Abstract
BACKGROUND:
Globally, persons with disabilities are faced with unemployment and reduced income opportunities. Barriers to employment tend to be severe for women with disabilities who occupy marginalized positions in labor markets. ‘Livelihood occupations’ are conceptualized for this review to denote everyday activities that are done for subsistence and survival, and to broaden presentations of activities normally termed ‘work’, ‘employment’, ‘job’ or ‘productivity’ that people do to earn money and non-monetary gain.
OBJECTIVE:
This scoping review, undertaken as part of a broader interpretive phenomenological analysis of livelihood occupations of women with disabilities, maps research on the subject of livelihood occupations for women with disabilities.
METHODS:
The Arksey and O’Malley framework and PRISMA extension for scoping reviews were utilized to guide the five stage scoping strategy used to screen and select sources. Data from selected sources were synthesized using deductive qualitative content analysis to fit experiential components into equity categories determined a-priori from the Equitable Total Rewards model, to determine if these experiences connote equity or lack thereof.
RESULTS:
Nineteen sources, mainly from high income countries, are identified. Aspects of benefit and career inequity were largely evident in the experiences of the women across all sources.
CONCLUSION:
There is considerable lack of research on experiences of livelihood occupations in low and middle income countries contexts justifying further research. Women with disabilities report experiencing inability to realize career goals and occupational choice.
Introduction
This scoping review, done to map research on the subject of livelihood occupations for women with disabilities, is framed around the concepts of occupation, livelihood, disability and gender. The results are presented from an equity perspective using parameters of pay, benefit and career equity as they are defined in The Equitable Rewards Model.
Livelihoods provide the assets people draw upon including the range of activities, choices and strategies people develop to make a living [1]. These provide the context within which a livelihood is developed and those factors that make the livelihood more or less vulnerable to shocks and stresses [2]. The focus on livelihoods stems from an interest in the lived realities of members of poor and vulnerable groups in low income settings and how these groups make their living in the context of risk and stress caused by socio-economic challenges. Occupations are personalized everyday activities that people do as individuals, in families, and with communities to occupy time and bring meaning and purpose to life [3]. Payne’s [4] conceptualization of ‘occupation’ included “connotations of income, . . . levels of skill and educational entry requirements, and therefore lifestyles; sets of options, values and attitudes and therefore political behaviors; collectives of work-based friendships, and therefore group identity; social prestige and therefore influence outside of the work setting . . . ” (p19). This conceptualization is by no means exhaustive. The concept of ‘occupation’ also connotes health and wellbeing, experience and meaning [5].
The term ‘livelihood occupations’ was conceptualized for this review to denote any everyday activities that are done for subsistence and survival, and to broaden presentations of activities that people do to earn money and non-monetary gain. This includes the terms ‘work’, ‘employment’, ‘job’ or ‘productivity’, used in literature and dominant occupational therapy models. Within this conceptualization, livelihood occupations include everything that people do to earn an income (or a living). Even occupations that are illegal, unhealthy, deviant and not socially sanctioned are included [6]. The term livelihood occupations denotes occupations with a particular livelihood-creation purpose. Such a lens is especially relevant in low to middle income countries, where livelihood occupations might be more diverse and less conventional than in higher income contexts. The livelihood occupation lens links occupational terminology to contemporary political, economic, spatial and cultural conditions within which such occupations occur, thus shaping meaning and experience. This thinking resonates with the argument that there is questionable value in categories of work and other occupations that are standardized especially when these are named and valued differently by different cultures [7] and builds on the impetus to build a rationale for scholarship that embraces a more inclusive understanding of human occupations [8]. Studies on experiences of work or livelihood creation in occupational therapy have tended to look at transition into employment or return to work and have not focused greatly and specifically on women in general and women with disabilities in particular.
Globally, persons with disabilities are faced with unemployment and they have reduced income opportunities, with an outlook that is worse for women [9]. Research has shown that women with disabilities earn lower wages than their male counterparts and women without disabilities [10]. Disparities in employment have been shown to cause low self-assessed quality of life for women with disabilities [11]. Barriers to employment tend to be severe for women with disabilities who have been observed to occupy marginalized positions in labor markets [12] and lack career development opportunities [13]. Mckinsey [14] showed that women’s jobs have been 1.8 times more vulnerable during the COVID-19 crisis when compared to men’s jobs. Further, women have reported experiencing exhaustion and burn out at work and take the major responsibility for domestic duties as caregivers [14].
The notion of equity implies a state of fairness where everyone has access to similar opportunities [15]. The World Health Organisation (WHO) defines equity as “the absence of avoidable or remediable differences among groups of people . . . defined socially, economically, demographically, or geographically or other dimensions of inequality . . . ” [16]. Equity relates to social justice. Both these terms are subsumed within occupational justice. Groups of people may experience inequity by virtue of being poor, female, and/or members of a marginalized racial, ethnic or religious group [17]. Categories of difference can put women with disabilities in multi- and intersecting forms of disadvantage [18] evidenced by gaps in access to, utilization and quality of livelihood occupations, employment and work opportunities that promote health and wellbeing. Therefore, women’s experiences have to be distinctly examined as they are unique.
Although conversations around the concept of equity have occurred in occupational therapy, the discourse has focused on equity within occupational therapy, particularly diversity, health equity, inclusion and access of services [19–21] but not equity as it relates to the livelihood occupations people engage in. Equity and justice are represented in occupational therapy practice in ways that are complex and varied by settings and roles [19]. For this study, the authors opted to use an established framework, that is, The Equitable Total Rewards Model (ETRM), to comprehend the state of equity in livelihoods as they are experienced by women with disabilities. The ETRM is made up of three main equity categories (pay, benefits, and career) that are further delineated according to four dimensions of well-being (emotional, financial, social and physical). In the ETRM, pay equity is defined as fairness and adequacy of pay/wages including whether or not income was fair, competitive and aligned to skills. Benefits equity is viewed in terms of tangible and intangible things that accrue to the participant outside pay and career growth, for example, how the occupation helps grow social networks, opportunities for savings, having an identity and fulfilling roles. Career equity is defined as those aspects of the experience that reflect career development, equal access to opportunities, personal growth in the workplace and fairness in terms of up-skilling and reskilling. The model was developed for assessing equity in employment during the COVID-19 era and to improve health, wellbeing and access. Although the model embraces the notions of diversity and inclusion [21], only the equity dimensions were used for this scoping review. The ETRM was chosen as it focuses on both process and outcomes and is applicable across different livelihood creation activities. Instances of where an equity lens has been used in occupational therapy include health equity and disparities [22–24], and epistemic dominance of the Global North [23]. The use of the ETRM model in this paper reflects the lack of custom occupational therapy equity models for analysis of livelihood oriented occupations.
There has been an increasing need for occupational therapists to pay more attention to inequitable contextual and environmental factors that constrain occupational opportunities [25]; this will require re-directing some of the focus given to remediating occupational performance components [23]. Having a livelihood can be a way to enable independent living and foster the engagement in livelihoods, and it is therefore part of the service that occupational therapists need to provide for their service users. An occupational therapy service is not complete if it strives to address the individual abilities of clients without attending to unjust and/or unfair occupational opportunities. This scoping review was undertaken to systematically explore literature on experiences of women with disabilities in livelihood occupations and thus provide a conceptual foundation for a broader phenomenological exploration of experiential facets of livelihood occupational engagement in a low middle income context that faced socio-economic disruption in the last two decades. The scoping review is envisaged to provide a window into the extent and nature of knowledge available globally on the subject of livelihood occupational engagement for women with disabilities. An equity lens is applied on the findings pertaining to experiential facets of the occupations women with disabilities engage in within the selected sources.
Aim
Scoping review methodology is a multidimensional approach of synthesizing literature to answer broad questions and map available evidence [26] in disciplines with emerging evidence and a growing knowledge base [26, 27]. The aim of this review was to map available literature on the subject of livelihood creation as an occupation for women with disabilities. The following questions were addressed: a. What is the distribution of research pertaining to livelihood occupation experiences in terms of location and research tradition utilized?, b. What are the experiences of women with disabilities when engaging in livelihood occupations? and; c. What are the equity characteristics of these experiences, and the link, if any, to occupational justice?
Materials and methods
Scoping review strategy
A protocol was developed a-priori guided by the Arksey and O’Malley [28] framework and the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR) [29]. The protocol was made up of five-stages that were followed in the scoping review as follows:
Stage 1: Identifying and articulating the research question
The question was premised on the person, concept and context (PCC) mnemonic: Population –women with disabilities involved in livelihood occupations; Context –low to high income countries as ranked by World Bank and; Concept –Livelihood activity, workplace, work, occupation, experience, and productivity.
Stage 2: Identifying relevant studies
Selection criteria were iteratively developed, refined and applied with the assistance of three librarians, two from Stellenbosch University and one from University of Worcester. Sources were included if these contained primary research on adult women with disability’s experiences of livelihood occupations and were published in English, between January 1992 and October 2022. The significance of the year 1992 is tied to the broader interpretive phenomenological study done in Zimbabwe by the primary author, exploring the livelihood occupations of women with disabilities that this scoping review forms part of. In Zimbabwe, a progressive piece of legislation that recognized the value of livelihoods for persons with disabilities, namely the Disabled Persons Act (Chapter 17 : 01) (sections 9-11) [30], was passed into law in 1992; it provided for criminalization of workplace discrimination. This legislative change was in keeping with an international trend of passing human rights-based disability legislation in the 90 s, for example Russia (The decree of the President of the Russian Federation of 22 December 1993, No. 2254, on measures of state support for the activity of all-Russian associations of persons with disabilities. 1993), USA (The Americans with Disabilities Act 1990), Zambia (The Persons with Disabilities Act 1996), United Kingdom (Disability Rights Act 1999), and Australia (Disability Discrimination Act 1992) [31]. In addition to the selection criteria, the participants in the sources must have been residing in their communities NOT in institutions of care or under a treatment program. Studies on women with disabilities in institutions of care or in an intervention program were not considered in order to align this scoping review with the broader study for which this scoping review was foundational.
Stage 3: Search, data management and review
Librarians assisted in the search process by advising on appropriate Medical Subject Headings (MeSH terms). The librarians also assisted with, modifying MeSH terms for the different databases and locating articles that were not readily available or accessible. The MeSH terms build up and definitions is presented in Table 1.
Terms and meanings of corresponding MeSH headings used in PubMed Search builder
Terms and meanings of corresponding MeSH headings used in PubMed Search builder
Notes: MeSH terms are as they are defined in PubMed at the period of development and implementation of the search strategy unless otherwise cited.
Systematic searches were initially and iteratively done in PubMed with the MeSH terms being refined in meetings until an agreement was made on the final search string for PubMed (see Table 2). The MeSH terms were then respectively tailored and applied to the four remaining databases namely EBSCOhost (Academic Search Premier, Cinahl, ERIC, Africa Wide Information), PROQUEST, Scopus and Sabinet (see Table 2). These five databases were selected because they provide wide coverage of material on livelihoods and occupational therapy including topical issues on disability, gender and social justice. Grey literature appearing in selected databases was also parsed and included conference abstracts, book reviews, commentaries or editorial articles from the databases. The Sabinet database was included to broaden chances of locating grey and unpublished literature from the African context.
Search strings used in respective databases
Sources from each database were exported to separate folders in Mendeley®; then merged into a composite folder for de-duplication. The composite folder was then exported to Covidence® for further de-duplication. Screening of titles and abstract ensued for the remaining 7098 titles. The PRISMA flow chart in Fig. 1 illustrates the search process and how the nineteen sources that were then synthesized in this review were obtained. Of the grey literature, none ended up in the final list of articles.

PRISMA flow diagram for the scoping review exploring literature on livelihood occupational engagement experiences.
The screening process commenced with all three authors screening the first fifty sources using provisional selection criteria, followed by a meeting to discuss and refine the selection process and criteria. The remaining sources were then all reviewed by first author, with second and third authors sharing the responsibility of being second reviewer. Full text screening followed, using the same review pattern. Conflicts were managed by way of iterative meetings with second and third authors alternately assuming the roles of second and third reviewer.
Stage 4: Extracting and charting the data
A nineteen item data extraction template was iteratively developed on the Covidence® platform to extract data from the nineteen included sources and all authors participated. Extracted data covered the following: author (s), year and type of publication, country of origin, aim/purpose, study population and sample size, methodology and experiential facets. Data were then extracted and charted by the first author and condensed for presentation in this publication (see Table 3), again, after a meeting to ensure that the process maintained consistency with the aim of the review. The second and third authors then verified accuracy of the data extraction undertaken by first author by checking 20% of the extracted and charted data for accuracy.
Characteristics of included sources
Notes: Studies with male participants were considered if there was clear delineation or disaggregation of data on women. The occupations were classified by the authors into unskilled, low, medium and high skilled due to their wide range. Examples of low skilled were care work, medium – sales work and high skilled – specialist nurses, doctors and management positions.
Stage 5: Analysis, summarizing and reporting the results
A basic numerical computation was undertaken to quantify studies fitting into specific criteria as per the data extraction criteria. Qualitative content analysis was then used to explore data on the experiences of women with disabilities. Themes, meanings or concepts within textual matter were derived from the sources in order to make meaning of it in a shorter brief way which is a recommended method for areas where not much is known [32, 33]. Deductive content analysis undertaken using priori categories contained in the ETRM comprising three main considerations (pay, benefits, career) that are further delineated according to four well-being dimensions (emotional, financial, social and physical) [34]. In the coding process, the theoretically derived dimensions, of equity namely; pay, benefits and career equity were coded as priori categories for the experiential text in a methodologically controlled assignment of concepts and key words from the equity theory as initial coding categories [35]. The aim was to identify the implied equity characteristics within the experiential descriptions.
Description of included sources
Table 3 provides a summary of sources included in the review. The publication period of included sources ranged from 2004 to 2022. The majority [n = 16] of the papers were from high income countries namely USA [n = 5] [36–40], Canada [n = 2] [41, 42], Australia [n = 3] [43–45] and New Zealand [n = 3] [46–48], Saudi Arabia [49], Spain [50] and Netherlands [51] [n = 1 respectively]. Three sources were from low-middle income countries, namely Zambia [n = 1], India [52] and Jordan [n = 1] [53]. The included studies were generally aimed at exploring experiences/perceptions of work while trying to earn a living as a woman with a disability.
All but one source fitted a qualitative research paradigm (n = 18). The research traditions used were ethnography [n = 1] [50], collective instrumental case study [n = 1] [47], and case reports (n = 3) [37–39]. A few of the sources [n = 6] reported using a conceptual framework, namely intersectionality [54], feminist perspective [50], convention on the rights of persons with disabilities [37], Yosso’s cultural capital conceptual framework [49], Bourdieu’s notions of social capital and habitus [47] and, critical disability theory and intersectionality [45] while thirteen did not report using a conceptual framework.
A combination of one or more of agencies/communities of persons with disabilities, advocacy groups and service providers assisted in participant recruitment for the majority of sources. The strategies employed were posters, snowballing and posts on websites of the organizations and groups. The term ‘livelihood occupation’ was not used in any of the sources. The terms ‘work’, ‘employment’ and ‘productivity’ were used interchangeably across all the sources.
Experiences pertaining livelihood occupations
This section looks at experiences and equity characteristics of the included studies. Table 4 was drawn up to chart the result of content analysis of experiential features of the occupations and the equity dimensions of included sources. The table shows the experiential facets from the sources and how the facets were deductively situated into the three dimensions of equity derived from the Equity Total Rewards model.
Qualitative content analysis of experiential claims and equity
Qualitative content analysis of experiential claims and equity
The experiences of women with disability were varied. The negative experiences were largely attitudinal defined by lack of reasonable accommodations in the workplace. Participants reported experiencing challenges such as difficulty acquiring employment or limited access to the job market [41, 50] largely due to perceptions of inability associated with disability. Another cause of limited access to the job market was a lack of instrumental support [49] reported to be experienced by women in Saudi Arabia. Some participants were not accommodated in terms of flexible working hours [37, 45] and/or physical environmental modifications [41]. Disability was indicated as limiting occupational progression which influenced day to day experiences [43, 45]. Participants also experienced being given commands and being directed as to what to do while engaged in the occupation [38] while some had work planned for them without their input [46].
Participants indicated experiencing roles such as mother, hobbyist and community participant [40] through the livelihood occupations. Livelihood occupations were cited as a contributor to the person’s identity [42]. Two sources [45, 51] highlighted “belonging” as a dominant experience marked by generally being recognized as part of the community, playing a part in the community life and having a buddy system. The livelihood occupations also enabled positive self-value, ability to contribute to the community and assist spouses with household expenses [50]. Participants also reported opportunities to show they are capable of doing or carrying out activities expected of them in the workplace [46] and outperforming colleagues [37] despite their disability.
Equity and Inequity facets
Aspects of equity and inequity were evident in the experiences of the women across all sources. Benefit equity, the most prominent of the three categories of equity in the selected sources, was pronounced in terms of belonging, identity formation and building connections especially for persons with mental illness [36, 44]. For the preceding sources [36, 44], livelihood occupation was viewed as an antidote for the participant’s problems and also beneficial to mental health. The contribution of livelihood occupations to achieving benefit equity was shown through enabling an identity [36], being valued as a member of the community and family [40, 50].
One source reported positive experiences related to pay equity. The participant in the source opted to start her own business and managed to access loans after initially experiencing discrimination in a competitive employment setting [39]. On the other hand, pay inequity was indicated in only three sources [38, 50] where additional income from social security payments, food stamps and relatives was not enough, and participants had low salaries with unpaid overtime.
Disability had significant negative impact on experiences relating to career equity. Career inequity was indicated in sixteen [37–50, 55] of the sources. Notably, experiential facets leading to career inequity included lack of reasonable accommodation related to the physical environment and modified hours [41, 44], and discrimination related to disability [39, 46]. Employment insecurity related to disability was also cited. Participants reported being sexually harassed and not reporting because of fear of being fired. Many were employed on a temporary basis which gave room for their hours to be reduced to encourage them to leave [44]. Participants with stuttering reported having a constant reminder and awareness of its presence [43] and indicated that this presented problems as it limited occupational progression. Career inequity was similarly identifiable for persons with neuromuscular disease as they reported that maintaining roles in the paid workforce was stressful [41]. Conversely career equity was indicated through livelihood occupations being a conduit for personal growth and developing competences [49]. Although engagement in livelihood occupations also presented opportunities to demonstrate that participants were competent, they were faced with disclosure dilemmas and their colleagues planned work for them due to pity [46, 48].
Discussion
A significant gap in research pertaining to women with disability, and their experiences in livelihood occupations was illustrated. This is the case particularly for Africa, and other low to middle income contexts, as only three of the nineteen studies were from a low-middle income context in Southern Africa. The WHO [56], noted that data on disability for low to middle income countries are lacking. This has been the case since the beginning of the new millennium. Historically, there has been little data on disability in the developing world and available data had deficiencies in quality, applicability and comparability, was unreliable and out of date [56, 57]. Low income contexts are comparatively characterized by social and institutional environments which have challenges that affect equity in health promoting occupational opportunities and how occupation is experienced. There is evidence that occupation is a determinant of health and well-being [5, 58] yet, in the African context in particular, women with disabilities struggle to access health promoting occupational opportunities and little is understood in this regard. These challenges inevitably affect the ability of people to engage in occupations of their choice, leading to occupational injustice which is conceptualized as the non-availability of equitable opportunity and resources to enable people’s engagement in meaningful occupations [23].
The lack of research and pursuant lack of data on disability in low to middle income countries accompanies substantial gaps in service delivery for persons with disability in general and in particular women with disabilities, with the result that disability is associated with a lower standard of living [59]. The paucity of reliable and empirical data on disability is acknowledged by scholars in the field of disability [60, 61]. This paucity is underscored by the fact that disability prevalence is higher in low-income countries [62], and more common among the poor [63]. An estimated one billion people have disabilities and eighty percent of these live in the developing world [64].
Some of the sources identified in this review covered a range of disabilities. Those sources that concentrated on one specific disability had a focus on less common disabilities which may be overlooked in research and policy, for example, stuttering [43], hearing loss [42] and neuromuscular disease [51]. These disabilities, also termed ‘low incidence disabilities’ are visual or hearing impairment, or simultaneous visual and hearing impairments, or a significant cognitive impairment, defined by rare or low occurrence within the general population [65, 66]. Some of these can be deemed invisible because of their lack of immediate apparentness to the onlooker [67]. These disabilities are characterized by lack of research as empirical studies on them are scarce. Norstedt [68] looked at working life of people with invisible disabilities in Sweden and found out that despite the relatively well regulated work environment people with low incident disabilities were faced with vulnerabilities. Visibility of an impairment can amplify performative difficulties, as observed by Ababneh and AlShaik [53] who found out that persons with physical disabilities experienced more difficulties when compared with hearing, visual and mental disability. Hughes, Trip and Rose confirmed the same [48] for nurses using aids, for example walking sticks and hearing devices.
Experiential features of the livelihood occupations were largely attributable to attitudinal and work environment factors. Positive experiential facets were mainly related to benefits accruing to the individuals by virtue of ‘doing’ which buttresses the need for inclusive policies that place importance on equitable access to occupations promoting health and wellbeing. The importance of having an equitable livelihood occupation environment was also shown through women with disabilities in the sources having benefits equity. Social markers such as having an identity, belonging, contributing to family and community and having roles such as mother and family member contributed to benefit equity in the selected sources. The implication is that women with disabilities who do not have livelihood occupations might face a dual loss as the social status or identity of not being a livelihood or income earner is added into the dimensions of intersectional discrimination that they experience. Additionally, discrimination is perpetuated on the basis of being viewed as people who need to be looked after as they have no social standing as a contributor to community. In systematic reviews [69, 70] the disadvantages that women experience resulting in poor employment outcomes was confirmed but the reviews have not used an equity perspective. In another review, Bend and Fielden [71] observe that women are more likely to experience the ‘glass ceiling’ effect, a metaphorical barrier that they cannot get beyond in terms of progression, and if they do progress to higher occupational status they can encounter a ‘glass cliff’ effect in that their positions become prone to discriminatory practices. In the current review, gender was found to have resulted in the disadvantage of reducing the opportunities for securing employment for women while promoting employment for men. Occupational therapists can thus focus on occupations that promote development and growth of connections and belonging as this can significantly reduce the prejudices experienced by women with disabilities and enrich their livelihood creation opportunities.
The high income countries, where the majority of the studies were carried out, generally have progressive disability legislation, relatively well-developed social protection systems with disability benefits and some women with disability hold high skilled jobs. According to International Labor Organization [72], social protection systems in high-income countries offer near-universal coverage of persons with disabilities thanks to a combination of contributory and tax financed schemes. This might explain why pay inequity was less pronounced when compared to benefit and career equity. However, observations show that in western society, gender and able-bodied norms are heavily ingrained [71] and that positive attributes associated with being in the workplace are more rhetoric than reality [45]. Even when characterized by progressive legislation, Hammell [23] observes that the occupational therapy profession in the Global North, has neither advanced occupation as a determinant of health, nor provided sufficient professional attention to ensure equity of occupational opportunities.
In the selected sources, pay inequity was experienced by persons with persistent serious mental illness and developmental disabilities. Persons with mental health conditions, speech and communication challenges, intellectual disabilities have been found to be particularly disadvantaged in terms of pay inequity [73]. As a result, persons with intellectual disabilities, communication challenges and mental health conditions find themselves working in sheltered employment whose aims, activities, wages and benefits, conditions of work, opportunities for advancement and levels of community involvement differ [74]. On the contrary, sources included in the review, showed that women with disabilities can occupy highly skilled occupational positions. An explanation for this can be the importance placed on adherence to disability legislation in high income countries where most of the literature was from. For example Canada has moved in the direction of fully implementing the UNCRPD [75]. Further, 66% of high income countries have legislation with broad base prohibitions on disability discrimination in the workplace [76]. Blanck [77] gives a case study of how a woman with a spinal disability was assisted to have workplace accommodation using the American With Disabilities Act. The case study shows that women with disability, when supported with progressive policy, are able to work across all work categories, including skilled positions. In some instances, employers may be liable to punitive damages if they engage in discriminatory practices. Avoidance of liabilities may lead to tokenism in terms of equality and employment of women with disabilities. However, where there is existence of equality in terms of opportunities and pay equity, it has been shown that other forms of equity might not [78]. For example, able-bodied and gendered performative expectations may result in inability to maintain employment [71]. Brown and Moloney [79] have also found out that women with disabilities are more affected by “inequitable workplace situations partly because they earn less, are exposed to more workplace stress, and are less likely to experience autonomous working conditions” (p94).
Experiences of the women with disabilities in the studies highlight inequity concerns, particularly career inequity marked by discrimination based on perceptions of lack of value associated with disability, difficulty acquiring a job and lack of reasonable accommodations. Gupta [73] has also shown the same phenomenon where lack of minimal accommodations preclude people from the labor market. The impact of the disability also shaped career inequity where the participants were constantly conscious of the presence of disability, the limitations it imposed and the consequent reactions of workmates. It is difficult to distinguish where, when, and how workplace discrimination occurs, for example, determining whether or not disability or lack of performance is the cause of lower wages [80]. An equity lens informed by occupational science can enable such analysis and hence promote sustainability of occupations that marginalized groups of people can engage in over their life course. Black, disabled and indigenous peoples are groups of people that are “equity deserving” as the College of Occupational Therapists Ontario (COTO) [19] observes. These equity deserving groups, COTO adds, are those who feel or are made to feel that they do not belong. Such groups, including women with disabilities, therefore should not be the ones to have the burden of seeking equity or getting it as a privilege from those who have the power to give it, because those with the power to give can also have the power to take it back, COTO concludes. COTO in this instance advances the ideal that equity should be an attribute readily inherent in all livelihood spheres. Essentially, occupational therapy practice needs to take into cognizance the inequitable situations that persons with disabilities are discharged into as it may perpetuate equity disparities by discharging rehabilitated persons to inequitable situations. Women with disabilities, in the study by Ababneh and AlShaik, “recommend (ed) training and rehabilitation programs as a major crucial suggestion to overcome most of the difficulties they face at work” (p. 335). The participants in Hanlon and Taylor’s [45] study adopted strategies where they projected themselves as distinct rather than different in order to be valued and also assumed disability advocacy roles.
Amongst the selected studies in the review, there was no study with direct and explicit focus on occupational justice but there were implications. For example, participants in Gonzalez’s [50] study were willing to accept poor conditions in order to be able to work and visible disabilities were a disadvantage for a woman who wanted to work. The women reported experiencing inability to realize career goals and occupational choice [40]. These observations are indicative of occupational injustice. Issues of equity need to be looked at eclectically, in combination with other perspectives. Examining experiences of women with disabilities can add a unique perspective to how the intersection of gender and disability produces specific inequities.
Strengths and limitations
The Equitable Total Rewards Model is not an occupational therapy model and gives a lens through which livelihood occupations can be looked at, but may not provide a comprehensive picture. The study excluded non-English sources and these could have added a voice to the scoping review as some of the non-English speaking countries are in the low to middle income strata where research was deemed to be scant as per the findings of this review. Disability, livelihood and occupations are broad concepts, therefore search terms were developed based on the specific conceptualization of these terms in the study and as guided by the MeSH terms initially generated in PubMed as per PRISMAScR guidelines. The use of these terms also varies across cultural, political and policy contexts thus shaping disability terminology. We acknowledge that the use of different search terms may have yielded different outcomes. In addition, the search strings utilized person-first rather than identity-first disability terms in line with the UNCRPD which may have narrowed down the number of other studies.
Conclusion
The scoping review mapped literature, mainly from high income countries, which indicates a dearth of research on the subject of livelihood occupations, equity and experiential facets of occupations for women with disabilities in low to middle income contexts. Livelihood occupations are a means to deriving benefit equity with disadvantage experienced in terms of career and pay equity. This knowledge is beneficial for occupational therapy, particularly those targeting reasonable accommodations and attitudinal barriers experienced as part of career inequity. More research is needed to understand the aspect of equity in occupations and experiential facets of these occupations in low to middle income contexts.
Ethical approval
The study was approved by the Health Research Ethics Committee –Stellenbosch University (Ref: S16/04/059) and the Medical Research Council of Zimbabwe (Ref: MRCZ/A/2121).
Informed consent
Due to the nature of the study, informed consent was not required.
Conflict of interest
The authors declare no conflicting interests.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The authors thank Ingrid van der Westhuizen and Tracey Louw (Faculty Librarians, Medicine and Health Sciences Library, Stellenbosch University), Clive Kennard (Academic Liaison Librarian, Institute of Health & Society, Library Services, University of Worcester) and Covidence® for full rights use of their platform for data management.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. The study was part of a self-funded PhD study at the University of Stellenbosch.
