Abstract
The authors of this chapter review empirical studies that have been conducted in bilingual education to propose a future research agenda that incorporates the most recent evidence on the effectiveness of bilingual programs, advances in neuroscience, and the body of evidence of the benefits of being bilingual and biliterate. They first describe the historical and sociopolitical precedent of how bilingual education came to play a determinant role in U.S. education. Next, they summarize reviews that have been conducted examining the effects of bilingual education on the academic performance of English learners from 1985 until 2003. They then review the research on bilingual education since 2003. Although the majority of studies reviewed focused on reading, the authors also found studies that compared the effects of bilingual programs on other academic outcomes such as writing, science, and mathematics, inside and outside the United States. In addition, they address the benefits of bilingualism on cognition and discuss the research on cross-linguistic transfer to help the reader better understand the transfer of skills between the native language and the second language within the context of bilingual programs. They end the chapter with recommendations for future research.
Twenty-four years ago, the journal Educational Researcher published a special issue on bilingual education. In the introductory article, Pease-Alvarez and Hakuta (1992) suggested that bilingualism was mainly associated with sociocultural theory, implying that learning a second language (L2) was closely connected to personal identity, cultural identification, and communicative effectiveness and was influenced by attitudes toward and beliefs about the native language (L1) and the language being learned. Pease-Alvarez and Hakuta also proposed that education researchers needed to confront practical problems related to the needs of bilingual students and contribute to advances in basic research on bilingual education and bilingualism. Basic research implies including a detailed description of participants and instructional practices, particularly when examining different bilingual programs (Hakuta, 2011). In addition, basic bilingual education research should focus on measuring how L1 and L2 interact and how the development of language proficiency and content knowledge among bilingual students compares with that of monolingual students. These differences should also be investigated in students with and without learning disabilities (Goldenberg, 2013; Hakuta, 1987).
Twenty years later, Hakuta (2011) called for the continuation of basic research to create a stronger knowledge base investigating the effectiveness of bilingual education in relevant settings. Thus, the purpose of this chapter is to provide a comprehensive review of recent studies examining the effectiveness of bilingual programs, as well as a better understanding of the sociocultural context for conducting bilingual research. This considers (a) the recent proliferation of research studies and books about bilingual education, (b) the apparent increase in bilingual programs across the country, and (c) the evidence suggesting that English-only (EO) policies, such as those advanced by Proposition 227 in California, Proposition 203 in Arizona (Arizona Department of Education, 1998), and Ballot Question 2 in Massachusetts (see Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 2002), do not improve the English language proficiency of English learners (ELs; Guo & Koretz, 2013; F. López, McEneaney, & Neiswandt, 2015; Parrish et al., 2006).
Our chapter is organized as follows. First, we discuss issues with the terminology used in bilingual research and summarize the academic performance of bilingual students in the United States. Second, we briefly review the historical and sociocultural background of bilingual education that has led to the acceptance or rejection of bilingual education in the United States as an anchor for discussing the future of bilingual education. Third, we summarize findings from reviews on bilingual education that have been published since 1985. Fourth, we review selected empirical studies of bilingual programs inside and outside the United States that have been published since 2003. Fifth, we summarize studies on cross-linguistic transfer and cognition as they relate to bilingual education. We conclude with suggestions for future research and practice. Overall, we focus on the effects of bilingual education programs and bilingualism on ELs, as well as studies that include English-only students (EOs) acquiring an L2.
Terminology
An issue that has contributed to the controversies surrounding bilingual education has been the terminology used to address a growing population of bilingual students worldwide. As Table 1 illustrates, this group includes students who are labeled English language learners, dual language learners, English learners, students with limited English proficiency (LEP), and emergent bilinguals.
Labels Referring to Bilingual Students Used in the Chapter or in the Reviewed Studies
Although these terms, in general, refer to students who speak a language other than English as their L1, each term reflects a somewhat different perspective on how the needs of bilingual students should be addressed and/or the priorities a state or school district has established to improve academic outcomes in an environment where the societal language is English. For example, the term emergent bilingual refers to children who have the possibility of becoming bilingual if they are instructed in both languages, whether they speak English or another language as their L1 (Garcia, Kleifgen, & Falchi, 2008). The term limited English proficient (LEP) has been used to refer to students who speak a language other than English as their L1 and who are limited in their English skills and therefore cannot benefit adequately from mainstream English instruction (Goldenberg, Reese, & Rezaei, 2011). The term has been criticized by researchers and practitioners who argue that it emphasizes the deficiencies of students who speak an L1 other than English rather than acknowledging that being bilingual likely increases their cognitive skills and provides them with better educational and economic opportunities (Agirdag, 2014; Calvo & Bialystok, 2013).
It is also difficult to determine the most appropriate term to refer to students who speak only English at home and are attending bilingual programs. These students are most commonly known as English-only (EO), non-LEP, or non–English language learners (non-ELLs; Guo & Koretz, 2013). In this chapter, for consistency and clarity, we use the term English learner (EL) to refer to U.S. students who do not speak English as their only language at home, and English-only (EO) to refer to U.S. students who speak only English at home. For studies that include participants outside the United States, we use the terminology used by the authors of those studies.
The terms that define bilingual programs are equally ambiguous. For example, programs where English and an L1 are used have been called bilingual, dual language, two-way immersion, transitional bilingual (early and late exit), and developmental, among other things. Although these terms describe very different bilingual programs (see Table 2), they are often used in similar ways, which makes it difficult for parents and others to understand the differences among programs and their potential advantages or disadvantages. For example, a transitional bilingual program (TBP) can be defined as a program where students are (a) taught entirely in their L1 for 1 or 2 years, (b) taught in their L1 throughout elementary school with some English language development (ELD) instruction (Slavin & Cheung, 2005), or (c) taught in their L1 for a certain percentage of the time each day (e.g., 30%) and in English for the rest of the time. In other words, in bilingual programs, the amount of time taught in each language in each grade can vary by school, classroom, or even time of year (D. L. Baker, Burns, Kame’enui, Smolkowski, & Baker, & 2015; Umansky et al., 2015). For the purposes of this chapter, we will use the following terminology to discuss the three most common kinds of programs currently in place: English immersion (EI) programs, where students receive mainly instruction in English; TBPs, in which students receive L1 instruction for a few years with some English instruction (e.g., ELD) before they are immersed in EO instruction; and dual language programs (DLPs), where students (ELs, or EOs and ELs) are taught in L1 and L2 from kindergarten with the goal of becoming balanced bilinguals (equally proficient in both languages). In our review of studies on bilingual programs we provide the specific amount of instructional time allocated to each language.
Labels Referring to Bilingual Programs Used in the Chapter or in the Reviewed Studies
Historically, the question of whether bilingual instruction increases or reduces student learning opportunities has been controversial, and the most serious concerns about this type of instruction were not raised until 50 years ago with the immigration to the United States of large numbers of individuals whose first language is not English (D. L. Baker, Richards-Tutor, Gersten, Baker, & Smith, in press). According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2015), currently more than 400 languages are spoken in the United States; Spanish is by far the most widely spoken other than English (i.e., more than 37 million people speak Spanish), followed by Chinese (2.9 million), Tagalog (the official language of the Philippines, 1.5 million), Vietnamese (1.4 million), Korean (1.1 million), and German (1 million). The main concern in schools responsible for educating large numbers of ELs is the challenge of teaching and learning English in addition to the usual academic content.
To illustrate the problem, examination of recent data from the 2013 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP; Kena et al., 2015) indicates that ELs scored significantly below EOs on the fourth- and eighth-grade assessments of reading (by 38 and 45 points, respectively) and mathematics (by 25 and 41 points, respectively). It is important to point out, however, that language proficiency can be confounded with low socioeconomic status (SES) and immigration status (Umansky & Reardon, 2014). Hispanics, for example, are more likely to live in poverty compared to Whites (33% of Hispanics are poor, compared to 13% of Whites; Kena et al., 2015). Hispanics also constitute the majority of ELs at 76.5% (Excelencia in Education, 2015). What is striking, however, is that most ELs who struggle academically are second- and third-generation students who were born in the United States (Hamilton, Martin, & Ventura, 2010). Thus, immigration cannot always fully explain low academic achievement, or English language proficiency. Moreover, NAEP data can also be complex to interpret because they do not adjust for ELs who have been reclassified as EOs (i.e., students who were ELs and are now judged to be fluent English proficient and sufficiently prepared for EO classrooms without EL instructional supports). Once reclassification occurs, it is more difficult to track students and determine, when they struggle, whether their low academic performance is due to continued difficulties in L2 acquisition or to learning difficulties, especially with academic content. Thus, it is possible that more ELs are struggling academically than the numbers indicated by the NAEP assessments (Umansky et al., 2015).
In summary, the diversity of the EL population and the lack of clarity in describing the bilingual programs and the students attending the programs (ELs and EOs) are important to address in future research, particularly considering the rapid increase of the EL population and the increase in the demand for bilingual programs in the country (K. López, 2014; Maxwell, 2012; Reljic, Ferrig, & Martin, 2015). Next, we summarize briefly the history of bilingual education in the United States to anchor our findings from the reviews cited, and to provide guidance for future research.
Historical and Sociocultural Background of Bilingual Education
Historically, the United States has been a bilingual country (August, Goldenberg, & Rueda, 2010), and bilingual education policies have shifted over time according to changing events (Crawford, 2004). Ovando (2003) argues that the shift in support or rejection of bilingualism through history has occurred not because of a shift in systematic ideas about language, but rather as a consequence of changing localized politics and social and economic forces. In the middle of the 19th century, bilingual education was supported and provided in more than 25 states. For example, schools could teach in Czech in Texas; in Spanish in the Southwest; in German in Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Maryland, Missouri, Nebraska, Ohio, Oregon, and Pennsylvania; and in Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish in Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, Nebraska, North Dakota, South Dakota, Washington, and Wisconsin. German was, by far, the most widely spoken language; by 1900, more than 600,000 children were being instructed in German (Kloss, 1977; Ovando, 2003). Stricter enforcement of linguistic assimilation started around 1880 with concerns about linguistic, cultural, and ideological competition between English and other languages (Salomone, 2010).
As a result, attitudes and legislation throughout the United States began to focus more on supporting the development of English language skills in schools. This approach became more widespread during World War I, when teaching in German and other foreign languages during school hours was forbidden because it was considered a threat to the state. The antagonistic attitude toward the teaching in foreign languages (particularly German) led to the Supreme Court case Meyer v. Nebraska (1923), in which the Court ruled that the prohibition of teaching in a foreign language in schools prior to eighth grade was unconstitutional. Similar prohibitions were annulled in Iowa and Ohio (Kloss, 1977).
After World War II, with the beginning of the Cold War, the educational focus shifted toward teaching math and science skills because they were essential for military, business, and diplomatic reasons. The lack of emphasis on teaching foreign languages, however, led to the National Defense Education Act of 1958, which had as one of its primary goals increasing foreign language education (Crawford, 2004). This shift in perspective coincided with the Cuban Revolution in 1959 and the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. The immigration of Cubans fleeing the revolution led to the creation of a very successful bilingual program at Coral Way Elementary in Dade County, Florida. Key to its success was the strong support of professional Cuban parents, well-trained Cuban teachers, and federal assistance through the Cuban Refugee Act (Crawford, 2004).
The Civil Rights Movement emboldened Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans to fight against segregation and lack of educational opportunities for their communities. Although the movement to improve the conditions and opportunities for Hispanics has received less media attention than the movement to end racial segregation and discrimination against African Americans (Dauphine, 2014; Nuñez, 2009), the activities were extensive. An example of Hispanic efforts to end discrimination was Aspira. The movement was started in New York by activists in the Puerto Rican community, and its aim was to improve the living conditions and educational opportunities of Hispanics. Aspira is considered to be the first national educational and leadership development institution in the Puerto Rican community in the United States (Enck-Wanzer, 2006; Nuñez, 2009).
Another important historical event in support of bilingual education was the 1965 Immigration Act, signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson. This law revoked previous immigration policies that were based on a quota system with allocations assigned to nationalities according to their representation in past U.S. Census figures. The purposes of the new law were to reunite families whose members were separated by social and political conflicts and to attract skilled labor to the United States. As a result, 18 million immigrants (3 times more than in the preceding 30 years) entered the country, most of them from Asia and Latin America. This large immigration led to a rebirth of bilingual education as most immigrants spoke very little, if any, English (C. Baker, 2011). The same year, Congress also passed the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA), which provided assistance to educational agencies, through Title I, to support the education of children of low-income families. Although ESEA did not directly support bilingual education programs, it did provide additional funds to schools that served a large number of ELs who were also low-income.
Each of these historical events contributed to the eventual passage of the Bilingual Education Act of 1968, which was intended to assist school districts with the establishment of educational programs for immigrant children who did not speak English (Lyons, 2013). The Bilingual Education Act implied an acknowledgment by the federal government that immigrant children who did not speak English at home experienced unique language-based challenges in meeting educational goals (Gándara, 2015) and that, therefore, federal funding was needed to establish innovative educational programs for them. School districts could apply for the funds through grants intended for (a) purchasing educational programs, (b) training teachers and teacher aides, (c) developing and disseminating educational materials, and (d) involving parents in the education of their children. Funding, however, did not explicitly require schools to provide bilingual instruction (Stewner-Manzanares, 1988).
Nonetheless, bilingual programs began to proliferate, more to reduce social and economic inequalities than to develop the linguistic skills of all children, particularly ELs (Gándara, 2015). As a result, several civil lawsuits were filed alleging that equal opportunities were being denied to immigrant students. One highly influential case, Lau vs. Nichols (1974), was brought against the San Francisco school district alleging that 1,800 Chinese students were being denied equal education because of their limited English skills. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of the children, stating that children who did not understand the language of instruction were being denied equal educational opportunity and that, therefore, the district had violated the civil right of equal treatment for non–English-speaking students. School districts were subsequently required to provide “appropriate action” as evidence that their programs met the academic, linguistic, and sociocultural needs of students. If school districts were not in compliance with the guidelines, they would be denied federal funds (Ovando & Collier, 1998).
The term appropriate action, however, was not clearly defined. This lack of specificity led to Castañeda v. Pickard (1981), wherein the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals provided a flexible and practical definition, stating that (a) a school district must use a program informed by education theory, (b) programs and practices need to be implemented with adequate resources and personnel, and (c) if the program implemented fails, or produces English proficiency without overcoming academic deficits, then the program does not constitute appropriate action (Lyons, 2013). The term appropriate action left room for later lawsuits focused on issues regarding what adequate instructional programs for bilingual students should entail. For instance, Gómez v. Illinois Board of Education (1987) claimed that it was the responsibility of the state to provide language remediation programs. Horne v. Flores (2009) involved parents suing the state of Arizona, its state board of education, and its superintendent for not providing adequate services to ELs.
One of the issues regarding the general terminology from the Castañeda v. Pickard ruling is that, to a certain extent, many programs can be justified by theory, and that to determine whether a program is adequate requires passage of time for evaluation. It is sometimes difficult to determine why, exactly, a program has failed, and for whom it has failed. The ambiguity in terminology has made it easier for states to implement a wide range of programs, as long as there is a theoretically sound reason, even if there is little or no evidence to support it (Lyons, 2013).
In 2001, Congress passed the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act, designed to increase the accountability of states and districts for the education of their students. NCLB required states to develop a set of standards and measurable goals to ensure that public school funding resulted in student performance gains in English. For ELs, NCLB allowed local districts to decide on programs of instruction (e.g., bilingual or EO), but it required high-stakes testing in English for all ELs after they had been in the U.S. education system for 3 years. Schools also had to demonstrate that all of their students, including ELs, were making “adequate yearly progress” in English (Menken, 2010). As a consequence, the test-based accountability system placed stronger emphasis on English acquisition without promoting the L1 of ELs. Thus, many schools decided to eliminate their bilingual programs in the belief that EO instruction was the best way to ensure that ELs would make yearly progress (Menken, 2013).
In December 2015, President Barack Obama signed the Every Student Succeeds Act, which was designed to replace NCLB and the 50-year-old ESEA. The Every Student Succeeds Act does not include any explicit provisions related to bilingual education or the education of bilingual students, and it shifts the responsibility of identifying the interventions and supports for struggling students to the states and local education agencies. Consequently, states and districts need to decide whether to make bilingual education programs available to ELs and EOs (and evaluate the quality of any such programs). Although it is too soon to determine the effects of the law on school programs for bilingual students and on student academic performance, history suggests that bilingual programs may continue to proliferate with or without the support of federal policies.
Recent evidence indicates that ELs and EOs can obtain significantly higher scores in reading in fourth grade if they attend schools in states with less restrictive EO rules and more support for bilingual education, including mandated trainings for all teachers (F. López & McEneaney, 2012). Although this study included only eight states, a similar study by F. López, McEneaney, and Nieswandt (2015), which included all 50 states and mathematics and science outcomes, found that Hispanic ELs living in states with higher proportions of Hispanics tended to demonstrate higher academic outcomes when there was a longer history of Hispanic presence in the state and when state-level policies allowed bilingual programs to exist. In addition, studies that have examined the academic performance of ELs in states that passed EO laws (e.g., Proposition 227 in California and the 2002 Massachusetts Act Relative to the Teaching of English in Public Schools; for the latter, see Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 2002) found that academic outcomes of ELs did not improve after these laws were passed (see Gándara & Hopkins, 2010; Guo & Koretz, 2013; Parrish et al., 2006).
In summary, bilingual education in the United States has been a contentious topic in both political and educational arenas. The recent evidence suggests, however, that restrictive policies against bilingual programs, instead of improving outcomes for ELs, can significantly affect their opportunities for educational attainment by reducing the funding and the additional supports and trainings required to address their needs, particularly the needs of ELs at risk for academic failure.
Next, we summarize the results of reviews on bilingual education designed to improve the academic performance of L2 learners. We include one meta-analysis conducted in Europe.
Summary of Reviews on Bilingual Education
In the past three decades, five meta-analyses (Francis, Lesaux, & August, 2006; Greene, 1998; Reljic et al., 2015; Rolstad, Mahoney, & Glass, 2005; Willig, 1985) and four other systematic reviews (K. Baker & de Kanter, 1981; Genesee, Lindholm-Leary, Saunders, & Christian, 2006; Rossell & Baker, 1996; Slavin & Cheung, 2005) have been conducted to examine the effects of bilingual education on the academic achievement of bilingual students. According to Goldenberg (2013), more meta-analyses and reviews have been conducted in bilingual education than in any other field. We summarize findings from these studies in Tables 3 and 4. Although findings from two of the earliest reviews indicated that EO programs produced better English outcomes (K. Baker & de Kanter, 1981) or that bilingual programs did not demonstrate greater effectiveness than EO programs (Rossell & Baker, 1996), each of the other reviews and meta-analyses obtained findings in support of bilingual programs.
Review Studies in Chronological Order
Note. BP = bilingual program; EO = English-only; ES = median effect size; ESL = English as a second language; NA = not applicable; SEI, sheltered English immersion; TBP = transitional bilingual program.
Meta-Analyses in Chronological Order
Note. BP = bilingual program; d = Cohen’s d; EO = English-only; ES = effect size; g = Hedges’s g.
Median effect size. bMean effect size.
In the first meta-analysis of bilingual education research, Willig (1985) analyzed the same studies reviewed by K. Baker and de Kanter (1981) and found that bilingual programs appeared to be as beneficial as EO programs, if not more so, for supporting ELs’ English literacy development. Almost 14 years later, Greene (1998) obtained findings that corroborated those obtained by Willig (1985). Results of both meta-analyses favored bilingual programs, with effect sizes of ES = 0.21 for reading and ES = 0.12 for math. This consistency occurred even though only a few studies were the same in both meta-analyses (Krashen & McField, 2005).
More recent reviews and meta-analyses have obtained similar findings in favor of bilingual programs, and they have provided some additional insights about the benefits of specific bilingual programs in comparison with others (e.g., Francis et al., 2006; Genesee et al., 2006; Rolstad et al., 2005; Slavin & Cheung, 2005). Rolstad et al. (2005) found that developmental bilingual programs, where the goal is bilingualism and biliteracy, produced better results than TBPs, where the primary goal is for students to become proficient in English. Similarly, Genesee et al. (2006) found that bilingual programs with extended instruction in the two languages (e.g., dual language and late exit programs) appeared to be more effective than early exit bilingual programs. In addition, while much of the research in this area has focused on elementary-age students, results from the meta-analysis by Francis et al. (2006) indicated that elementary- and secondary-level students instructed in their L1 and English performed better on measures of English language and reading than students instructed only in English (d = 0.20 to 0.50). Most recently, Reljic et al. (2015) conducted a meta-analysis examining the effects of bilingual programs versus submersion programs in the societal language for language minority students living in Europe. The results indicated a small positive effect (g = 0.23) in favor of bilingual programs over submersion programs on reading outcomes. These findings, however, need to be interpreted cautiously because only five studies met the inclusion criteria and were included in the analysis.
In summary, this collection of evidence appears to indicate that bilingual programs may produce more positive English outcomes for ELs than EO programs. Two limitations, however, must be noted with this body of work as a whole. First, many of the studies included in the reviews and meta-analyses contained methodological problems, such as how students were assigned to experimental and comparison groups, lack of comparability between the two groups (e.g., variability in language proficiency or student background characteristics), and lack of information about the quality of the bilingual programs because fidelity of implementation data were not reported (Willig, 1985). Second, few of the studies provided readers with specific details about the bilingual program models that were implemented (e.g., amount of instruction in both languages, length of the bilingual program), and few provided information on how instruction was organized and delivered (Francis et al., 2006; Genesee et al., 2006). Consequently, the results of the meta-analyses and reviews have not allowed researchers and practitioners to determine exactly for whom such programs are the most beneficial and under what circumstances.
Next we review studies published since 2003, the last year of studies included in the Francis et al. (2006) meta-analysis and the Genesee et al. (2006) review. We include any studies that meet our criteria, and that examine the effects of bilingual programs on the academic performance of bilingual students who are learning an L2.
Selected Empirical Studies of Bilingual Programs Published Since 2003
Selection Criteria
Our initial search for studies was conducted using the search terms bilingual, bilingual instruction, bilingual education, and bilingual program. First, we searched several electronic databases, including ERIC, PsycINFO, and Google Scholar, for peer-reviewed publications using a combination of the terms above. Second, we conducted “hand searches” (searches of hard copies of the journals) for articles that had been published between 2003 and 2015 in peer-reviewed journals (including those searched by Genesee et al., 2006). Appendix A includes a list of all the journals searched. Third, we examined the reference lists of the articles we located to see if there were any additional articles that focused on bilingual instruction, bilingual interventions, or bilingual education programs. To select appropriate studies for review, we adapted the process suggested by Moher, Liberati, Tetzlaff, Altman, and the PRISMA Group (2009).
Once studies were identified, we read the abstracts using criteria similar to those used by Genesee et al. (2006) in their review. For example, studies had to (a) be empirical and published in peer-reviewed journals, (b) focus on students from pre-K to Grade 12, and (c) either compare programs of instruction or measure academic outcomes in English and/or another language. In total, our search produced 157 articles. Of these, the greatest number of articles (107) were in the reading domain, followed by those in mathematics. We included studies conducted in and outside the United States.
Of the 157 studies whose abstracts we evaluated, 77 met the initial eligibility criteria. These studies were then examined more carefully and coded according to the following inclusion criteria based on components that researchers have noted as being absent from the majority of studies on bilingualism and bilingual education (Goldenberg, 2013; Hakuta, 2011). To be selected, studies had to include (a) a careful description of study participants, including age, language, ethnic background, and SES, by student, school, or district; (b) a detailed description of the program or intervention (e.g., amount of instruction in the two languages, length of the intervention, professional development (PD) requirements); (c) a full description of study methods (including fidelity of implementation, and reliability and validity of measures used); and (d) conclusions clearly linked to data. A total of 59 studies that met our initial criteria were included in the final review. Approximately 20% of the studies were double-coded to establish interrater reliability, and all discrepancies in coding were discussed and resolved at that time.
Findings
In this section we review studies by domain. Effect sizes are included if they were reported by the authors. We decided to summarize the studies in the tables using the more general terminology to describe bilingual programs defined earlier for consistency and clarity. We did, however, include the amount of time spent on each language in bilingual programs and the length of bilingual interventions if applicable. We synthesize the reading studies first, followed by the studies in writing, science, and mathematics. Appendix B lists the measures used in the studies, with their abbreviations.
Reading Studies
Given the large number of studies with reading outcomes that met our inclusion criteria (n = 48), we divided them into five types: (a) studies that employed a randomized controlled trial (RCT) design, (b) studies that employed a quasi-experimental or descriptive design, (c) studies that examined the effectiveness of bilingual programs and/or interventions for at-risk students, (d) studies that examined the role of the quality of instruction within the context of bilingual programs and/or interventions, and (e) studies that examined the effectiveness of bilingual programs outside the United States.
Studies comparing bilingual programs using an RCT design
We found five studies published since 2003 that met our inclusion criteria and that compared the effectiveness of different bilingual programs (or interventions) using an RCT design, as indicated in Table 5. Of these, all but one (Slavin, Madden, Calderón, Chamberlain, & Hennessy, 2011) were conducted with students in the preschool/early elementary grades; two (Durán, Roseth, & Hoffman, 2015; Slavin et al., 2011) were longitudinal. The most common comparisons were between a mainly EO program and a DLP or a TBP. All findings from the preschool studies indicated no significant differences in English outcomes between students in the bilingual program (i.e., in either the DLP or the TBP) and students in the EO program. In the longitudinal study by Durán et al. (2015), ELs in the TBP had growth trajectories similar to those of ELs in the mainly EO program in English. In Spanish, however, ELs in the TBP maintained their Spanish advantage compared to ELs in the EO program, corroborating previous findings with ELs in the primary grades, suggesting that bilingual programs present an opportunity for ELs to maintain their L1 without a detriment to their English reading and language development.
Reading Studies Comparing Bilingual Programs Using a Randomized Controlled Design
Note. DIBELS = Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills; EL-IGDI = Early Literacy Individual Growth and Development Indicators; ENG = English; EO = English-only; ES = effect size; IPT = IDEA Oral Language Proficiency Test; MAP = Measures of Academic Progress; NWF = Nonsense Words Fluency; P-CTOPPP = Preschool Comprehensive Test of Phonological and Print Processing; PE = predominantly English instruction; PPVT = Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test; pre-IPT = preschool IDEA Oral Language Proficiency Test; PSF = Phoneme Segmentation Fluency; SEI = structured English immersion; SP = Spanish; TBP = transitional bilingual program; TVIP = Test de Vocabulario de Imágenes; TWI = two-way immersion; WJ-R = Woodcock Johnson–Revised; WMLS = Woodcock Munoz Language Survey; WLPB-R = Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery–Revised; WM-R = Woodcock Muñoz–Revised; WMLS-R = Woodcock Muñoz Language Survey–Revised.
The Farver, Lonigan, and Eppe (2009) study compared the effect of an intervention in Spanish for ELs in the TBP program to the effect of the same intervention in English for students in the EO program; ELs in a control group did not receive the intervention. The findings indicated that ELs in the intervention in Spanish or English outperformed ELs in the control group on English vocabulary, blending, elision, and print knowledge tasks, suggesting that even for students at risk, interventions in the L1 can improve English reading skills. Roberts (2008) also found that preschoolers who received storybook reading in English at school, and in the L1 (i.e., either Spanish or Hmong) at home, had significantly higher knowledge of the storybook words than did preschoolers who received storybook reading in only English at home and at school, confirming that providing L1 supports either in preschool or at home is effective in helping children improve their reading skills in English.
Slavin et al. (2011) found that at the end of Grade 1, ELs in the TBP outperformed ELs in the EO programs on all the Spanish measures, but ELs in the EO program outperformed ELs in the TBP on all the English measures. At the end of Grade 4, however, the two groups performed similarly on all the English measures, but ELs in the TBP outperformed ELs in the EO program on Spanish reading comprehension (ES = 0.39). In summary, these studies corroborate the findings from the previous meta-analyses suggesting that bilingual programs help maintain and potentially even improve reading skills in students’ L1, as well as support their learning of English. In addition, given that all these studies were RCTs, findings can be causally related to outcomes.
Studies comparing bilingual programs using quasi-experimental or descriptive research designs
As Table 6 indicates, we located 21 studies published since 2003 that met our inclusion criteria and used quasi-experimental research designs (i.e., with comparison groups and/or controlling for pretest performance) or correlational research designs (i.e., where hypothesized causal relations were identified, but research design elements that were needed to make causal inferences, such as pretests or comparison groups, were absent; Shadish, Cook, & Campbell, 2001). Nine of these studies focused on younger students (Grades K–2), eight focused on upper primary students (Grades 2–6), and four focused on longer trajectories (Grades K–5, K–8, or K–11; Hofstetter, 2004; Reese, Gallimore, & Guthrie, 2005; Umansky & Reardon, 2014; Valentino & Reardon, 2015). The majority of the studies conducted in the early grades used primarily measures of phonological awareness, word reading, and vocabulary to determine program effectiveness. Three of the studies in the lower grades found that students receiving bilingual instruction outperformed their peers receiving English instruction with or without minimal ELD supports (Anderberg & McSparran Ruby, 2013; Lindholm-Leary, 2014; M. G. López & Tashakkori, 2004b). Results of the other five studies indicated either no significant differences between bilingual programs and EO programs or higher scores in English for ELs who participated in the English program and higher scores in Spanish for ELs who participated in the bilingual program. Six of the eight studies in the upper primary grades (Grade 2 and above) found that students in bilingual programs significantly outperformed their peers receiving EO instruction on English outcomes. Studies that included Spanish outcomes found, as expected, that Spanish outcomes were higher for students who participated in the bilingual programs than for students who participated in the EO program. Two of the eight studies in the upper primary grades (F. López, Scanlan, & Gorman, 2015; M. G. López & Tashakkori, 2006) found no difference at posttest on English outcomes between the bilingual program and the EO program.
Reading Studies Comparing Bilingual Programs Using a Quasi-Experimental or Descriptive Design
Note. ALA = academic language acquisition; BSM = Bilingual Syntax Measure; CAAS = Computer-Based Academic Assessment System; CELDT = California English Language Development Test; CTBS = Comprehensive Test of Basic Skills; CTBS-S = Comprehensive Test of Basic Skills Spanish; CST = California Standards Test; DB = Developmental Bilingual; DI = Dual Immersion; DIBELS = Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills; DLP = Dual Language Program; DRDP = Desired Results Developmental Profile; EDL = Español Desarrollo de la Lectura; EFL = Extended Foreign Language; EI = English Immersion; ELA = English language arts; EL = English learner; ELD = English language development; ENG = English; EP = English proficient; EO = English-only; ERSA = Emergent Reader Screening Assessment; ESOL = English for Speakers of Other Languages; FCAT = Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test; HEC = Home English Communication; ISF = Initial Sound Fluency; ITAS = Individual Test of Academic Skills; ITBS = Iowa Test of Basic Skills; KAG = Kindergarten Assessment Guide; LAS = Language Assessment Scales; LAS-O = Language Assessment Scales–Oral; LCEP = Language Competence/Expressive Proficiency Task; LNF = Letter Naming Fluency; MAT = Metropolitan Achievement Test; NWF = Nonsense Word Fluency; OLPSI = Oral Language Proficiency Scale Interview–Revised; ORF = Oral Reading Fluency; PLS = Preschool Language Scale; PPVT = Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test; PreLAS = Preschool Language Assessment Scale; PSF = Phoneme Segmentation Fluency; SABE = Spanish Assessment of Basic Skills; SAT-9 = Stanford Achievement Test; SEC = students with Spanish at home without prior ENG experience; SEI = Structured English Immersion; SFA = Success for All; SMAG = State Measure of Annual Growth in English; SP = Spanish; SpO = Spanish only; SRI = Scholastic Reading Inventory; SSAT = State Standards Achievement Test; TAAS = Texas Assessment of Academic Skills; TAKS = Texas Assessment of Knowledge and Skills; TBP = transitional bilingual program; TBP-E = Transitional bilingual program–early exit; TBP-L = Transitional bilingual program–late exit; TELD-3 = Test of Early Language Development; TERA-2 = Test of Early Reading Ability; TPI = Transitional Program of Instruction; TVIP = Test de Vocabulario en Imágenes; TWI = two-way immersion; TWBI = two-way bilingual education; WLPB = Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery; WLPB-R = Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery–Revised Spanish and English Forms.
The four longitudinal studies (Hofstetter, 2004; Reese et al., 2005; Umansky & Reardon, 2014; Valentino & Reardon, 2015) examining the effectiveness of bilingual programs over time produced three important findings:
Students’ initial proficiency levels in Spanish were important for determining their rate of growth in English reading skills when participating in a TBP (Reese et al., 2005).
Although students in EI programs may have started with higher skills initially, students in bilingual programs often exhibited faster rates of growth and were able to close the gap and even outperform students in EI programs over time (Umansky & Reardon, 2014; Valentino & Reardon, 2015).
The timing of ELs’ reclassification as English proficient was often related to the bilingual program models (i.e., students in EI programs were reclassified at greater rates in elementary school, while students in dual immersion, transitional bilingual, and language maintenance programs were more often reclassified in middle school).
The delay in reclassification might have important positive and negative implications for the academic performance of bilingual students. On one hand, reclassification might allow students to participate fully in all course offerings, including those with rigorous content. On the other, delays in reclassification might allow students to receive additional support services, such as ELD, that they would not receive if they were reclassified. The drawback of delayed classification, however, is that students might miss rigorous content because of having to attend ELD classes, which are usually more focused on developing student English language proficiency than building their content knowledge (Umansky & Reardon, 2014).
Studies comparing bilingual programs for at-risk students
We found five studies that disaggregated the data by student risk status or that included students with disabilities. Two studies defined risk status based on academic performance (D. L. Baker, Park, Baker, Basaraba, et al., 2012; Gerber et al., 2004), and two defined it based on the presence of autism spectrum disorders. One study (Kovelman, Baker, & Petito, 2008) examined whether age of acquisition (students are termed early bilingual, late bilingual, or monolingual) was related to English and Spanish literacy skills. Although this study did not screen students for potential reading disabilities, we included it in Table 7 because bilingual students were disaggregated by age of exposure to Spanish and English, and age of acquisition was found to be a risk factor for later language development.
Reading Studies Comparing Bilingual Programs for At-Risk Students
Note. ADI-R = Austim Diagnostic Interview–Revised; ADOS = Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule; CIM = Core Model Intervention; DIBELS = Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills; EL = English learner; ENG = English; EO = English-only; FR = French; LCEP = Language Competence/Expressive Proficiency Task; MCDI = MacArthur Communicative Development Inventory; MON = Monolingual; ORF = Oral Reading Fluency; PLS = Preschool Language Scale; SAT = Stanford Achievement Test; SEQ = sequential bilingual exposure; SIM = simultaneous bilingual exposure; SP = Spanish; VABS = Vineland Adaptive Behavior Scales; WIAT = Word Identification/Word Attack; WLPB-R = Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery–Revised.
We included the Ohashi et al. (2012) study here although it was conducted in Canada because we wanted to compare findings from the two studies that included students with autism.
The study by D. L. Baker, Park, Baker, Basaraba, et al. (2012) compared the effects of two programs on reading outcomes: a paired bilingual program (where students received English and Spanish reading instruction simultaneously in Grades 1–3 at different times of day) and an EO reading program. The results indicated no significant differences in the effects of the two programs on English comprehension outcomes for students not at risk for reading failure in Grades 1 to 3. However, students at risk for reading difficulties appeared to benefit more from the paired bilingual program than from the EO program across the three grades. These findings were significant in Grade 2 (d = 0.51). Gerber et al. (2004) also found bilingual instruction favorable for at-risk kindergarten students who received a 30-minute Spanish intervention, in comparison with students who did not receive the intervention on any English measures except Onset Detection (p < .01).
Finally, two studies (Hambly & Fombonne, 2012; Ohashi et al., 2012) examined whether the social impairments associated with autism spectrum disorder could cause language delays and/or communication impairments in preschool bilingual children exposed to (a) one language (e.g., English, Spanish, or French), (b) a bilingual language environment prior to 12 months of age (i.e., simultaneous bilingual exposure), or (c) a bilingual language environment after 12 months of age (i.e., sequential bilingual exposure). Results indicated that although there were no statistically significant differences in the expressive vocabulary, receptive vocabulary, or language skills of students in the three groups, students who were exposed to only one language or to two languages prior to 12 months of age performed significantly better than students exposed to two languages after 12 months of age.
Ohashi et al. (2012) took a slightly different approach to answering the research question above by examining the age at which students with autism from monolingual (English or French) or simultaneous bilingual language environments (English and French) spoke their first words and phrases and were able to engage in functional communication. Results indicated no statistically significant differences between the two groups, suggesting that bilingual language environments do not cause language delays or disadvantage young children with autism spectrum disorder. In summary, the findings of the studies examining the effects of bilingual programs on students at risk suggest that bilingual programs do not hinder or otherwise impair the development of literacy skills; rather, the results indicate that the programs may support L1 and L2 literacy development for this population of students.
Studies examining the role of quality of instruction within bilingual programs
We found nine studies that examined quality of instruction in the context of bilingual programs and that met our inclusion criteria as indicated in Table 8. All studies were conducted in Grades preK to 2, with the exception of Vaughn et al. (2008), which followed students through Grades 4 and 5 after they had received a bilingual intervention or had been part of a control group in Grade 1. Seven of the eight studies included a detailed description of the high-quality instruction provided during the interventions. High-quality instruction was defined by evidence-based principles of instruction, such as teacher modeling and verbalizations, guided practice, brisk lesson pacing to maintain student engagement, multiple practice opportunities, specific academic feedback, and lessons structured to focus on the core components in reading (Coyne, Kame’enui, & Carnine, 2011). Overall, results of these studies indicated that students who received the high-quality instruction outperformed students in the comparison groups. For example, in the Cena et al. (2013) experimental study, Grade 1 students in a TBP were randomly assigned to receive either a scripted vocabulary intervention or general vocabulary instruction using the standard program and vocabulary routines designed to increase the explicitness of the instruction. Findings indicated that students who received the scripted vocabulary intervention significantly outperformed students who received the general vocabulary instruction, on overall Spanish depth of word knowledge, Spanish vocabulary usage, and Spanish vocabulary definition tasks (η2 = 0.17, 0.10, and 0.20, respectively). This advantage, however, did not have an effect on English reading and vocabulary outcomes.
Reading Studies Examining the Quality of Instruction in Bilingual Programs
Note. BVAT = Bilingual Verbal Ability Test; CTOPP = Comprehensive Test of Phonological Processing; DIBELS = Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills; DOK = Depth of Knowledge; EL = English learner; ELD = English language development; ENG = English; ES = effect size; FLO = Fluidez en la Lectura Oral; IDEL = Indicadores Dinámicos del Éxito de la Lectura; LNF = Letter Naming Fluency; NL = Naming Letters; NWF = Nonsense Word Fluency; ORF = Oral Reading Fluency; PALS = Peer-assisted learning strategies; PAT = Phonemic Awareness Task; PD = professional development; PPVT = Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test; PSF = Phoneme Segmentation Fluency; SEI = structured English immersion; SP = Spanish; TOPP-S = Test of Phonological Processing–Spanish; TOSRE = Test of Sentence Reading Efficiency; TOWRE-SP = Test of Word Reading Efficiency FORM B adapted into Spanish; TVIP = Test de Vocabuario de Imágenes; WLPB-R = Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery–Revised; WLPB-RS = Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery–Revised Spanish Form; WMTS-PC = Where’s My Teddy Story?–Print Concepts.
The Tong, Irby, Lara-Alecio, and Mathes (2008) experimental study compared two different TBPs (an enhanced TBP and a typical TBP) for Grades K to 2. The enhanced TBP included PD that focused on helping teachers (a) reduce code-switching in the classroom in order to allow ELs to develop their language proficiency in each language without interference from the other language and (b) provide differentiated instruction for struggling ELs in a response to intervention model. The findings indicated that ELs in the enhanced TBP outperformed ELs in the typical TBP on almost all the measures in Spanish and English. English oral language proficiency, however, was still below the norm after 3 years, suggesting that students need time to develop their language proficiency in L2 independently of the type of bilingual program they attend (Genesee et al., 2006).
Vaughn, Linan-Thompson, et al. (2006) examined the effectiveness of a researcher-developed Spanish reading intervention that accompanied core instruction in Spanish in a TBP, first when it was implemented with two cohorts of Grade 1 students and then when the same cohorts were assessed again as part of a follow-up study 3 and 4 years later (Vaughn et al., 2008). Findings from the longitudinal study were mixed, and effects of the treatment in first grade in Spanish were mostly nonsignificant three and four years later. Effect sizes, however, ranged from 0.32 in Spanish connected text fluency to 0.43 in Spanish spelling favoring intervention students compared to comparison students in the Spanish study. Moreover, students in the Spanish intervention group appeared to have outscored students in the Spanish comparison group on letter word identification (ES = 0.39), on word efficiency (ES = 0.34) and on spelling (ES = 0.30). These findings are important (even if they were not significant) because they are apparent across decoding, fluency, and comprehension, and they suggest that interventions might have long-lasting effects, particularly if they could be provided across grades.
We could only locate one study that examined the direct effect of a PD program for preschool teachers called Nuestros Niños on Spanish and English student outcomes (Buysse, Castro, & Peisner-Feinberg, 2010). The Nuestros Niños program consists of 3 days of PD followed by classroom support from consultants and biweekly community-of-practice meetings that offer teachers a structured process to develop and refine instructional strategies. ELs in classrooms where teachers received the Nuestros Niños PD demonstrated significantly greater gains on the English onset segmentation task (ES = 0.61) and on Spanish phonological awareness tasks (ES = 0.69) compared to ELs in classrooms where teachers did not receive the PD.
Altogether, results from these studies confirm what Goldenberg (2013) and other researchers have suggested regarding the importance of providing ELs and EOs with explicit instruction and additional interventions, if necessary, that incorporate evidence-based principles of instructional design (Coyne et al., 2011). Although in Table 8 we described studies that measured quality of instruction, only the Buysse et al. (2010) study in preschool examined the effect of teacher PD in Spanish on EL outcomes in English and in Spanish. Thus, more research is needed to determine whether PD in the primary and upper grades in the language of instruction has a direct effect on student academic outcomes. Moreover, investigating exactly what factors of the PD are directly related to student outcomes (e.g., teacher knowledge of the linguistic systems, pedagogical knowledge, teacher bilingual language proficiency) would greatly benefit the field.
Reading studies comparing bilingual programs outside the United States
We found eight studies that were conducted outside the United States, as indicated in Table 9. The three studies conducted in the Netherlands (Admiraal, Westhoff, & de Bot, 2006; van der Leij, Bekebrede, & Kotterink, 2010; Verspoor, de Bot, & Xu, 2015) examined the effectiveness of different bilingual program models with students of different ages. In all three studies, students in bilingual programs in English and Dutch significantly outperformed their peers on English and Dutch measures in schools where Dutch was the language of instruction and English was taught for 2 hours a week or less.
Reading Studies Comparing Bilingual Programs Outside the United States
Note. AAT = Auditory Analysis Test; CITO = Dutch National Institute for Test Development; EFLVT = English as a Foreign Language Vocabulary Test; EL = English learner; ENG = English; EVIP = Échelle de vocabulaire en images Peabody; FR = French; MAVO = National Final Examinations for English; MAT = Morphological Awareness Test; OMT = One Minute Test; PPVT = Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test; TOPP-S = Test of Phonological Processing–Spanish; WLPB-R = Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery–Revised.
The Goldenberg et al. (2014) study compared the Spanish reading and language performance of Spanish-speaking ELs in the United States who participated in one of five bilingual programs and Spanish-speaking students in Mexico who received Spanish-only instruction. The results indicated that while U.S. Hispanics who received instruction in either English or Spanish significantly outperformed students in Mexico on phonological awareness tasks (p < .001), students from Mexico outperformed students from the United States on picture vocabulary and listening comprehension tasks (p < .001). With respect to Spanish reading, Hispanic students receiving primarily Spanish instruction in the United States outperformed Hispanics receiving English instruction and students from Mexico on the Spanish reading tasks in Grade 1. By Grade 2, however, students from Mexico closed the gap and were performing better than Hispanics receiving primarily Spanish instruction in the United States. This result suggests that if the language of instruction is also the societal language, students perform better compared to when students are exposed to two languages in an environment where the societal language is English.
The study by Sailors, Hoffman, Pearson, Beretvas, and Matthee (2010) was conducted in South Africa in rural schools where students were provided with an intervention in their L1 (e.g., Afrikaans, Xhosa, Sotho) and in English in Grades 1 and 2. The findings indicated that ELs in the treatment schools performed better in their L1 and in English than the ELs in control schools. Teachers in the treatment schools were provided with high-quality instructional materials and PD. All of these studies suggest that bilingual programs can also benefit students whose L1 varies significantly from English. Moreover, bilingual instruction appears to provide students the support they need in their L2, as well as help maintain their L1.
Writing Studies
We found only one quasi-experimental study that examined the effects of bilingual programs on writing. As described in Table 10, Bae (2007) compared the effects of an English-Korean two-way immersion program on the writing performance of a bilingual English-Korean group in Grades 1 and 2 versus an EO group in the same grades in the United States. The findings suggested that the English-Korean group had mean scores similar to those of EOs on grammar and coherence by the end of Grade 2. More studies, however, need to be conducted on the effects of bilingual programs on student writing in L1 and L2.
Studies Examining the Effectiveness of Bilingual Programs in Supporting Writing Development
Note. ENG = English; EO = English-only; KETWIP = Korean-English two-way immersion program.
Science Studies
We found only three quasi-experimental studies that examined science outcomes for ELs and EOs attending bilingual programs as summarized in Table 11. Findings from the Ciechanowski (2014) study indicated that ELs and EOs who attended a DLP that focused on science content made substantial gains in science outcomes in English (the language of science instruction in the DLP) from pretest to posttest. The science language gains were also significantly correlated with science content gains. The Martínez-Alvarez, Bannan, and Peters-Burton (2012) study found no differences in science knowledge in English (the language of science instruction) between students attending a DLP and students attending a TBP (η2 = 0.07). However, ELs in the DLP performed significantly better on Spanish reading measures.
Studies Examining the Effectiveness of Bilingual Programs in Supporting Student Science Understanding
Note. EL = English learner; EDL = Español Desarrollo de Lectura; ENG = English; EO = English-only; FCAT = Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test; FOSS = Full Option Science System; SP = Spanish; WMLP = Woodcock Muñoz Language Proficiency.
Mathematics Studies
Seven of the studies in our review focused on mathematics (see Table 12). One of them took place in Germany (Kempert, Saalbach, & Hardy, 2011). None of them were randomized controlled studies, and only one included pretest data (Valentino & Reardon, 2015). The study by Kempert et al. (2011) indicated that proficiency in the language of testing was more influential than student mathematical problem-solving abilities. In addition, more variance was explained by cognitive abilities, SES, and reading comprehension than by language proficiency or arithmetic skills. This study, however, included only posttest data, so the results should be interpreted with caution.
Studies Examining the Effectiveness of Bilingual Programs in Supporting Student Mathematics Understanding
Note. BVAT = Bilingual Verbal Ability Test; CELDT = California English Language Development Test; CFT = Cognitive ability test; DLP = dual language program; EDL = Español Desarrollo de Lectura; ELD = English language development; ENG = English; EO = English-only; ESL = English as a second language; FCAT = Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test; SABE = Spanish Assessment of Basic Skills; SAT-9 = Stanford Achievement Test; SP = Spanish; TAKS = Texas Assessment of Knowledge and Skills; TPI = Transitional Program of Instruction; TWI-E = two-way immersion–English; TWI-S = two-way immersion–Spanish.
Valentino and Reardon’s (2015) longitudinal study also compared outcomes in mathematics. The only statistically significant outcome was in second grade, favoring the TBP (ES = 0.27), but this effect did not last until middle school. Marian, Shook, and Schroeder (2013) found that ELs attending a two-way immersion program outperformed ELs attending EO programs across grades. Hofstetter (2004), on the other hand, found that ELs performed equally well in a transition program and a structured EI program in Grades K to 3. In summary, ELs attending bilingual programs might not be at a disadvantage in terms of their mathematics performance, but more research is needed to determine the benefits of bilingual programs on mathematics, whether it is taught in L1 or L2.
Cross-Linguistic Transfer and Cognition
Cross-Linguistic Transfer
Bilingual programs have been influenced, in part, by two theories about how language and literacy develop in two languages: Cummins’s (1979) interdependence hypothesis and Lado’s (1964) contrastive analysis hypothesis. Cummins’s interdependence hypothesis states that language and reading proficiency in the L1 foster L2 reading acquisition. Lado’s contrastive analysis hypothesis states that structural differences and similarities in L1 and L2 can either facilitate the acquisition of L2, if the learner is able to identify the commonalities between the languages, or hinder it if the structures of the L1 and L2 are very different. This is particularly the case when the learner is not able to identify the differences in order to reduce the negative transfer of linguistic structures. Although transfer is often used as an argument in support of bilingual education, according to Snow (2006) the operational definition of transfer and the evidence of its existence is still not clear, given that most studies are only correlational (i.e., they don’t explain the causal effect of cross-linguistic transfer).
To better understand cross-linguistic transfer, Melby-Lervåg and Lervåg (2011) conducted a meta-analysis on correlational studies on the topic. Five important findings can be derived from the meta-analysis: (a) there was a small correlation between L1 and L2 oral language skills (r = .16); (b) there were moderate to large correlations in phonology and decoding in L1 and L2 (r = .54 and r = .44); (c) instructional language at school had a moderating effect on decoding skills, suggesting that correlations were higher between decoding in L1 and L2 for students attending bilingual schools than for students attending EO programs; (d) cross-linguistic transfer was more likely to occur when the two writing systems were similar; and (e) decoding in L1was significantly correlated with L2 reading comprehension (r = .24). Additional studies that have been conducted since then corroborate these findings (see, e.g., Saiegh-Haddad & Geva, 2008, examining transfer from Arabic to English).
Other recent studies have indicated that, in the early grades, initial levels of decoding and oral reading fluency, as well as growth in those skills, are significant predictors of reading comprehension within the same language but not across languages (D. L. Baker, Park, & Baker, 2012). In other words, the impact of the transfer of beginning reading skills (e.g., phonological awareness and decoding) on more complex reading skills (e.g., comprehension) does not appear to occur naturally from one language to another. An additional RCT study, which examined the effects of an intervention focusing on transition elements intended to help ELs at risk for reading difficulties in the transition from Spanish to English skills, indicated no significant differences in reading outcomes between ELs in the transition intervention and ELs who received a business as usual intervention from the school (D. L. Baker et al., 2015). These findings suggest that providing students in Grade 1 with explicit transition instruction from one language to another might not be necessary.
Results from two other studies also suggest that the level of transfer from beginning reading skills to reading comprehension from Spanish to English depends, in part, on ELs’ oral language proficiency in English (D. L. Baker, Park, & Baker, 2013; Nakamoto, Lindsey, & Manis, 2012). Moreover, the level of transfer might also depend on whether students are simultaneous bilinguals (learning two languages simultaneously) or sequential bilinguals (learning foundational skills in L1 first, then transitioning to L2). For example, a study by Grant, Gottardo, and Geva (2011) found that simultaneous bilinguals who spoke Portuguese and English consistently outperformed sequential bilinguals who spoke English and Spanish on measures of phonological awareness, word reading, vocabulary, and nonverbal reasoning tasks in English, suggesting that simultaneous bilinguals transfer their skills from one language to another more effectively than sequential bilinguals.
In summary, given that most studies on cross-linguistic transfer have been correlational, more experimental studies are needed to determine exactly how the relation among reading skills in two languages works, how knowledge and skills in one language might support the development of skills in other domains (e.g., mathematics), and whether language proficiency in two or more languages can be enhanced in the context of different bilingual programs. Research in each of these areas also needs to take into account the linguistic differences among languages, individual student characteristics, and contextual factors (school demographics, language exposure in the home, etc.). This research could also focus on whether the successful transfer of skills requires additional interventions and assessments that specifically address this transfer, or whether the transfer occurs naturally without being taught explicitly. Preliminary studies, such as D. L. Baker et al.’s (2015), suggest that the transfer might not need to be explicitly taught; however, this warrants further exploration.
Cognition
Three major discoveries in neuroscience can significantly influence how bilingual students (ELs and EOs) are taught in schools. The first discovery indicates that bilinguals activate information about both languages when they are using one language alone. This activity can be observed in reading, listening to speech, and preparing to speak one language alone (e.g., Bialystok, Craig, Green, & Gollan, 2009; Kroll, Bobb, & Wodniecka, 2006). The second discovery indicates that the language system is highly adaptive and that emergent bilingualism is not only about acquiring an L2 but also about how the first language changes in response to the L2 (Chang, 2016; Kroll & Bialystok, 2013). The third discovery indicates that bilingualism has significant positive effects on cognition. For example, findings by Abutalebi and Green (2008) and Calvo and Bialystok (2013) suggest that bilinguals outperform monolinguals on cognitive tasks that require ignoring irrelevant information, task switching, and resolving conflict. These findings are particularly important in helping researchers and practitioners understand how and whether language skills transfer from one language to another and how to use the benefits of the bilingual mind to improve learning of academic content.
Specifically, in a recent meta-analysis examining the correlation between bilingualism and cognition (Adesope, Lavin, Thompson, & Ungerleider, 2010), findings indicated small to large weighted mean effect sizes ranging from g = 0.32 on metacognitive awareness to g = 0.96 on attentional control favoring bilinguals when compared to monolinguals. Other significant cognitive outcomes were abstract and symbolic representation (g = 0.57) and metalinguistic awareness (g = 0.33) favoring bilinguals. The largest effect sizes were found when the languages had similar orthographic systems (e.g., English and Spanish, or French and Spanish), when the studies were conducted in the United States or Canada (g = 1.76), and when participants were postsecondary students. However, effect sizes did not vary by SES. Although the majority of the studies were conducted in the early elementary grades, and Bialystok et al. (2009) conducted half of them, additional analysis by Adesope et al. (2010) did not indicate researcher bias. Nonetheless, studies varied significantly in their methodological quality (e.g., the reliability and validity of the measures used were not always reported), and information about how the researchers controlled for biases was missing.
Two recent studies examining the relation between SES and bilingualism on cognition can shed more light on how these two variables interact. For example, Calvo and Bialystok (2013) found that low-income bilinguals obtained higher scores on executive functioning tasks that included verbal and nonverbal attention than did low-income and middle-income monolinguals. Esposito and Baker-Ward (2013) found that older low-income bilinguals (i.e., students in fourth grade) attending a DLP outperformed older low-income monolinguals and younger kindergarten and second-grade bilinguals on tasks requiring interference suppression (i.e., on tasks requiring the suppression of interference from an L2, not just the inhibition of a response).
We found only one study since the publication of the meta-analysis by Adesope et al. (2010) that examined the effects of a bilingual program on cognition (Nicolay & Poncelet, 2013). The study compared outcomes on attention and executive control in an EI program and a monolingual French program that taught English as a foreign language. The findings suggest significant differences favoring the bilingual group in reaction times on tasks assessing alertness, auditory attention, divided attention, and flexibility (ES = 0.44 to 0.63) but not on response inhibition (suppression of actions that are inappropriate in a given context), interference inhibition (suppression of prior knowledge that interferes with new knowledge), or the Simon effect (wherein stimuli are presented in different locations from the response, even though the location is irrelevant to the task). This study suggests that students attending bilingual programs can also benefit cognitively from learning two languages, particularly in the performance of complex tasks that are controlled by executive functioning processes and working memory.
Next, we offer recommendations for future research based on our review of studies of bilingual programs, the historical context for the implementation of bilingual education in the United States, and recent discoveries of how the bilingual mind affects cognitive processes.
Future Research
As we reflect on the political and scientific activities that have occurred since the publication of Educational Researcher’s special issue on bilingual education in 1992, we believe that we may be at a turning point in which bilingual education is viewed increasingly as an asset for ELs and EOs alike. This hypothesis is supported by the rapid rise of bilingual programs in the United States, including in states where EO is mandated, as well as by the large number of publications examining the effects of bilingual policies (Gándara & Hopkins, 2010), bilingual instruction, and bilingualism on economic outcomes (Gándara & Callahan, 2014), academic outcomes, and cognition (Bialystok et al., 2009). However, in 1992, Cziko suggested that instead of asking whether bilingual education works, we should consider the question of what can actually be done to make bilingual education better and accessible to more children. Next, we provide some guidelines on how Cziko’s suggestions could be addressed.
Establish Minimum Standards to Conduct Research in Bilingual Education
Given the variation in program labels and the lack of program descriptions, it is important to establish standards to conduct research in this area. The standards should include clear definitions of the terminology used in a study, collect information about instructional practices, and provide a detailed description of the materials and pedagogy used to teach in both languages. In addition, information about teacher language proficiency in the language of instruction, the home environment, the school setting, and the community’s support or rejection of bilingual education should be included, to help researchers and practitioners understand how and under what circumstances the program worked.
Conduct More Rigorous Experimental Studies That Examine Specific Variables Within Bilingual Programs
We were able to locate only eight studies that used an RCT design, and most of them were conducted in preschool or in the early grades. Thus, there is a need for more experimental studies that not only compare bilingual programs but also compare specific variables within these programs such as the effect of (a) student level of language proficiency and growth on academic outcomes, (b) academic vocabulary instruction in L1 and L2, (c) writing instruction in L1 and L2, and (d) different configurations of partner practice during bilingual instruction or interventions. Studies of this type should also include EOs attending bilingual programs, given that few studies have examined the academic, cognitive, or potential social benefits of bilingual programs for EOs.
Conduct More Rigorous Studies on the Type of PD Needed to Support Effective Bilingual Instruction
As F. López, McEneaney, and Nieswandt (2015) indicated, students in states that have invested more in PD for bilingual teachers and ESL teachers appear to have higher scores on national assessments than students in states with more restrictive rules. Thus, more studies on how to provide high-quality PD to bilingual teachers, and on tools to accurately assess instructional quality in bilingual programs, are needed. We found only one experimental study that examined the effects of a PD module on student outcomes (Buysse et al., 2010), and we could not locate any studies that examined whether teachers’ pedagogical knowledge, and/or their level of language proficiency in the students’ L1 and in English, had an effect on student outcomes (Gándara & Hopkins, 2010). These studies should also target the training of preservice and in-service bilingual teachers who work with students who speak English as their L1 and who are also learning an L2.
Examine the Effects of Bilingual Education in Other Domains, Including Writing, Math, Science, and Cognition
Given the rapid advances in neuroscience and the scarcity of research examining outcomes in other domains besides reading, more studies ought to be conducted that examine the effect of bilingual programs on writing, math, science, and cognition. These findings would help practitioners capitalize on the cognitive advantages of bilingualism to improve academic outcomes, not only for ELs but also for EOs learning an L2. Moreover, although we could not find any studies that fit our criteria and that focused on the use of technology to support the academic performance of students attending bilingual programs, we also propose that more studies examine how technology in the context of bilingual programs can enhance instruction and increase student language proficiency in two or more languages. The use of technology in bilingual programs could also provide researchers and practitioners with a better understanding of how the cognitive processes in bilingual students support their academic attainment in two languages.
Conclusion
Bilingual education in the United States has been a central part of the culture and identity of many different ethnic groups, particularly of Hispanics. Moreover, our search indicates that bilingual programs, and specifically DLPs, have gained increasing attention from middle-income parents who view bilingual education as an opportunity for their children to obtain a broader view of the world and be more competitive in the job market. Although evidence of the economical and cultural benefits of bilingualism is starting to emerge, additional research targeting the PD of high-quality bilingual teachers and bilingual programs is necessary to create a stronger knowledge base that is well grounded in scientific evidence.
Footnotes
Appendix
Measures Used in Reading and Cross-Linguistic Transfer Studies
| Measure Name | Abbreviation |
|---|---|
| English | |
| Aimsweb Mazes | Aimsweb Mazes |
| Auditory Analysis Test | AAT |
| Autism Diagnostic Interview–Revised | ADI-R |
| Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule | ADOS |
| Bilingual Syntax Measure | BSM |
| Bilingual Verbal Ability Test | BVAT |
| California English Language Development Test | CELDT |
| CITO Oral Proficiency Test for English | CITO |
| Clinical Evaluation of Language Fundamentals | CELF |
| Comprehensive Test of Basic Skills | CTBS |
| Computer-Based Academic Assessment System | CAAS |
| CORE Assessing Reading | CORE |
| Desired Results Developmental Profile | DRDP |
| Developmental Reading Assessment | DRA |
| DIBELS Letter Naming Fluency | DIBELS LNF |
| DIBELS Nonsense Word Fluency | DIBELS NWF |
| DIBELS Oral Reading Fluency | DIBELS ORF |
| DIBELS Phoneme Segmentation Fluency | DIBELS PSF |
| Early Childhood Environmental Rating Scale–Revised | ECERS-R |
| Early Literacy Individual Growth and Development Indicators | EL-IGDIs |
| Early Phonological Awareness Profile | EPAP |
| Emergent Literacy Profile | ELP |
| English as a Foreign Language Vocabulary Test | EFLVT |
| Expressive One-Word Picture Vocabulary Test | EOWPVT |
| Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test | FCAT |
| Gates-MacGinitie Reading | GMR |
| Get Ready to Read–English | GRR-E |
| Individual Test of Academic Skills | ITAS |
| Iowa Test of Basic Skills | ITBS |
| Kindergarten Assessment Guide | KAG |
| Language Assessment Scale | LAS |
| Language Competencies/Expressive Proficiency | LCEP |
| MacArthur Communicative Development Inventory | MCDI |
| Matrix Analogies Test | MAT-X |
| Measures of Academic Progress | MAP |
| Morphological Awareness Test | MAT |
| Neale Analysis of Reading Development | Neale |
| Oral Language Proficiency Scale Interview–Revised | OLPSI-R |
| Oregon Assessment of Knowledge and Skills | OAKS |
| Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test | PPVT |
| Phonological Awareness Tasks | PAT |
| Preschool Language Scale | PLS |
| Rapid Alternating Stimulus | RAS |
| Rapid Automatizing Naming | RAN |
| Scholastic Reading Inventory | SRI |
| Spanish Assessment of Basic Skills | SABE |
| Stanford Achievement Test (9th and 10th editions) | SAT-9, SAT-10 |
| Stanford English Language Proficiency | SELP |
| State Measure of Annual Growth | SMAG |
| State Standards Achievement Test | SSAT |
| Supports for Early Literacy Assessment | SELA |
| Support for English Language Learners Classroom Assessment | SELLCA |
| Test of Early Grammatical Impairment | TEGI |
| Test of Word Reading Efficiency | TOWRE |
| Texas Assessment of Academic Skills | TAAS |
| Texas Assessment of Knowledge and Skills | TAKS |
| Title Recognition Test | TRT |
| Vineland Adaptive Behavior Scales | VABS |
| Weschler Individual Achievement Test | WIAT |
| Weschler Intelligence Scale for Children | WISC |
| Woodcock Johnson Psycho-Educational Battery | WJ-R |
| Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery–Revised Spanish and English Forms | WLPB-R |
| Woodcock Reading Mastery Test–Revised | WRMT-R |
| Word List Fluency | WLF |
| Spanish | |
| Aprenda: La prueba de logros en Español | Aprenda |
| Batería Psico-Educativa Revisada de Woodcock Muñoz | WM-R |
| Comprehensive Test of Basic Skills (Spanish) | CTBS-S |
| Depth of Knowledge Spanish Vocabulary | DOK-S |
| Evaluación del desarrollo de la lectura | EDL |
| Get Ready to Read–Spanish | GRR-S |
| IDEL Fluidez en la Lectura Oral | IDEL FLO |
| IDEL Fluidez en las Palabras sin Sentido | IDEL FPS |
| Phonological Awareness Tasks | PAT |
| Spanish Assessment of Basic Education | SABE |
| Stanford Spanish Language Proficiency | SSLP |
| Test de Vocabulario en Imágenes Peabody | TVIP |
| Test of Phonological Processing–Spanish | TOPP-S |
| Test of Spanish Reading Fluency | TOSRE |
| Woodcock Muñoz Language Proficiency | WMLP |
| Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery–Revised Spanish Form | WLPB-RS |
| French | |
| BEMEL | BEMEL |
| Test de Vocabulaire en Images | EVIP |
Acknowledgements
We would like to acknowledge the contributions of Igone Arteagoitia to an earlier draft of this chapter.
