizes. This language also reveals a particular bias that might strain relationships. Using inclusive and humanizing language (e.g., undocumented person or student) when referring to marginalized persons and groups is a small act, however, an essential first step. In alignment with stressors, issues may develop when opportunities for travel arise. In music programs, travel to music-related events is common throughout all grade levels. Educators should be mindful that travel across international, state, and city lines could be burdensome for undocumented students and cause fears of status discovery or deportation (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Lauby, 2017; Sánchez et al., 2022). International travel in particular could prevent reentry into the United States for students who do not have documentation and could impact residency requirements for DACA (see U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2022). When travel is not possible, educators could assign alternative music assignments or performance opportunities rather than enforcing negative consequences such as grade reductions (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022).

Because undocumented students may encounter systemic barriers from kindergarten through postsecondary education (Sánchez et al., 2022), it is imperative that music educators and teacher educators learn about undocumented and other immigrant-related issues ⁵ (Andrade, 2019; Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Jefferies, 2014). In doing so, educators can better encourage and guide students in deciding postsecondary and career path options. Educators can learn more about sociopolitical issues and humanizing language by attending professional development sessions and workshops centered on immigration and undocumented immigrants. These sessions could be facilitated by immigrant organizations or other entities well-versed in immigrant issues ⁶ (e.g., Immigrants Rising, Informed Immigrant, RAICES, United We Dream). Furthermore, these topics should also be incorporated in teacher education programs (Gerrard & Vivian, 2022; Rodriguez & McCorkle, 2020). Meetings for students and families wishing to learn more about undocumented immigrant rights could also be organized (Gerrard, 2021). Understandably, music educators should not expect to function as social workers and immigration attorneys. Rather, they can help reduce barriers and disrupt misinformation by directing students and families to vital resources and organizations that can work to support them and their endeavors.

Considering the dearth of research in music education specific to undocumented immigrants, additional research is needed in this area. Counternarratives that center undocumented immigrant voices could help illuminate practices that are supportive or problematic. Research exploring school communities and music educators who work with undocumented students in both K–12 and tertiary settings could provide additional insight into supportive practices. Such research could help leaders in the profession determine whether students decide not to pursue careers in music or music education due to status. If our aim is, indeed, to make music programs more accessible to all students and families, we must consider citizenship and immigration status as one area by which to focus our efforts.

Conclusion

Changes to immigration policies and reform efforts are ongoing without immediate reparations on the horizon. Continued attacks toward persons of marginalized backgrounds coupled with pushback against issues related to diversity, equity, inclusion, and access in schools (e.g., anti-trans laws, anti-LBGTQ support, and anti-critical race theory) persist. The literature referenced in this article and the implications presented are not exhaustive. More work was needed in this area to better serve populations of students who are marginalized by systems. Considering the ongoing anti-immigrant climate and continued efforts to disrupt supportive policies for immigrant persons, we must continue to examine our practices as we work toward a more inclusive and accessible music education for all.