Critical Sociology

Platform cooperativism proposes to create an alternative to the corporate sharing economy based on a model of democratically owned and governed co-operatives. The idea sounds simple and convincing: cut out the corporate middleman and replace Uber with a service owned and managed by taxi drivers themselves, create a version of Airbnb run by cities, or turn Facebook into a platform democratically controlled by all users. This article discusses the ambivalences of platform cooperativism, exploring both the movement’s potentials to subvert digital capitalism from the inside and the risk of being co-opted by it. Platform cooperativism aims to foster social change by creating a People’s Internet and replacing corporate-owned platforms with user-owned co-operatives. It yokes social activism with business enterprise. As a result, the movement is shaped by tensions and contradiction between politics and enterprise, democracy and the market, commons and commercialisation, activism and entrepreneurship. This article explores these tensions based on a Marxist perspective on the corrosive powers of capitalist competition on the one hand and a Foucaultian critique of entrepreneurialism on the other. It concludes with a reflection on the politics of platform cooperativism, drawing out problematic implications of an uncritical embrace of entrepreneurialism and highlighting the need to defend a politics of social solidarity, equality and public goods.

Critical scholarship on gentrification has contributed significantly to bolstering the rights of working-class residents against the forces that price them out of the city. However, working-class residents are not the only ones who suffer from dispossession and displacement with rampant hyper-commodification of urban space. Based on the case of Seoul, I examine how new agents—tenant shopkeepers—emerged at the forefront of challenging gentrification and successfully reframed the problem of gentrification. Within the new frame, the shopkeepers who make their livelihoods by using urban spaces are pitted against the property owners who attempt to profit at the expense of their tenants. Through this case, I ask ‘How can radical shifts occur in the ways that the problem of gentrification is constructed?’ My answer draws upon the framing theory in the social movement literature which identifies conditions under which a radical departure from institutionalized ways and social norms can transpire even when the radical shift means challenging the entrenched power structure—in my case, the property-ownership-based rights regime. I highlight the importance of further developing a gentrification scholarship on social change that unravels the rise of new locations of resistance, particularly at a time when the advance of gentrification seems inevitable.

This article analyses the impact of the 2008 recession and subsequent austerity policies on the youth transition regimes of Spain and the UK. These two countries have different employment and social support models. However, both applied similar economic and policy responses to the 2008 recession, which had a marked neoliberal character. The article identifies whether or not the impact of these policies blurred the defining characteristics of their transition regimes. To do so, an analysis of employment and welfare policies is undertaken, and two key dimensions of youth transition regimes are critically analysed: the characteristics of employment and the forms of independent living. Our findings show that market dependence and the importance of class-related factors have been reinforced. Nevertheless, these similar patterns of change go together with the persistence of differences among regimes, which suggests that the effect of neoliberal policies is far from being uniform and systematic.

Even though much research underscores the significance of social inequalities in illness, the health consequences of inequity tend to occupy a marginal position in medical education. Drawing on qualitative interviews with third and fourth year medical students, this paper explores how future doctors understand and would improve health in the United States. While participants with background in public health and policy understand that social inequalities shape health and access to care, many others emphasize individual behaviour and motivation as central to ill health. Emphasizing health behaviour aligns with biomedical understandings of disease, and also captures the hold of neoliberal values over ideas of health and illness. Focus on health behaviour also provides a means of ignoring the racist roots of enduring inequity that underlies much ill health. Making inequity more visible in medical education and practice necessitates recognizing the sway of neoliberal thought over common-sense ideas of health and illness.

Since 2016, welfare recipients in Australia have been subject to the Online Compliance Intervention (OCI), implemented through the national income support agency, Centrelink. This is a big data initiative, matching reported income to tax records to recoup welfare overpayments. The OCI proved controversial, notably for a “reverse onus,” requiring that claimants disprove debts, and for data-matching design leading frequently to incorrect debts. As algorithmic governance, the OCI directs attention to the chronopolitics of contemporary welfare bureaucracies. It outsources labor previously conducted by Centrelink to clients, compelling them to submit documentation lest debts be raised against them. It imposes an active wait against a deadline on those issued debt notifications. Belying government rhetoric about the accessibility of the digital state, the OCI demonstrates how automation exacerbates punitive welfare agendas, through transfers of time, money, and labor whose combined effects are such as to occupy the time of people experiencing poverty.

Beginning in the 1960s, U.S. government policy largely created, and subsequently facilitated the corporatization of, a powerful, multi-billion dollar nursing home industry. Using data from trade publications, government agency reports, Congressional hearings, newspaper reports and existing scholarly research, I chart the relationship between the state and the U.S. nursing home industry over four time periods to reveal how, at different moments, government policy contributed to first the creation, then the corporatization and consolidation of the industry. I argue that the trajectory of Medicare and Medicaid policy is not wholly neoliberal but neither should it be considered progressive.

In the growing field of the sociology of human rights, the notion that human rights might best be understood as the expansion and/or supersession of citizenship rights has taken root, as has the more generalized taken for granted “backstories” to the effect that human rights are the product of a unique postwar consensus. In this article, I argue that these assumptions are more encumbrance than assistance when it comes time to sociologically grasping what human rights are, how they emerged, and, more importantly, what they might be able to achieve. In the first half of the article, I demonstrate that the tropes of expansion and supersession of citizenship rights are central to two seminal sociological analyses of human rights—those of Bryan S. Turner (1993, 2006) and Yasemin N. Soysal (1994, 2012) —and that they fail to provide a social-relational and historical account of the emergence of human rights. In the second part, I pull together new historical and sociolegal scholarship that is recalibrating our understanding of human rights. Drawing attention to the 1970s as the more persuasive social-relational origin of contemporary human rights, I argue, allows a more nuanced appraisal of human rights’ (in)efficacy.

This article explores political education in civil society organisations (CSOs) in post-uprisings Egypt. By employing the work of Peter Mayo and Adam Morton, I develop a Gramscian framework that argues for the need to rethink political education where it can take direct and indirect forms. Direct political education explicitly teaches about politics and rights, and is more likely to be repressed by the Egyptian state. Indirect political education is more covert, taking the forms of games and simulations which can appear, in hindsight, to be apolitical but could have numerous contradictory political implications. Through analysing the different forms of political education provided in Egyptian civil society, I seek to understand how CSOs are able to adapt their educational methods to function, survive and educate under authoritarian contexts. This way, the article offers an insight into the interplay between authoritarianism and resistance through the medium of education.

This paper aims to analyze mindfulness in education from a critical perspective. We first examine the historical underpinnings of human capital theory, which encourages educators to view students as efficient laborers in a neo-liberal society. Using the lens of Bourdieu’s capital theory, we further examine how mass media inadvertently distorts the definition of mindfulness by exploring the development of a specific mass media story and by identifying how mass media factors beyond headlines and titles reframe mindfulness. We argue that this type of reframing has created a public perception of students who practice mindfulness as not only successful in social relationships but also as valued laborers who expand economic growth. This analysis opens two doors of discourse. First, mindfulness in education should be de-capitalized and shifted toward a spiritual focus. Second, we ask educational writers and publishers to redirect mindfulness applications away from their original purpose.