Journal of Contemporary History

Setting the stage for the special forum, this introduction points to the centrality of science diplomacy activities within many current foreign policy concepts around the world. It also points to the lack of historical perspective within many current academic debates about science diplomacy. Suggesting the value of such a perspective, the introduction then draws attention to a number of fruitful contributions that histories of science diplomacy may make to contemporary history. These include: a better understanding of how entanglements between science, foreign policy, and international relations evolved over the twentieth century; a refined understanding of the workings of foreign relations and diplomacy that sheds light on the role of science as an arena of foreign relations; new insights into the Cold War; a globalizing of perspectives in the writing of contemporary history; a new international focus on widely under-researched actors like universities, science movements, science organizations, and science academies; a focus on new themes that range from global environmental problems to issues like cultural heritage. The remainder of the introduction then delineates some of the shared assumptions and findings of the essays and then briefly introduces each contribution to the special section.

Earthquake sciences, such as seismology and earthquake engineering, were important for Japanese science diplomacy throughout the twentieth century and remain relevant for Japan’s science diplomacy initiatives today. This article traces how the earthquake sciences were constructed as a ‘Japanese science’, giving Japan authority in science diplomacy, what science diplomacy practices scientists engaged in, and the images of Japan they helped to convey internationally. In the late nineteenth century, Japan played a crucial role in establishing seismology as a scientific discipline, which supported claims of Japanese research experience with their highly seismically active environment. Thus, Japanese earthquake specialists were enabled to act on equal terms with their Western counterparts in international networks, and even became regarded as ‘teachers’ of earthquake-proof construction. This image that was built and expanded upon by generations of scientists and maintained regardless of the shifting political climate. Consequently, prewar science diplomacy served to justify ‘civilised’ Japanese colonial rule in East Asia, while postwar earthquake science underlined Japan’s new identity as a peaceful ‘developed’ country and became a crucial part of Japan’s developmental aid programs. Science diplomacy also helped open diplomatic channels for Japan during difficult international conditions and created sustainable networks between seismic countries.

This essay examines the role and agency of British archaeologists in the discussions surrounding Egypt’s construction of the Aswan High Dam beginning in the late 1950s. The dam was conceived as a grand engineering project that would create new farmland and make Egypt self-sufficient in terms of its energy needs, but flooding caused by the dam threatened to destroy numerous archaeological sites along the Nile River on the border of Egypt and Sudan. With the blessing of the Egyptian and Sudanese governments, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) launched a complex rescue operation in 1960 with the goal of surveying the affected sites, in some cases removing entire structures to safe locations. Despite Britain’s initial reluctance—four years after the Suez crisis—to participate in a program that would benefit an avowedly hostile regime, British scientific expertise and private fundraising soon came to play an important role in UNESCO’s ‘Campaign for Nubia’. Using diplomatic papers and the records of various scientific bodies, I will argue that British participation in the UNESCO archaeological program was a crucial avenue for Anglo-Egyptian rapprochement during the 1960s and 1970s.

This essay examines the International Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA’s) role in the entry of hydrological isotopic analysis techniques into the developing world. The notion of using radioisotopic tracers for hydrological study came from the initiative of individual scientists, many of whom were interested in measuring the uptake of hydrogen-bomb deposited tritium in the global environment. Their proposals to include isotope hydrology among the range of IAEA activities sparked debate in the IAEA Scientific Advisory Committee and Board of Governors. At stake was not merely the future support of the technique, but the diplomatic role of the IAEA as a provider of atomic energy to the developing world, the relationship of the IAEA to other international institutions, and the articulation of what ‘peaceful uses of atomic energy’ really meant. In the end, the IAEA opted to render conditional support for the landmark Global Network of Isotopes in Precipitation and undertook sponsorship of expert panels that brought together isotope specialists and hydrologists. As the essay shows, the IAEA’s agenda for isotope hydrology was not only a matter of technology, linked to instrumentation and technique. As a form of policy entrepreneurship, it also gave the IAEA a new diplomatic role in the larger network of international institutions.

This essay explores the reception of ‘nuclear winter’ at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This response is paradigmatic of how scientific predictions can work as stimuli for science diplomacy activities, and either inflate or deflate these forecasts’ public resonance. Those who elaborated the theory in the early 1980s predicted that the environmental consequences of a future nuclear conflict would have been catastrophic; possibly rendering the earth uninhabitable and leading to the extinction of humankind. This prospect was particularly problematic for the Western defence alliance, since it was difficult to reconcile with the tenets of its nuclear posture, especially after the 1979 Dual Track decision, engendering concerns about the environmental catastrophe that the scientists predicted. Thus, NATO officials refrained from commenting on nuclear winter and its implications for the alliance’s deterrence doctrine for some time in an effort to minimize public criticism. Meanwhile, they progressively removed research on nuclear winter from the set of studies and scientific debates sponsored by NATO in the context of its science initiatives. In essence, NATO officials ‘traded’ the promotion of these problematic studies with that of others more amenable to the alliance’s diplomacy ambitions.

The introduction to this special section discusses the state of the art in recent historiography on peace movements during the 1970s and 1980s, and recent attempts to conceptualise Southern Europe as a geographical or political space.

This article investigates the key role played by the peace movement in re-defining the Italian Communist Party’s (PCI’s) identity, after the failure of the Eurocommunist project and the end of the historical compromise strategy in Italy. The first part of the article is dedicated to the international dimension: the relationship between the PCI and the Kremlin on the issue of peace protests, which was characterized both by growing mutual intolerance and the need to maintain a strong and effective internationalist tie. The second part examines how the PCI struggled domestically to deal with new political actors involved in peace mobilisation and the challenges of maintaining the hegemony within the peace movement. The article argues that the challenge posed by the surge of peace movement represented a genuine, albeit missed opportunity for the PCI to renew its own political identity.

This article focuses on the Italian Radical Party’s (PR) antimilitarism, which combined left liberal with libertarian and anti-authoritarian elements. The aim of the paper is twofold: highlight the existence of a ‘third way’ of mobilisation for peace, distinct from the communist and the Catholic movements that tend to dominate the literature on Italian peace protest; and investigate peace mobilisation not only during the late 1960s or the early 1980s, but also during the 1970s, a decade neglected by historiography. In so doing, the article traces the development of the Radicals’ antimilitarism from its beginning in the 1960s up to the early 1980s, with the aim of understanding the origins of their antimilitarist ideas, their political strategy, their complex mediation between movements and institutions and their efforts to institutionalise antimilitarist issues.

The peace mobilisation against the Euromissiles in the early 1980s constituted one of the biggest mass movements in contemporary European history. The article aims to examine the completely neglected, albeit impressive peace movement in Greece of the 1980s. What mobilised these activists? How did they frame the notion of peace? What were the political conditions under which the discourse of peace became powerful? What was the role of the state and political parties? How did they protest? The article will use national and local press, transnational and Greek peace campaign material, semistructured interviews and polls to provide rich and unique evidence on the way protesters mobilised in recently democratised Greece. Recent accounts of peace mobilisation have emphasized its pan-European character. While acknowledging the merit of transnational approaches, the archival based project, informed by new social movements theory, aims to contextualise cycles of protest mobilisation and highlight the role of national identity that transcended Cold War narratives.

The July 1974 invasion of Cyprus by Turkey caught the Greek Colonels (1967–74) off guard, as they proved entirely incapable of responding to the casus belli, partly provoked by their own actions. Greece remained technically in the state of military mobilisation for about four months and with the democratic transition well underway. This article catalogues the ways in which this conflict mobilised Greek civil society in unprecedented ways. Using oral testimonies, press clippings and three major documentaries of the time (Nikos Koundouros’ The Songs of Fire, Michael Cacoyannis’ Attila 74, and Nikos Kavoukidis’ Testimonials), the article dissects the cultural resistances against the war in one of the most traumatic moments in contemporary Greek history. It analyses the gigantic concerts that took place in the largest stadiums of Athens to protest the war, next to mass demonstrations and popular films protesting the invasion. It argues that these cultural events and artifacts re-enacted facets of the anti-Vietnam War movement and the respective countercultural scene in the US of the late 1960s. The article concludes that these modes of cultural and political resistance activated post-authoritarian Greek civil society, renegotiating the parameters of political participation and partly resetting the agenda of the country’s foreign policy following popular demand.

This article investigates the contribution of the Italian physicist Edoardo Amaldi to the anti-nuclear peace movement at national and international level. Amaldi (1908–89) was one of the leading nuclear physicists of the twentieth century. He grew up in the extraordinary environment of the ‘Via Panisperna Boys’, a group of young physicists active in Rome during the late 1920s and 1930s, under Enrico Fermi’s leadership. Yet Amaldi was not only a renowned academic but also an avid supporter of the movement against the nuclear arms race. He advocated the peaceful and industrial use of nuclear energy and tenaciously opposed its military exploitation. The only Italian invited to the first Pugwash meeting in 1957, he soon played a leading role in the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs and other similar events throughout his life. During the 1970s and 1980s, Amaldi – and many others among his colleagues – campaigned for a different security policy based on détente and broad transnational dialogue across the Cold War blocs. This essay focuses on some practical initiatives of the Italian community of physicists, underlying the political and civil use of their scientific expertise.

This article addresses the protest culture of the Spanish anti-NATO movement during the first half of the 1980s. Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, it focuses on the collective practice of painting murals and graffiti (pintadas) on walls in the outskirts of Spanish cities. This was done by neighbourhood associations, together with local artists, in order to display and disseminate the widespread angst regarding entering and remaining in NATO. Murals constituted a grassroots multi-layered phenomenon that emerged through the interaction of different communicative actors, social processes and semiotic forms. The article explores three themes. Firstly, the political iconography of anti-NATO murals in Spain whilst comparing it with the aesthetics of other European peace movements. Secondly, the domestic reframing of anti-war and antinuclear icons as well as anti-American clichés, violence and the army, gender relations, Spanish national sovereignty and, more generally, the process of modernisation and westernisation that was rapidly affecting post-Francoist society. Finally, the analysis of these visual expressions offers a bottom-up picture of the final stage of the Cold War and a better understanding of the role of Spanish civil society during the period of democratic consolidation.

This article unravels the complexities revealed in the act of traveling to and photographing Fascist Italy in order to consider the intricacies of a particularly German-Jewish engagement with contested and highly politicized spaces and scenes. It examines four specific images in the album: namely, one photo from South Tyrol/Alto Adige along with the three images from a Fascist night-time rally in Venice. Together, they visually capture the Italian celebration of its conquest of Ethiopia in May 1936. I argue that for these German-Jewish tourists Italy served as a means to critically contemplate Fascist politics and to understand their place as German Jews in the contemporary world order. The coincidental timing of Italy’s victory over Ethiopian forces afforded the travelers with an unusual, though not entirely unique opportunity to witness, and participate in, a Fascist spectacle, even as they negotiated its meaning. The timing of their visit also allowed the individual(s) to make both a visual and a brief textual statement about colonialism in its last throes, shortly before the Second World War broke out and before the beginning of decolonization.

Raul Hilberg’s landmark study of the Holocaust, The Destruction of the European Jews, was published in 1961. This article tells the story of the early response to Hilberg’s book. For the first time, journalists, scholars, intellectuals and representatives of Jewish communities engaged in a debate about the history and political significance of the Holocaust. This debate preceded the controversy surrounding Hannah Arendt’s articles on the trial of Adolf Eichmann and had more far-reaching consequences. Countless reviewers in the American press praised Hilberg’s analysis of the bureaucratic administration of genocide. They noted his conclusion that all of German society was involved in the ‘destruction process’ and its implications for the contemporary West German leadership. Scholars also lauded Hilberg’s book, although some of them criticized his inclusive perpetrator category and argued that he overlooked the importance of Nazi ideology and dictatorship. Hilberg’s claim that Jewish victims abetted their persecutors gave rise to a debate in Jewish journals and newspapers. Writers and historians objected to Hilberg’s purported ignorance of their experiences and of Jewish history. As this article shows, the reception of Hilberg’s work marks a crucial step in the formation of the Holocaust as part of historical consciousness.

Beginning with an encounter between Erich Honecker and the Jewish communist Leo Zuckermann that took place in Mexico City in September 1981, this article investigates the relationship of the communist movement in the German-speaking world to the ‘Jewish question’ and the Holocaust. At a reception of the GDR embassy on the occasion of Honecker’s state visit, the Chairman of the State Council shook hands with Zuckermann, a formerly high-ranking Socialist Unity Party of Germany functionary who had fled the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1952, and assured him that he was happy to see him again. This gesture by Honecker rehabilitated a man over whom a blanket of silence had been spread in the GDR decades earlier: during his first exile in Mexico, Zuckermann had developed positions that granted the Jewish people in light of the crimes of National Socialism the right both to restitution and to an independent state. This article offers new insights into the genesis of Zuckermann’s thinking and illuminates the reactions of the party leadership, which was surprisingly not opposed to such partisanship on behalf of the Jewish collective during a short ‘interim period’ from 1943/4 to 1948/9.

This article provides the first in-depth historical case study of Honda’s assembly plant in Lincoln, Alabama. Established in 1999, the plant became one of the biggest auto factories in the US, employing over 4,500 workers. Drawing on a wide range of sources, including rare interviews with top company and state officials, it argues that the establishment of the plant did not just reflect financial subsidies, the prevailing view in the press (and limited academic literature). Other factors were crucial, including site location, the availability of a willing and qualified workforce, and union avoidance. The personal intervention of state leaders, especially Governor Don Siegelman, is also uncovered here. In a broader context, the article illuminates the globalization of the car industry. In 2018 foreign-owned companies accounted for half of US auto production, and Alabama was a leading producer. Despite this, the burgeoning sector has been overlooked by scholars compared to domestically-owned carmakers. Honda in Alabama has been particularly neglected, yet its story is significant and distinctive. A highly successful plant, Honda Manufacturing of Alabama had one of the highest levels of domestic content in the country, along with more American managers than Honda’s better-known factory in Marysville, Ohio, and a more diverse work force.