International Journal of Social Determinants of Health and Health Services

Sally Satel's PC, M.D.: How Political Correctness Is Corrupting Medicine constitutes an attempt to weaken the influence of egalitarian and antiracist scholarship in contemporary public health. This book has been widely distributed and has received many positive reviews in academia and the general press. Surprisingly, Satel has enlisted the direct or indirect support of prominent public health academics. The authors' critical review of this book indicates that Satel uses a combination of tactics to convince the reader of the danger involved in egalitarian public health efforts. Among them are insults, traditional “red baiting” tactics, “triangulation,” exaggeration, emotionally charged examples, omissions, and a strong appeal to individual responsibility to explain social inequalities in health. PC, M.D. reveals a scientific and ideological conflict over the determinants of health in populations that takes place within and outside the public health discipline. Efforts such as PC, M.D. suggest that social epidemiologists and other egalitarian public health scholars are having some impact in shaping how the public views health disparities.

The authors examine the role and nature of the market for voluntary health insurance in the European Union and review the impact of public policy, at both the national and E.U. levels, on the development of this market in recent years. The conceptual framework, based on a model of industrial analysis, allows a wide range of policy questions regarding market structure, conduct, and performance. By analyzing these three aspects of the market for voluntary health insurance, the authors are also able to raise questions about the equity and efficiency of voluntary health insurance as a means of funding health care in the European Union. The analysis suggests that the market for voluntary health insurance in the European Union suffers from significant information failures that seriously limit its potential for competition or efficiency and also reduce equity. Substantial deregulation of the E.U. market for voluntary health insurance has stripped regulatory bodies of their power to protect consumers and poses interesting challenges for national regulators, particularly if the market is to expand in the future. In a deregulated environment, it is questionable whether this method of funding health care will encourage a more efficient and equitable allocation of resources.

Some 5.9 million American mothers caring for young or school-aged children lack health insurance. Although nearly nine in ten uninsured mothers are members of working families, most lack access to affordable coverage through their job or a spouse's job. Most are ineligible for publicly subsidized coverage unless their incomes are far below the poverty line. The millions of uninsured mothers are at high risk of going without needed preventive and primary care. If they become seriously ill, their families can face the prospect of a financial crisis. The nation has made significant progress in extending health care coverage to children in low-income families through Medicaid and the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP), but no comparable effort has been made to insure the mothers of these children. A few states have started to address the problem by transforming their SCHIPs into family-based programs that also cover low-income parents. Bipartisan legislation under consideration, known as FamilyCare, would encourage this trend by providing more federal funding to states that could be used to extend health insurance to the parents of children already covered by publicly funded programs.

Small business does not create most jobs in the United States, but, as the author argues, small business has successfully used this myth to counter demands that it should provide health insurance for its workers, What is at stake in this job-generation claim is no less than the economic well-being of millions of Americans.

Researchers at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities analyze the data presented in a Congressional Budget Office study that includes the best data any agency or institution has compiled on income and tax trends in recent decades. The CBO report shows that the average after-tax income of the richest 1 percent of Americans grew by $414,000 between 1979 and 1997 (after adjusting for inflation) while average after-tax income fell $100 for the poorest 20 percent of Americans and grew a modest $3,400 for those in the middle of the income spectrum. In percentage terms, after-tax income grew an average of 157 percent over this period for the top 1 percent, rose a modest 10 percent for the middle 20 percent, and was effectively unchanged for those in the bottom fifth. Income gaps between rich and poor and between the rich and the middle class widened in the 1980s and 1990s and reached their widest point on record in 1997. Even before enactment of the 2001 federal tax cuts, the percentage of income Americans pay in federal taxes has declined since 1979 for every income group. By one key measure, the percentage of income paid in federal taxes fell the most for those with the highest incomes.

This study compares oral health status and its inequality among education groups across seven study sites in five countries: Erfurt, Germany; Lodz, Poland; Yamanashi, Japan; New Zealand; and Baltimore and the Lakota and Navajo Indian Health Service sites in the United States. The data, from the International Collaborative Study of Oral Health Outcomes, were collected through personal interviews and clinical examinations. The research group measured the study sites' overall oral health, examining the percentage of the population with five or more missing and two or more decayed teeth. The group also assessed the magnitude of inequality among education groups by using indices of excess morbidity. Baltimore had the lowest percentage (10.8 percent) of decayed teeth and second lowest percentage (17.3 percent) of missing teeth, but the greatest indices of excess morbidity (79.2 percent for missing, 73.1 percent for decayed). Lodz, by contrast, had the worst overall dentition status (75.3 percent for missing, 70.3 percent for decayed) but the lowest inequality indices (10.6 percent for missing, 13.8 percent for decayed). This study demonstrates the need for policymakers in the study countries to consider not only overall levels but also the distribution of oral health, and it presents various challenges for oral health professionals in designing and implementing oral health programs.

This article explores the process of seeking compensation for occupational illness under a no-fault accident insurance scheme. The author uses two case studies—firefighters who attended a fire at a chemical storage depot and timbermill workers who worked with pentachlorophenol—to illustrate how science can be used to deny compensation to sick and dying workers. The results of the studies suggest that a no-fault accident compensation scheme, considered to be a victory for workers, offers no guarantee of just outcomes for working people. And science can be co-opted and used to support business and state interests against workers; this ideological support is increasingly hidden behind the development of “objective” systems of assessing compensation claims.

Since the 19th century, workers have organized in trade unions and parties to strengthen their efforts at improving workplace health and safety, job conditions, working hours, wages, job contracts, and social security. Cooperation between workers and their organizations and professionals has been instrumental in improving regulation and legislation affecting workers' health. The authors give examples of participatory research in occupational health in Denmark and Finland. The social context of workplace health promotion, particularly the role of unions and workers' safety representatives, is described in an international feasibility study. Health promotion is rife with fundamental political, socioeconomic, philosophical, ethical, gender- and ethnicity-related, psychological, and biological problems. Analysis of power and context is crucial, focusing on political systems nationally, regionally, and globally. The authors advocate defending and supporting workers and their trade unions and strengthening their influence on workplace health promotion. In the face of rapid capitalist globalization, unions represent a barricade in defense of workers' health and safety. Health promoters and related professionals are encouraged to support trade unions in their efforts to promote health for workers and other less privileged groups.

The World Health Report 2000 generated a huge amount of controversy when it set out to rank the performance of national health systems using data, statistical measures, and an explanatory rationale that were neither well understood nor broadly accepted. This article demystifies the conceptual and empirical underpinnings of the report's “financial fairness index,” which resulted in country rankings that often seem counterintuitive. The author concludes that the index is seriously flawed, that rankings produced by the index should not be used, and that future WHO reports should avoid imputing financial fairness scores for countries that do not have real data.

The author, member of the American Public Health Association, questions the wisdom of the association's accepting donations from corporate sponsors, whose primary responsibility is not to public health but to their stockholders.