International Relations

It is a popular belief in modern democratic societies that the universities are unique as sites of teaching, inquiry, research, and writing which, above all, are marked by their independence from the various forces which influence so much of the life outside of the academy. Unfortunately, the popular belief is wrong; and is particularly wrong where the universities in question are defined, as most are wont to define themselves, as ‘research universities’, and where the disciplines are those most in demand by military/industrial interests, or most given to pretences of prediction and control, and sought after by those policy communities of the state which seek power in, and over, human affairs, both at home and abroad. In plain terms, if independent inquiry in the ‘relevant’ areas of the mainstream American research universities, and under the conditions outlined, is predicated upon the independence of the individual university, then, on an everyday basis, those universities have been, and remain, hopelessly compromised.

Using the writings of the assassinated South African political philosopher Rick Turner, this article provides a critique of South Africa ten years after the end of apartheid. Influenced by both Western Marxism and utopian thinking, Turner developed a model of democratic socialism which offered a vision of a ‘new South Africa’. This was countered by the ideology of the market and, later, by the force of the ‘end of history’ thesis. The article argues that inequalities continue in South Africa because the promise of Western Marxism was squeezed out by the convergence of communist political ideology and capitalist modernization.

Common sense about globalization protests is embodied in media representations, aided by public intellectuals, and imported into the classroom. Survey research demonstrates that the template of representations is partially accurate and partly misleading. The protesters’ perspectives show considerable complexity, and indicate a selective rejection of neoliberal policies and core institutions but not an overall ‘antiglobalization’ stance. Even if not totally coherent, these bundles are not just random collections of beliefs, attitudes, goals, and strategies. They raise doubts about authoritative imagery and pose questions about transformative possibilities. It is well to recall that for Gramsci, critical thinking should not merely oppose but become part of people’s understanding of their own conditions, bringing about a new common sense.

This analysis examines new forms of collective action made possible by Internetmediated communication. In particular, it reconsiders the operations of online higher education in network-based environments. It argues that the critics, like David Noble, and supporters, like Peter Drucker, of such undertakings need to be much more cautious about the potential of these technologies. However, the ways in which such online systems of education work also provide useful ‘denationalizing’ or ‘globalizing’ experiences that can serve as new social models for individuals engaged in cyberactivist movements, both intranationally and transnationally. Yet the workings of online education per se also constitute a new political environment by creating opportunities to study and teach at new flexible transnational sites that are less constrained by historically rooted territorial domains, cultural traditions, and social practices. These opportunities, in turn, create an unstable mix of negative and positive implications, but they are not absolutely either all positive or wholly negative.

This article first outlines political, economic and cultural changes that underlie the prevailing conception of college and university students as consumers of educational services. It describes several implications of this conception for classroom teaching, particularly for the practices of critical pedagogues. It argues that while the consumerist orientations of students help to anchor the model of student as consumer, the model itself also provides students with a basis for critiquing the services that they receive from educational institutions. It then raises the question of how this model of student can be disrupted. Drawing from the author’s own teaching experiences, it describes ways that faculty members can encourage critical reflection among their students about their consumerist orientations and awaken and nourish their sense of political entitlement based on their membership in an intellectual community.

The emerging trend and pressure for higher education to internationalize the curriculum, meet the challenges of globalization and prepare students for global citizenship is identified as the ‘global turn’ in education. The notion of knowledge production in a global context raises epistemological questions regarding the community of knowing subjects and institutions who participate in and structure such knowledge systems. Critical pedagogy offers a theoretical framework in which we can imagine students and teachers engaging in dialogue with knowing subjects of other cultures and locations with the aim of creating a global community of knowledge production. Challenges to such dialogue as articulated by subaltern studies are viewed as critical in considering the politics of knowledge claims and imagining the possibility of democratic practices and discourse in global and international knowledge construction.

As culture becomes more central to the teaching of international relations, political theory is likewise more a part of international relations. In light of globalization and the increasing salience of global cultural politics, the way political theory is taught and practiced must be revisited as well. This article investigates one such investigation, the idea of a comparative political theory. Comparative political theory seeks to introduce non-Western thought into political theory. This article probes the pedagogical difficulties this poses for a liberal democratic higher education.