Armed Forces & Society

This article examines the major definitions of militarism (militarization, cultural behavior, and national policy), surveys the treatment of the subject in recent literature, and considers whether militarism has actually become more prevalent in the United States during, and as a result of, the Cold War. The evidence suggests an affirmative answer if the militarization and national policy definitions are applied. Further study is needed, however, before a conclusion can be drawn regarding cultural behavior.

This article uses three interrelated concepts-ideal type, model, and paradigm-to examine and explain both change and continuity in the American military culture as it undergoes major social change. Briefly, the analysis defines the three concepts and then applies each to current military culture. From this analysis, one sees continuity in the military's cultural paradigm, termed the "combat, masculine-warrior." However, one also sees change as illustrated by the military's "evolving" model of culture. Also discussed is how the military's combat, masculine-warrior paradigm conflicts with its evolving model of culture. This conflict helps explain some of the current turmoil as the military adapts to social change (e.g., diversity). The article concludes with a discussion of a potential paradigm shift in military culture. Hopefully this article provides a framework of analysis from which military leaders can better understand and proactively manage culture and change.

This article examines the Vietnam-era Marine Corps Combined Action Program from a context in which political activities at the junior Marine level arose from tactical considerations. It points out how at the junior soldier level, war and politics are often indistinct, or traditional relationships between the two are reversed. What emerges is a fusion of political and military considerations. It is significant that this political-military fusion occurs at not only the senior officer levels as is commonly outlined in civil-military relations theory, but also at the junior enlisted (E-1 through E-5) level. In using the Combined Action Program as an analytical framework, this article identifies a growing political function; one relevant to partially understanding the soldier's multidimensional role in contemporary low-intensity conflicts.

While many studies of coups are available, most focus on those that succeed in overthrowing one government and replacing it with another. In this article, the focus is on the numerous attempts that fail. After discussing the problems of 1) distinguishing between successful and unsuccessful coup attempts and 2) obtaining accurate data on failed ones, an analysis is made of the reasons for failure, the consequences for those who participate in failed attempts, and the short and long term impact that even failed coups may have on targeted governments. Evidence indicates that the proportion of failed attempts is increasing, and reasons for this trend are suggested.

This article examines five aspects of the retired military community. First, because of ongoing reductions of U.S. forces, the retiree population is growing rapidly; it will number about 1.9 million members by the year 2000. Second, military retirement costs will reach $38.40 billion and amount to 15-17% of defense outlays by the end of the decade. Third, the end of the Cold War and concern about the federal deficit have weakened political support for retiree entitlements. As a result, military retirees can expect an erosion of benefits over the remainder of this decade-despite improved representational strategies by the retiree associations. Fourth, recent military retirees are encountering delays in obtaining civilian employment; in response, they have become more willing to accept less attractive or less remunerative positions. Finally, California, Florida, Texas, and other sunbelt states are attractive retirement locales. Access to a military facility, however, remains an important element in residence decisions.

This article describes two debates, "from institution to occupation" (I/O) and Esprit de Corps that have been of major importance for the present understanding of the concept of the military as a profession. Charles Moskos's original "I/O" model and Morris Janowitz's reaction are recapitulated, as is the concept of Esprit de Corps presented by Samuel P. Huntington and Morris Janowitz. It is demonstrated that the Moskos-Janowitz dispute is based upon different definitions of the "I/O" shift and not upon the existence and the extent of such a shift, while Huntington and Janowitz had no common understanding of either the existence, extent, or concepts connected to the "Esprit de Corps." Therefore, in contrast to common interpretation, it is argued that Moskos and Janowitz are much more in agreement than Huntington and Janowitz. Subsequently, it is demonstrated that in both cases, the approach taken by the three authors was biased due to a lack of conceptual clarification and of empirical testing. Finally, the analysis of the two debates makes it possible to redefine the military as a profession as a multidimensional concept.

Concerns have been raised that as the racial composition of the American labor force changes as we approach the 21st century, African-Americans may be increasingly over-represented in the army, particularly in combat units. However, labor force changes from year to year are very small, and analysis of the composition of army accessions and separations from 1973 to 1992 shows the racial composition of the force to be more sensitive to personnel management policies, as reflected in pay, educational benefits, and recruiting resources, than to changes in labor force composition. In particular, the over-representation of African-Americans in combat units is shown to have declined during the decade of the 1980s.