Cross-Cultural Research

This article provides an introduction to the four articles that comprise this special issue of Cross-Cultural Research.

Data coded from a worldwide sample of 30 premodern states demonstrate that collective action was an important social force in political regime building across civilizational traditions, regions, and time periods. Collectivity brought advantages, for example, overall increases in material standard of living, but also entailed the potential for cooperation problems such as free riding and agency. These problematic aspects of collectivity were addressed, in part, through cultural innovation aimed at developing new ways to understand the roots of moral capacity and the nature of the morally virtuous person. Here, I analyze one aspect of cultural innovation by investigating figural representation in the coded societies. From this comparative study, I propose that two artistic processes were concomitants of collective governance: the emergence of naturalism, including portraiture, and representation that highlights the commoner and the quotidian elements of commoner life ways.

Our goal was to detect and describe a common “core” structure of romantic love and to also discover and explain variations due to cultural or gender differences between three national cultures: the United States, Russia, and Lithuania. Our sample consisted of 262 American males, 362 American females, 166 Russian males, 130 females, 102 Lithuanian males, and 135 Lithuanian females—a total of 1,157 people. Our analysis was derived from (a) a 14-item questionnaire; (b) freelist responses to the question “What do you associate with romantic love?” and (c) interview and focus group data. The questionnaire was devised by employing well-known quotations about romantic love that cover a range of feelings and perceptions of love. Our results showed that there is no overall consensus but there was cross-cultural consensus on five variables: intrusive thinking, happiness; passion; altruism; and improve well-being of partner. In the freelist portion, we also found some significant similarities—particularly the desire to be together was ranked first across all three cultures. However key cultural differences were found. Friendship and comfort love were critical features of romantic love for the U.S. sample, but nonexistent for the Lithuanian and Russian samples. Conversely, the latter two samples saw love as “unreal,” “temporary,” and “a fairytale.” These cultural differences were explored through interviews and shown to serve as different cultural frames used to interpret similar emotional complexes. We suggest that the differences do not affect the evolutionary functions of romantic love and are adaptations to different types of social organizations. The etic-emic approach used in this cross-cultural research provides for a more nuanced, ethnographically sound, and cross-culturally valid description and analysis of the form and function of romantic love cross culturally than does either approach by itself.

Our study focused on Chinese children’s play patterns in two different Chinese capitals: Chengdu—the capital of Sichuan in southwest China and Hohhot—the capital of the autonomous Inner Mongolia region in northern China. Unlike child psychologists working in China, who prefer survey instruments organized around parent and teacher interviews, the authors relied primarily upon behavioral observations. Their study is based on naturalistic observations of children in different age cohorts interacting in a variety of social contexts. It draws on a social ecology approach to examine the role of social setting, social class, and regional variation on children’s interaction style. The authors wanted to link their findings to both Four Cultures and Six Cultures studies. To that end they adopted a behaviorist approach that used similar methodology to code children’s interactions. They sought to identify the frequency of particular types of children’s interactions that ranged from types of aggressive and dominance displays, cooperative and altruistic acts, to the frequency of acts of retaliation to aggressive act(s). In Chengdu they coded 342 acts; while 120 Hohhotian acts were coded for a total of 462 interaction episodes. Their study is designed to incorporate both analytical perspectives—observation and interviews—to provide a more nuanced commentary on the potential significance of Chinese children’s playful interactions.

In this article, we employ a systems approach that crosses three levels of analysis—neurophysiology, psychology, and anthropology—to investigate the relationship between childhood experiences and adult skills. Our hypothesis is that early learning situations can result in neural entrainments, that have psychological consequences, some of which can later be reflected in a constellation of adult skills. This model can account for an association of adult behaviors that would otherwise resist explanation. In support of our model, we present both quantitative data resulting from treatments of ethnographic evidence contained in the Human Relations Area Files, and qualitative evidence abstracted from that source and from additional ethnographies.

Mel Ember was co-Principal Investigator in the Mason-HRAF Joint Project on Eastern Africa, a multiyear project aimed at developing and analyzing advanced computational agent-based models of human societies across 10 countries and 12 ecosystems. A major unsolved challenge in this kind of social science research is to devise a systematic way to compare, contrast, and communicate different models of social dynamics along relevant dimensions and characteristics, given the inherent complexity of most computational agent-based models. This article proposes a viable systematic framework for comparing models and illustrates its application using some of the models that Mel helped inspire and develop as senior project participant.