Journal of Theoretical Politics

The essay argues why the comparative method has been amply debated in reference to cross-cultural synchronic research, while less attention has been devoted to the problems of its application to temporal variance. Three central method-issues are discussed: (1) the definition of `temporal units' of analysis; (2) the special character of cross-time generalizations versus cross-spatial ones; and (3) the problem of historical multi-collinearity. The core arguments are that: (1) the search for a specific `historical method' is vitiated by the confusion between the peculiarity of historical `rules of method' - which cannot be identified - and the peculiarity of `cross-time variance' - which, on the contrary, is so momentous; (2) in controlling the validity of causal generalizations, resorting to temporal variance only presents methodological pitfalls not inferior to those stemming from the resort to the sole spatial synchronic variance; (3) consequently, control-maximization is best achieved by research designs which combine both types of variance and permit `slides of synchronic comparisons through time'.

Sartori's arguments about conceptual logic have generally either been ignored by political scientists in practice or they have produced vehement objections based on abstract reasoning. Through examination of recent statistical analyses of African coups d'état it is shown that Sartori's worst fears have been confirmed. The purpose of comparison has been defeated, comparison for difference and similarity has been obscured by cases being turned into `no difference', and the research has been not only wasteful but also misleading. The demonstration that the inadequacy of these studies follows from conceptual logic confirms Sartori's recommendation for the use of the `ladder of abstraction'. What is true for coups serves as a clear warning for the practice of political science as a whole.

Examination of data on the four Nordic countries leads to a critique of two theories in the international literature about Scandinavian exceptionalism: (i) the Lipset and Rokkan stability hypothesis as reiterated by S. Bartolini and P. Mair and (ii) the idea of the Scandinavian model stability as stated by T. Tilton, H. Milner, M. Olson and G. Esping-Andersen. Increased volatility, the decline in partisan vote, mounting ungovernability at the national level and welfare state backlash have shattered the stable foundations of Nordic politics.

The Latin American, South European and, later, the Central and East European democratic transitions have led to a `revolution' in comparative politics. Instead of the polar notions of democracy and dictatorship, different types of `transitions' have emerged and democracy has appeared also as a function of the world-system. The paper suggests that there are four scenarios for Central and East European democratic transitions in their international context: (1) Sleeping Beauty (easy westernization); (2) Deepfreeze (return to the past); (3) Latin Americanization (falling back to the Third World); and (4) Fair Weather (Central Europe joins the European integration).

While the Hungarian political system had not been a fully blown democracy before the advent of the communist regime, it used to have democratic traditions in the field of parliamentary institutions. The first part of the article covers the three periods that are significant from this perspective. In the second part we aim to prove that the legislature played a significant role during the transition from one-party rule to democracy. Third, we introduce the background and foundations of the new parliament in the constitutional framework together with its established structure and activities during the first year.

Hungary and the other Central European countries have double historical legacies. Both the legacy of the prewar period and the consequences of the communist regime have played an important role in the transition toward democracy recently. This article aims to analyse some of the elements of the historical roots, that is (i) the party system, (ii) the social background, and (iii) the value system. The influence of the international environment and the deep internal cleavages is also mentioned. Finally, the author emphasizes the chances of the recent democratic transition, paying special attention to the new political organizations and the pitfalls of the road.

Separation of power is the key issue of the Hungarian political transition today. In the last two years the Constitutional Court has become one of the protagonists of the `constitutional revolution'. The main subject of this article is the legal relationship between the National Assembly and the Constitutional Court. The activities of the new Constitutional Court have resulted in interesting legal and political conflicts.