Armed Forces & Society

The issues of race and gender representation in the military have been raised recently, the first because of the Persian Gulf War and the second because of the change in combat job restrictions. The history of these interrelated issues is reviewed, recent trends in enlistment and applicant rates are presented, and current policies regarding race and gender representation are evaluated. The article suggests that recruiting ceilings for women could be eliminated without adverse consequences, while representation goals for racial and ethnic groups might be appropriate, which would have the effect of reducing black but increasing Hispanic representation.

This article reports on recent developments in policy on gender integration in the United Kingdom's armed forces, whereby women's employment opportunities have widened significantly since the early 1980s. These changes include increases in women's representation and the number of positions they are allowed to occupy; abolition of the Women's Royal Army Corps (WRAC) and Women's Royal Naval Service (WRNS); assigning women to combat ships, and training women as jet fighter pilots. Drawing on official reports and statistics and formal interviews with military and civilian defense officials, we analyze the main factors that have led the United Kingdom to make these policy changes. These factors are: demographic pressures, sociocultural changes in gender definitions, legal constraints (particularly from the European Union), and changing views of policy makers on whether women can and should serve in combat roles. The article highlights a number of implications of the policy changes.

This article analyzes Israeli attitudes toward the use of force over the period from 1988 to 1994. Based on nine public opinion polls of Israel's Jewish population, it explores public trends on three dimensions of force use-conventional war, Intifada, and terrorism-and contributes new data to the theoretical and empirical debate over the stability and rationality of public opinion. Following the presentation of an aggregate analysis of general public attitudes, party affiliation and socioeconomic variables are examined for their relationship to the viewpoints of the respondents. The profiles of those holding extreme views on military force are investigated as well. In general, Israeli attitudes toward the use of force were stable over time, and Israelis were cautious in their support of using force. Indeed, the findings strengthen the claim that public opinion can constrain belligerent leaders, although it can be manipulated to support limited uses of force.

A substantial number of U.S. Army soldiers deployed to Haiti for Operation Uphold Democracy did not believe it was important that the U.S. military be involved in the operation (49%); did not believe that what the U.S. military was doing was important (38%); and did not believe in the overall value of the operation (43%). At the same time, a substantial number of soldiers had positive feelings about what they were doing in Haiti and the mission they were accomplishing. The primary focus of this investigation was to examine factors that were related to the wide variation in soldier reports of support for Operation Uphold Democracy. The results indicated that a combination of soldier characteristics (e.g., race, gender), unit characteristics (e.g., unit type), task characteristics (e.g., task significance), and operational characteristics (e.g., perceptions of public support) accounted for nearly 50% of the variance in soldier reports of support for the overall operation.

A coup d'etat in The Gambia abruptly ended the reign of the longest serving democratic government and head of state in Africa. This ministate of one million was renowned internationally for its tranquility at a time when the rest of the continent was mired in political instability. The coup resulted from perceived civilian government weakness, widespread feelings of relative deprivation among junior Gambian officers, and their resentment against senior Nigerian officers who controlled the army. Also, turbulence in the West Africa subregion and poor relations between the deposed Gambia and Senegal governments emboldened the junior officers to intervene. While the new regime enjoys considerable popular support, domestic and international pressures increase for a return to civilian rule. With elections promised in July 1996, some external aid has been restored, which could avert domestic financial collapse and repression.