European Journal of Industrial Relations

This article examines the impact of Europeanization on cooperation between major interest groups and the state in national policymaking. Its theoretical innovation centres on two issues: (1) a classification of cooperation by management, labour, and the state in public policy-making and (2) a differentiation of levels of Europeanization in the Member States. The empirical material highlights the implementation of six EU Directives in four smaller states: Austria, Denmark, Luxembourg, and Sweden. A moderate trend towards convergence is discovered, caused mainly by forced adaptation of the most extreme model of corporatism.

There are growing indications that the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) is undergoing a shift in strategic orientation from an exclusive focus on institutional ‘social partnership’ within the European Union towards a more campaigning ‘social movement’ model. This article explores two recent campaigns, on the European Charter of Fundamental Rights and the Convention on the Future of Europe, and considers how far these developments mark the emergence of a distinctive trade union identity at European level. The article concludes with examples of other areas where the ETUC could encourage ‘internal dialogue’ within European trade unionism and develop further a ‘hybrid’ transnational identity.

As product and labour markets within the European Union are liberalized and deregulated, industrial relations regulation appears to shift from national to sector and company levels. Nonetheless, company-based initiatives such as management-labour partnerships are still more likely to flourish in coordinated rather than liberal market economies. This is demonstrated in this article by a contextualized comparison of three national airlines. While Lufthansa has been able to develop an innovative, long-term competitive strategy, both British Airways and Aer Lingus have been permitted, if not compelled, to pursue short-term, cost-minimizing strategies inimical to their management-labour partnerships.

This article considers whether the development of European rights for workers implies a European social citizenship. It analyses the debate during the preparation and adoption of the EU Directive on part-time work in 1997, which guarantees part-time workers (who are primarily women) the same pay and working conditions as full-time workers. Was the concept of social citizenship discussed during its preparation and adoption? What kind of gender equality was involved: are women granted equal access to the European market or equal outcomes? We conclude that the Directive involves industrial rather thansocial citizenship, but ideals of social citizenship were nevertheless at stake during its preparation.

High unemployment in the 1990s prompted policy responses at supranational as well as national levels, notably the OECD Jobs Strategy and the European Employment Strategy. Both strategies reflect a supply-side orientation, but the European strategy pays more attention to the role of ‘social partners’, the potential negative consequences of certain policy responses, and the interconnections between employment and social protection policies. Each strategy was subject to evaluation by its sponsor and, regardless of evidence, was judged a success. Thus, even if there is ‘one view of the labour market’ and there are, perhaps, ‘two views of the welfare state’, there is also a shared approach to evaluation.