Abstract
Formal analysis of security is often focused on the technological side of the system. One implicitly assumes that the users will behave in the right way to preserve the relevant security properties. In real life, this cannot be taken for granted. In particular, security mechanisms that are difficult and costly to use are often ignored by the users, and do not really defend the system against possible attacks.
Here, we propose a graded notion of security based on the complexity of the user’s strategic behavior. More precisely, we suggest that the level to which a security property φ is satisfied can be defined in terms of: (a) the complexity of the strategy that the user needs to execute to make φ true, and (b) the resources that the user must employ on the way. The simpler and cheaper to obtain φ, the higher the degree of security.
We demonstrate how the idea works in a case study based on an electronic voting scenario. To this end, we model the vVote implementation of the Prêt à Voter voting protocol for coercion-resistant and voter-verifiable elections. Then, we identify “natural” strategies for the voter to obtain voter-verifiability, and measure the voter’s effort that they require. We also consider the dual view of graded security, measured by the complexity of the attacker’s strategy to compromise the relevant properties of the election.
Introduction
Security analysis often focuses on the technological side of the system. It implicitly assumes that the users will duly follow the sequence of steps that the designer of the protocol prescribed for them. However, such behavior of human participants seldom happens in real life. In particular, mechanisms that are difficult and costly to use are often ignored by the users, even if they are there to defend those very users from possible attacks. This concerns the mental difficulty of handling the right behavior, as well as the costs in terms of time, money, computing power etc. necessary to obtain it.
For example, protocols for electronic voting are usually expected to satisfy receipt-freeness (the voter should be given no certificate that can be used to break the anonymity of her vote) and the related property of coercion-resistance (the voter should be able to deceive the potential coercer and cast her vote in accordance with her preferences) [9,21,23,38,40,48]. More recently, significant progress has been made in the development of voting systems that would be coercion-resistant and at the same time voter-verifiable, i.e., would allow the voter to verify her part of the election outcome [16,51]. The idea is to partly “crowdsource” an audit of the election to the voters, and see if they detect any irregularities. Examples include the Prêt à Voter protocol [50] and its implementation vVote [17] that was used in the 2014 election in the Australian state of Victoria.
However, the fact that a voting system includes a mechanism for voter-verifiability does not immediately imply that it is more secure and trustworthy. This crucially depends on how many voters will actually verify their ballots [57], which in turn depends on how understandable and easy to use the mechanism is [39,43]. Preliminary evidence suggests that, often, the number of voters who check if their votes have been cast as intended and recorded as cast is quite small [10,13,27]. The same probably applies to mechanisms that support coercion-resistance and receipt-freeness, and in fact to any optional security mechanism.If the users find the mechanism complicated and tiresome, and they can avoid it, they often avoid it.
Thus, the right question is often not only if but also how much security is obtained by the given mechanism. In this paper, we propose a graded notion of practical security based on the complexity of the strategic behavior, expected from the user if a given security property is to be achieved. More precisely, we suggest that the level to which property φ is “practically” satisfied can be defined in terms of: (a) the complexity of the strategy that the user needs to execute to make φ true, and (b) the resources that the user must employ on the way. The simpler and cheaper to obtain φ, the higher the degree of security. A similar observation applies to systems that are essentially vulnerable, i.e., no matter what the user does the attacker has a strategy to compromise the security property φ. In that case, we can talk about the practical degree of vulnerability by considering how complex a successful attack strategy must be and what resources it requires. In that view, the simpler and cheaper to compromise φ, the higher the degree of vulnerability.
Obviously, the devil is in the detail. It often works best when a general idea is developed with concrete examples in mind. Here, we do the first step, and look how voter-verifiability can be assessed in vVote and Prêt à Voter. To this end, we come up with a multi-agent model of vVote, inspired by interpreted systems [24]. We consider three main types of agents participating in the voting process: the election system, a voter, and a potential coercer. Additionally, we consider an intruder that can infect the voting machine with malware to eavesdrop and even change the votes being cast on the machine. Then, we identify strategies for the voter to use the voter-verifiability mechanism, and estimate the voter’s effort that they require. The strategic reasoning and its complexity is formalized by means of so called natural strategies, proposed in [34,35] and consistent with psychological evidence on how humans use symbolic concepts [11,25].
To illustrate reasoning about graded vulnerability, we look at how difficult it is to compromise the election through coercion. As it turns out, this requires a coalitional effort. Depending on the type of coercion, the coercer needs to team up with the voter or the eavesdropping intruder. Again, we identify coalitional strategies for coercion, and measure their complexity as well as necessary resources.
To create the models, we have used the
Related work. Formal analysis of security that takes a more human-centered approach has been done in a number of papers, for example with respect to insider threats [29]. A more systematic approach, based on the idea of security ceremonies, was proposed and used in [6–8,14,46], and applied to formal analysis of voting protocols in [45]. Here, we build on a different modeling tradition, namely on the framework of multi-agent systems. This modeling approach was only used in [30,31]. In [31], a preliminary verification of the
Other (somewhat) related works include socio-technical modeling of attacks with timed automata [19] and especially game-theoretic analysis of voting procedures [3,12,18,36]. Also, strategies for human users to obtain simple security requirements were investigated in [4]. Finally, specification of coercion-resistance and receipt-freeness in logics of strategic ability was attempted in [56].
A preliminary version of this article was published in the workshop paper [32].
Methodology
The main goal of this paper is to propose a framework for analyzing security and usability of voting protocols, based on how easy it is for the participants to use the functionality of the protocol and avoid a breach of security. Dually, we can also look at how difficult it is for the attacker to compromise the system. In this section we explain the methodology.
Modeling the voting process
The first step is to divide the description of the protocol into loosely coupled components, called agents. For each agent we define its local model, which consists of locations (i.e., the local states of the agent) and labeled edges between locations (i.e., local transitions). A transition corresponds to an action performed by the agent. An example model of the voter can be seen in Fig. 1. For instance, when the voter has scanned her ballot and is in the state

Voter model.
The global model of the whole system consists of a set of concurrent processes, i.e., local models of the agents. The combination of the local models produces the global model, where each global state represents a possible configuration of the local states of the agents.
Many relevant properties of multi-agent systems refer to strategic abilities of agents and their groups. For example, voter-verifiability can be understood as the ability of the voter to check if her vote was registered and tallied correctly. Similarly, receipt-freeness can be understood as the inability of the coercer, typically with help from the voter, to obtain evidence of how the voter has voted [56].
Logics of strategic reasoning, such as ATL and Strategy Logic, provide neat languages to express properties of agents’ behavior and its dynamics, driven by individual and collective goals of the agents [2,15,47]. For example, the ATL formula
To better model the way human agents strategize, we proposed in [34,35] to use a more human-friendly representation of strategies, based on lists of condition-action rules. The conditions are given by Boolean formulas for positional strategies and regular expressions over Boolean formulas in the general case. Moreover, it was postulated that only those strategies should be considered whose complexity does not exceed a given bound. This is consistent with classical approaches to commonsense reasoning [20] and planning [26], as well as the empirical results on how humans learn and use concepts [11,25].
Natural strategies and their complexity
Natural strategies. Let
By
Complexity of strategies. We will use the following complexity metric for strategies:
Intuitively, the complexity of a strategy reflects its level of sophistication. Thus, it can be used to approximate the mental effort needed to come up with the strategy, memorize it, and execute it. Clearly, the approximation is not perfect, since the actual mental effort depends on the individual qualities of the agents, as well as the characteristics of the environment where the strategy is executed. For example, the interface of a voting system might present the voter with hints on how to verify one’s vote; in that case, the mental effort to follow the verification strategy is obviously smaller. Some psychological evidence suggests that the approximation is a step in the right direction [11,25]. A more accurate characterization might be obtained using the advances in the field of user experience (UX) [22,28,44]; we leave that path for future work.
Logical specification of natural ability
To reason about natural strategic ability, the logic
Note that the standard strategic operator
In the rest of the paper, in addition to the classic atomic propositions, we will use for each atomic proposition p its persistent version, denoted by
Specification and verification of voting properties based on natural strategies
How to specify voter-verifiability
The requirement of voter-verifiability captures the ability of the voter to verify what happened to her vote. In our case, this is represented by the
A careful reader can spot one problem with the formalization: it holds if the voter signals an error regardless of the outcome of the check (and it shouldn’t!). A better specification is given by
Towards dispute resolution
We can use formula
Strategic-epistemic specification of voter-verifiability
The above specification of voter-verifiability is rather technical and relies on appropriate labeling of model states (in particular, with propositions
Receipt-freeness
In that case, we want to say that the voter has no way of proving how she has voted, and that the coercer (or a potential vote-buyer) does not have a strategy that allows him to learn the value of the vote, even if the voter cooperates [38]:
That means that the coercer and the voter have no strategy with complexity at most k to ensure that the coercer learns, after the election is finished, whether the voter has voted for i or not. Note that this is only one of the possible formalizations of the requirement. For example, one may argue that, to violate receipt-freeness, it suffices that the coercer can detect whenever the voter has not obeyed; he does not have to learn the exact value of her vote. This can be captured by the following formula:
Levels of strategic refinement
When talking about an important property of a voting system (such as receipt-freeness, voter-verifiability, and so on), one can consider at least three different conceptual variants, based on our assumptions about the strategic play of participating agents:
The temporal variant takes the temporal formula ψ, and requires that it is satisfied in all (resp. no) possible runs of the system. In other words, the model must satisfy the branching-time formula
Similarly, the temporal variant of receipt-freeness is
Typically, ψ captures a trace property (e.g.,
The strategic refinement takes ψ, and requires that it can (or cannot) be enforced by the relevant participants. Clearly, the temporal variant of voter-verifiability is too strong: we want to provide a mechanism so that the voter has the ability to verify her vote, and not that she is forced to do it. This is captured by the ATL formula
The strategic refinement of receipt-freeness is constructed analogously by referring to the joint strategic ability of the voter and the coercer:
The graded strategic refinement takes ψ, and demands that it can (resp. cannot) be enforced by the relevant participants within the given mental complexity k. For example,
Moreover, the formula
Summarizing, one can talk about the basic property ψ (typically, a trace property or an indistinguishability property that is supposed to hold on all the executions of the system), its strategic variant where we only require that the relevant agent(s) have a strategy to enforce the basic property, and its graded refinement where we only allow for bounded strategies. Moreover, the latter level allows to parameterize the security property with arbitrary bounds on the complexity of strategic play.
Using verification tools to facilitate analysis
The focus of this work is on modeling and specification; the formal analysis is done mainly by hand. However, having the models specified in
We also remark that combining strategic and epistemic aspects poses a number of semantic problems [1,37]. In particular, one needs to choose the right notion of indistinguishability, and pair it with a matching type of strategies, available to the players. To avoid unnecessary distractions, in the rest of the paper we will concentrate on properties that use only strategic operators, such as the “technical” specification of voter-verifiability in Section 3.1.
Use case scenario: vVote

A vote printout in vVote [17].
Secure and verifiable voting is becoming more and more important for democracy to function correctly. In this case study, we analyze the vVote implementation of Prêt à Voter which was used for remote voting and voting of handicapped persons in the Victorian elections in November 2014 [17]. The main idea of the Prêt à Voter protocol focuses on encoding the vote using a randomized candidate list. In this protocol the ballot consists of two parts: the randomized order of candidates (left part) and the list of empty checkboxes along with the number encoding the order of the candidates (right part). The voter casts her vote in the usual way, by placing a cross in the right hand column against the candidate of her choice. Then, she tears the ballot in two parts, destroys the left part, casts the right one, and takes a copy of it as her receipt. After the election her vote appears on the public Web Bulletin Board (WBB)2
The WBB is an authenticated public broadcast channel with memory.
After entering the polling station, the Poll Worker (PW) authenticates the voter (using the method prescribed by the appropriate regulations), and sends a print request to the Print On Demand device (POD) specifying the district/region of the voter. If the authentication is valid (state
Having obtained and possibly checked her ballot (state
Further, the voter must check the printed vote against the printed candidate list. In particular, she checks that the district is correct and the Serial Number matches the one on the ballot form. If all is well done, she can optionally check the PWBB signature, which covers only the data visible to the voter. Note that, if either
In this section we present the model of a simplified version of vVote, focusing on the steps that are important from the voter’s perspective. We use
Voter model
The local model already presented in Fig. 1 captures the voter’s actions, from her potential interaction with the coercer, through entering the polling station and casting her vote, to going back home and verifying her receipt on the Web Bulletin Board. As shown in the graph, some actions (in particular the additional checks) are optional for the voter. Furthermore, to simulate realistic human behavior, we included some additional actions, not described by the protocol itself. For example the voter can try to skip even obligatory steps, such as
Refinements of the voter model
The model shown in Fig. 1 is relatively abstract. For example,

Voter refinement: phase checkWBB.

Voter refinement: phase check2.
CheckWBB phase. Recall that this is the last phase in the protocol and it is optional. Here, the voter can check if the printed receipt matches her recorded vote on the WBB. This includes checking that the serial numbers match (action
Check2 phase. Other phases, such as

Voter refinement: serial number check. Label

Voter refinement: preferences order check. Label
Serial number phase. In some cases the model shown in Fig. 3 may still be too general. For example, the length of the serial number may have impact on the level of difficulty faced by the voter. To capture this, we split the step into atomic actions:
Preferences order phase. Similarly to comparing the two serial numbers, the verification of the printed preferences can also be troublesome for the voter. In order to make sure that her receipt matches the entry on the WBB, the voter must check each number showing her preference. Actions
The voter is not the only entity taking part in the election procedure. The election infrastructure and the electronic devices associated with it constitute a significant part of the procedure. Since there are several components involved in the voting process, we decided to model each component as a separate agent. The models of the Public WBB, Private WBB, the cancel station, the print-on-demand printer, and the EBM are shown in Figs 7–11.
Public WBB. In Fig. 7 we present the public WBB. Simply, this component displays a new information when it receives a new one. The action

Public WBB.

Private WBB.
Private WBB. In Fig. 8 we present the private WBB. Here, for each message received, the system component decides to sign or not to sign the message.
Cancel station. In Fig. 9 we present the cancel station. This component is a supervised interface for canceling a vote that has not been properly submitted or has not received a valid PWBB signature.
The three models described above have a very similar structure. In fact, each component waits for an external event and performs an action that returns in all the cases in the initial state.

Cancel station.

Print-on-demand printer.

Electronic Ballot Marker (EBM).
Print-on-demand printer. Fig. 10 models the behavior of the printing process. The initial state is
EBM. Finally, in Fig. 11 we present the possible interactions of the Electronic Ballot Marker. At the beginning the EBM machine can be infected with the malicious software by the intruder. This is represented with the action
In all other cases the EBM passes through the
To model the opponent, we first need to determine his exact capabilities. Is he able to interact with the voter, or only with the system? Should he have full control over the network, like the Dolev-Yao attacker, or do we want the agent to represent implicit coercion, where the relatives or subordinates are forced to vote for a specified candidate? Notice that there are two spheres of interaction for the opponent: one with the voter and another with the system. To capture these aspects, we split our threat model into two agents: the coercer and the intruder. The former is used to model the adversarial interaction with the voter (threatening the voter, forcing her to change her vote, and potentially punishing for disobedience). The latter is used to model the interaction with the system (infecting the voting machine with malware, eavesdropping for the content of the ballot, and relaying it to the coercer).
Thus, we use the modular approach to modeling, provided by
Coercer model. The model of the coercer is depicted in Fig. 12. Starting from the initial state (
The next step depends on the voter’s choice. In fact, if she decides to give the receipt to the coercer then the next state will be

Coercer model. States
Intruder model. The model of the intruder is depicted in Fig. 13. Starting from the initial state (

Intruder model.
There are many possible objectives for the participants of a voting procedure. A voter’s goal could be to just cast her vote, another one could be to make sure that her vote was correctly counted, and yet another one to verify the election results. The same goes for the coercer: he may just want to make his family vote in the way he instructs, or to change the outcome of the election. In order to define different objectives, we can use formulas of NatATL and look for appropriate natural strategies, as described in Sections 2 and 3. More precisely, we can fix a subset of the participants and their objective with a formula of NatATL, find the smallest strategy that achieves the objective, and compute its size. The size of the strategy will be an indication of how hard it is to make sure that the objective is achieved.
An example goal that the voter may want to pursue is the verification of her vote. Given the model in Fig. 1, we can use the formula
Note that it is essential to fix the granularity level of the modeling right. When shifting the level of abstraction, we obtain significantly different “measurements” of strategic complexity, i.e., different admissible values of k. This is why we proposed several variants of the voter model in Section 5. In this section, we will show how it affects the outcome of the analysis. To this end, we take a closer look at the previously defined models, and try to list possible strategies for the participants.
Strategies for the voter
In this section we focus on natural strategies for variants of voter-verifiability. Consider the following recipe for the voter’s behavior, aimed at making
A strategy for the voter is:
Recall that the above is an ordered sequence of guarded commands. The first condition (guard) that evaluates to true determines the action of the voter. Thus, if the voter has the ballot and she has not scanned it (proposition
In Natural Strategy 1, we have 11 guarded commands in which the command (1) costs 7 since in its condition there are seven symbols (four atoms plus three disjunctions), while the other guarded commands cost 1, so the total complexity is
The next natural strategy comes with additional guarded commands in case the voter wants to do the optional phases
A strategy for the voter that considers the optional phases
In Natural Strategy 2, we introduce the verification of
An important aspect of the strategic complexity arises from a more detailed analysis of the
A strategy for the voter that works in the refined model of phase
In Natural Strategy 3, we have 15 guarded commands in which all the conditions are defined with a single atom but (1) in which there is a disjunction of four atoms. So, the total complexity is
In addition, to increase the level of detail, one could consider that the voter checks the preferences and the serial number one by one in an ordered fashion. So, given the models in Figs 5 and 6, we can consider a formula that checks whether the voter has a strategy that satisfies the following properties:
sooner or later she enters the
she verifies the symbols of the SN on the public WBB against her receipt;
she does (2) until the last symbol of the serial number is verified;
she does a similar approach as in (2)-(3) for the verification of preferences;
she finishes the whole procedure.
This can be captured by the formula
A strategy for the voter that still refines
To conclude, the above natural strategy has 17 guarded commands in which the conditions in (12) and (15) are conjunctions of two atoms, the condition in (1) is a disjunction of six atoms, and all the other conditions are defined with a single atom. Therefore, the complexity of Natural Strategy 4 is
So far, we have measured the effort of the voter by how complex strategies she must execute. This helps to estimate the mental difficulty related, e.g., to voter-verifiability. However, this is not the only source of effort that the voter has to invest. Verifying one’s vote might require money (for example, if the voter needs to buy special software or a dedicated device), computational power, and, most of all, time. Here, we briefly concentrate on the latter factor.
For a voter’s task expressed by the NatATL formula
For example, for Natural Strategy 3, starting from the initial state, the voter needs
Similarly, the voter executing Natural Strategy 1 needs 12 steps to achieve the state
Towards a graded view of usable security
In the preceding subsections, we have presented a sequence of formalizations for the requirement of voter-verifiability, each next one stronger and more detailed than the previous ones. Then, we presented natural strategies for the voter to bring about their strategic variants, and calculated the complexity of those strategies as well as the time (i.e., the number of steps) necessary to achieve the goal. Based on this, one may compare the degree of “usable voter-verifiability” for different variants
For example, the basic property
The same conceptual pattern can be employed to compare two different voting protocols with respect to a given security property ψ: if the characterization of protocol
Quantifying the degree of vulnerability for coercion-resistance
In the previous section, we looked at the complexity of voters’ strategies for voter-verifiability. That is, we tried to estimate how hard it is for the voters to obtain a property which is, in principle, satisfied by the voting system. Now we will consider the alternative situation, namely properties for which no such strategy exists and, in fact, the potential attackers have a strategy to compromise it. In some cases, it makes sense to consider the complexity of the available attack strategies, and assess the mental effort required to exploit the vulnerability.
As it happens, the coercion-related vulnerabilities require cooperation of the coercer with another agent: either the eavesdropping intruder, or the voter herself. This can be nicely used to demonstrate how the complexity of coalitional play is quantified in the framework of natural strategies.
Natural strategies for the coalition of the coercer and the voter
We consider coalitional attack strategies against a weak variant of coercion-resistance, stating that “the coercer cannot obtain the receipt of the voter’s vote even if the voter cooperates with him.” The opposite of the property can be formalized as:
Appropriate natural strategies for the coalition
(Coalitional strategy, the voter’s part).
(Coalitional strategy, the coercer’s part).
In Natural Strategy 5, we have 10 guarded commands in which all the conditions are defined with a single atom except for (1) which is a disjunction of three atoms (and hence includes five symbols altogether). Thus, the total complexity is
We can also consider the case in which if the coercer does not receive the receipt from the voter he punishes her, otherwise he does not punish her. This property can be formalized as:
(Coalitional strategy, the coercer’s part).
Natural Strategy 7 for the coercer has complexity 14 since it has six guarded commands in which four of them have a single atom and the remaining two have a disjunction of three atoms. So,
Coalitional strategies with eavesdropping
Finally, we consider an important property stating that the coercing party can punish the voter if the voter disobeyed the coercer’s demand, and refrain from punishment otherwise. To capture that, we formally model the attacker by the coalition of the coercer and the intruder. More precisely, we specify the property by means of the formula:
The natural strategies for the coalition are presented below.
(Coalitional strategy, the coercer’s part).
(Coalitional strategy, the intruder’s part).
In Natural Strategy 8, we have 5 guarded commands in which all the conditions are defined with a single atom but (3) and (4) in which there are disjunctions of two atoms. So, the total complexity is
Discussion
In Section 6, we argued that even if the system is in principle secure, its security is reduced by the complexity of the voter’s strategy. Here, we consider systems that are not secure in the first place. Still, it is sometimes worth looking at how hard it is to compromise the system. The validity of this kind of reasoning with respect to attack strategies depends on the underlying concept of the attacker. If we assume a powerful adversary who has (almost) unlimited resources and does not make mistakes, then the complexity of attack strategies plays a small role. On the other hand, many coercion scenarios involve human coercers who are neither skilled hackers nor good reasoners. In-house coercion by a family member is a prime example here. In that case, one may argue that the vulnerability is reduced by the complexity of the attacker’s strategy.
Another remark concerns the use of coalitional strategies in our analysis. A careful reader might have noticed that the coalitions considered in Sections 7.1 and 7.2 serve different purposes. The former refers to the cooperation of different participants of the voting process (the coercer and the voter in this case). The latter offers an neat way of modularizing the threat model: we distribute different potential capabilities of the attacker between different agents, and compose them by considering the relevant “coalition.”
Automated verification of strategies
In this section we explain how the model checking functionality of
Formula. To specify the required properties for the protocol, we have used a variant of strategic logic, i.e., NatATL. Unfortunately,
Natural strategy. In order to efficiently merge the natural strategy with the model, the strategy should be modified so that all the guard conditions are mutually exclusive. To this end, we go through the preconditions from top to bottom, and refine them by adding (conjunctively) the negated preconditions from all the previous guards. Furthermore, if the strategy includes multiple entries
For example, Natural Strategy 1 becomes:
Model. Semantically, a strategy of player a serves as a behavioral constraint that restricts the possible transitions in the module of a. To verify the selected strategy of the voter specified in the formula of NatATL, we merge the strategy with the voter model by adding the guard conditions from the strategy to the preconditions of the corresponding local transitions in the model. Thus, we effectively remove all the transitions that are not in accordance with the strategy.
This is done as follows: for every guarded command
In consequence, only the paths that are consistent with the strategy will be considered by the model-checker. This of course requires the proper handling of the persistent propositions and variables. They need to be defined in the model in such way, that once the value is assigned to them, it will never be changed.
Levels of granularity. As we showed in Section 5, it is often important to have variants of the model for different levels of abstraction. To handle those in
Automated script. The procedure described above is troublesome for larger models and prone to errors if executed manually. Because of that, we have created a script in Python to automatically modify the xml file with the
Running the verification. Following the procedure explained before, we have modified models, formulas, and strategies from Section 6. To apply natural strategies to models we used an automated script. Then, we used
Verification time in seconds of the formulas
Verification time in seconds of the formulas
Verification time in seconds of the formulas
Experimental results for strategies of the voter. We begin by discussing the performance of model checking for strategies of the voter. The results of the experiments are presented in Table 1. The columns refer to the number of voters and the verified formulas. The model checking time is given in seconds. The timeout was set to 120 s. The verification output for each formula was always the same: the property holds in the model.
As the results show, we were able to finish the verification within the timeout for up to 4 voters for the simplest formula
Experimental results for coalitional strategies. The second part of the experiments concerned coalition formulas
As we can see, the verification times form a surprising pattern, compared to the previous set of experiments. Each time, the verification process took approximately 1 second, even for more voters. It seems that introducing new voters does not affect the verification time significantly when only one voter is interacting with the coercer. The reason may come from the fact that the other voters do not affect the actions of the chosen voter and the coercer.
For formula
Each voting protocol is designed to provide a certain set of functionalities to the voter. Consequently, in the analysis of a protocol, it is important to make sure that the voter has a strategy to use those functionalities. That is, she has a strategy to fill in and cast her ballot, verify her vote on the bulletin board, etc. However, this is not enough: it is also essential to see how hard that strategy is. In this paper, we propose a methodology that can be used to this end. One can assume a natural representation of the voter’s strategy, and measure its complexity as the size of the representation. Among other things, this can help to assess the difficulty associated with obtaining relevant security properties, such as voter-verifiability, receipt-freeness, and coercion-resistance.
In this paper, we make the first step towards a graded notion of security, based on the complexity of the participants’ strategies that must be used to obtain a given temporal or temporal-epistemic pattern. We identify three relevant levels of formalizing security that consist of the basic trace/indistinguishability property, its strategic refinement, and the graded variant of the strategic refinement from which the graded view of security can be derived. We also propose that, in case the security property does not hold on the strategic level, the graded refinement can provide means to assess how vulnerable the system is.
We mainly focus on one aspect of the voter’s effort, namely the mental effort needed to produce, memorize, and execute the required actions. We also indicate that there are other important factors, such as the time needed to execute the strategy or the financial cost of the strategy. This may lead to trade-offs where optimizing the costs with respect to one resource leads to higher costs in terms of another resource. Moreover, resources can vary in their importance for different agents. For example, time may be more important for the voter, while money is probably more relevant when we analyze the strategy of the coercer. Clearly, finding an optimal strategy in such settings may require to solve a multicriterial optimization problem [49,58], e.g., by identifying the Pareto frontier and choosing a criterion to select a point on the frontier. We leave a closer study of such trade-offs for future work.
We emphasize that the work presented in this paper is preliminary, and should be considered as the first step rather than a ready-to-use framework. It is evident from the presented examples that the numbers obtained in our computations are, to a large degree, arbitrary. We believe that the idea can be further developed into a more robust methodology. One way to proceed is to identify empirical experiments that help to assess some of the values in a psychologically meaningful way. To achieve this, we plan to harness the recent developments in User eXperience methods [22,28,44], for example the concept of forcing functions as a means to influence the user’s behavior by controlling their cognitive effort [55].
It would also be interesting to further analyze the parts of the protocol where the voter compares two numbers, tables, etc. As the voter is a human being, it is natural for her to make a mistake [4]. Consequently, the probability of making a mistake at each step can be added to the model to analyze the overall probability of successfully comparing two data sets by the voter. Then, the success level of a strategy can be computed, e.g., by using the probabilistic model checker PRISM [41].
Finally, we point out that the methodology proposed in this paper can be applied outside of the e-voting domain. For example, one can use it to study the usability of policies for social distancing in the current epidemic situation, and whether they are likely to obtain the expected results.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The authors thank the anonymous reviewers of STAST for their valuable comments. W. Jamroga and D. Kurpiewski acknowledge the support of the National Centre for Research and Development, Poland (NCBR), and the Luxembourg National Research Fund (FNR), under the PolLux/FNR-CORE projects VoteVerif (POLLUX-IV/1/2016) and STV (POLLUX-VII/1/2019).
