26:T45d,

This article interrogates whether a crimmigration frame could be used to assess immigration control in Italy. It argues that even if crimmigration laws are similar across European countries, the outcomes of European border control depend on the local context. It looks at the interaction between police, judges, and migrants at the internal borders in Bologna, Italy. The article is based on quantitative data (analysis of case files on pre-removal detention in Bologna’s detention centre) and qualitative data (one-to-one in-depth interviews with migrants and justices of the peace, and participant observation). The case study focuses on ‘differential inclusion’ of undocumented migrants informally allowed to remain in the Italian territory. Police manage illegality rather than enforcing removals, using selective non-enforcement of immigration laws as effectively as enforcement itself. The article’s main hypothesis is that, at the local level, the production of borders works as a provisional admission policy to include undocumented migrants, though in a subordinated position.

27:T4a2,

The crimmigration landscape in the UK is much lamented. Reference is frequently made to the recent creation of dozens of new immigration offences and a sharp increase in the administrative detention of immigrants during the last two decades. In particular, the prison has recently become an acute site of crimmigration, with separate prisons for foreign nationals (Kaufman, 2013). Norway, on the other hand, has traditionally been regarded as an exception. The treatment of criminals and outsiders is described as inclusive and rehabilitative and focused on their successful return to society. However, here a distinction is also increasingly made between prisoners who will return to society and those who will not, most particularly foreign nationals. The UK and Norway are virtually the only countries in Western Europe with regular prisons that are exclusively reserved for foreign nationals. This article examines how the arguably most benign and the arguably most severe prison systems of Western Europe have come to mimic each other in this fashion. Wider implications for our theoretical understanding of the nature and loci of crimmigration policies are also considered.

28:T406,

Focusing on the treatment irregular migrants have received in Greece since the early 1990s, this article seeks to advance critical scholarship on how European countries have responded to migration from impoverished or otherwise disadvantaged parts of the globe over recent decades. The article first draws attention to ways in which purportedly exclusionary approaches to irregular migration control may be imperfect by design, insofar as restrictions are imposed on outflows to secure an exploitable workforce that serves important labour market needs and, by extension, dominant political interests in the ‘host’ state. Moving on to address the precise ways in which labour exploitation of irregular migrants is brought into effect, the article demonstrates how seemingly unrelated state policies and practices regarding matters of migration, welfare, employment and criminal justice, as well as certain manifestations of anti-migrant violence by non-state actors, may act in combination with one another to this end.

29:T444,

In Sweden, control of the mobile poor is often driven by the needs and demands of the welfare state itself and follows a different logic outside the neoliberal paradigm. By examining the case of the Roma, EU citizens who travel to Sweden to ask for money on the streets, we can see the expansion and retraction of the criminal law as the government responds to new forms of migration and poverty in its society. The government’s mixed responses – no to bans on begging, but yes to evictions – are the result of dualities inherent in Nordic welfare states, when their inclusionary ameliorative dimensions collide with their exclusionary and nationalistic tendencies. This article proposes the term benevolent violen