International Migration Review

In the Netherlands, a significant proportion of the immigrant population has established itself as self-employed entrepreneurs in the past few years, a process which has caught the attention of researchers. This article critically examines the output of these researchers. It is concluded that although research in the Netherlands has brought to light a number of interesting facts, it has not contributed a great deal to our understanding of immigrant entrepreneurship. The harvest is one-sided, local and theoretically not very far-reaching. Research on immigrant entrepreneurship has been dominated by social scientists, who show a great deal of interest in ethnocultural characteristics and processes of ethnocultural incorporation. In so doing, they reduce immigrant entrepreneurship to an ethnocultural phenomenon existing within an economic and institutional vacuum. It is suggested that researchers seek linkages with the latest developments in international theory-building and that they pay more systematic attention to the structural changes in the urban economy and the institutional framework of the welfare state within which entrepreneurs operate.

This paper provides a comparative perspective of pathways to entrepreneurship among Hispanic (mostly Mexican), Korean, non-Hispanic white, and Middle-Eastern/South-Asian entrepreneurs to identify common and unique circumstances conducive to business ownership. A stratified random sample business survey conducted in an immigrant neighborhood in Chicago is analyzed, to determine whether employment in a co-ethnic firm and informal self-employment serve as a stepladder to business ownership. The blocked mobility hypothesis is examined by considering self-reports about reasons for becoming self-employed. Results show that the informal economy is a common pathway to steady self-employment for Hispanics, whereas entry through employment in a co-ethnic firm was more common among Koreans than immigrants from Mexico, the Middle East, and South Asia. Koreans see business ownership as a way to overcome blocked mobility, but virtually all desire their offspring to acquire “good jobs” in the open labor market. For Hispanics, business ownership is not solely an instrument for overcoming discrimination, but rather a strategy for intergenerational mobility.

There are currently two theoretically controversial issues concerning immigrant and ethnic entrepreneurship in the literature, one on its causes and the other on its consequences. The first is the debate about whether ethnic or class resources are more central to the establishment of immigrant/ethnic businesses. The second issue is whether there is a causal connection between ethnic business and ethnic solidarity. Based on a comparison of the two most entrepreneurial immigrant groups in Los Angeles (Koreans and Iranians), this article addresses both issues. Korean immigrants rely more on ethnic resources, whereas Iranians depend more on class resources. Relative utilization of class vs. ethnic resources determines the patterns of immigrant/ethnic businesses rather than their development in the first place. Korean businesses on average are smaller, more concentrated, and serve more co-ethnic and low-income minority customers, while Iranian immigrants are larger, more dispersed, and largely serve white customers. As a result, Koreans have encountered severe intergroup conflict, whereas Iranians have sidestepped it. Our comparison of these two groups suggests that only middleman businesses strengthen ethnic solidarity, although all types of immigrant/ethnic businesses may contribute to ethnic attachment. Paying special attention to business patterns (e.g., size, type, and location) — much neglected variables in research on immigrant/ethnic entrepreneurship — helps in resolving both theoretical issues.

There is major policy interest in knowing whether immigrants are more likely to depend on (as opposed to temporarily participate in) welfare compared to native-born persons. However, little systematic empirical research has directly addressed this question. Using longitudinal surveys from the California Work Pays Demonstration Project, a mother's chance of welfare dependency in a time interval is examined. In general, the results are not consistent with the perspective that foreign-born race and ethnic subgroups are more likely to depend on AFDC than are native-born race and ethnic subgroups. This finding holds true irrespective of whether socioeconomic and demographic characteristics are controlled.

This article evaluates the validity of the ethnosurvey as a method of demographic data collection by analyzing the representativeness of the Mexican Migration Project (MMP) as a source of information on Mexico-U.S. migration. After briefly delineating die philosophy, structure, and organization of the MMP's ethnosurvey design, we describe MMP's public use dataset as well as Mexico's Encuesta Nacional de la Dinámica Demográfica (ENADID) as a benchmark for its systematic evaluation. Although the MMP over-represents migrants in the western states and mid-sized communities, it yields a relatively accurate and valid profile of migrants to the United States. A comparison of multivariate models estimated using MMP and ENADID data suggests that whereas the former's sampling errors are small and yield biases that are substantively unimportant, the latter's potential for specification error and selection bias may seriously compromise results. Our comparison thus validates the ethnosurvey as an accurate and reliable method of data collection and the MMP as a good source of reasonably representative data on documented and undocumented migration to the United States.

We contribute to the field of immigration and crime research by conducting one of the first contemporary examinations of Afro-Caribbean homicides. Despite the growth of immigration across urban America, social scientists lack an understanding of both the extent and severity of immigrant violent crime. Several important findings emerge from our unique data set on Haitian, Jamaican and Mariel Cuban homicides in the city of Miami. Most notably, Miami's homicide rate led the country at various points throughout the 1980s, but immigrant group-specific rates rarely exceeded the city total. By 1990, immigrant Caribbean victim and violator rates had declined to a level and rate far below the city average. Compared to other cities, Miami has a more diverse population and a greater potential for intergroup contact, yet most killings were between ethnic group members. In addition, while the “criminal alien problem” is a prominent image fueling contemporary attempts to restrict immigration, our findings undermine this conventional wisdom. We conclude with suggestions for future elaboration on the causes and consequences of immigration and homicide.

Although a more balanced debate about cross-border migration in South Africa is starting to take place, xenophobic stereotypes about migrants of African origin are still all too common. Allusions to a “flood of illegal aliens” who bring disease and crime to the country and who are seen to be a threat to the social and fiscal stability of South Africa are, unfortunately, still rife in the mainstream press in South Africa. This article is an attempt to challenge some of these stereotypes. Drawing on national surveys recently conducted by the Southern African Migration Project (SAMP) in Lesotho, Mozambique and Zimbabwe, it will be argued that much of the negative stereotyping around cross-border migration from these three countries in particular is unfounded. A profile of migration histories of those interviewed is followed by a discussion of peoples’ attitudes towards cross-border movement and immigration policy as well as an analysis of possible future migration trends. The article concludes with a discussion of the policy relevance of the research and makes some general policy recommendations.

This article considers the rural exodus in Brazil between 1980 and 1991, a period of economic recession, globalization of agriculture, and neoliberal reforms. In this context, Brazil witnessed renewed capital penetration into agriculture, sustained employment growth in commerce and services, and rapid rural natural increase. As a result, rural populations in all regions of Brazil experienced losses due to net migration between 1980 and 1991 at a pace of over 1.4 million persons per year, a figure comparable to losses in previous decades. Further, rural-urban migration redistributed population to small urban areas as well as large metropolitan regions and included substantial interregional movement. These findings run counter to expectations, and the results suggest that rural-urban migration has proceeded in different historical and geographic contexts in Brazil.

In relation to the increase in population movement in the Asia-Pacific region in the last decade, research and policy interest has focused on the increase in contract labor migration, mostly for unskilled work. The movement of skilled migrants, either temporarily or permanently, has also increased significantly. The major trends and patterns are examined within the various policy frameworks that enable such movements to occur. Issues of transferability of skills and protection of jobs for nationals are examined within this context. Regional agreements and the possible creation of a regional labor market under APEC are discussed. Finally, the issues facing policymakers in sending and receiving countries and the need for greater regional dialogue and cooperation are canvassed.

The United States immigration and intercountry adoption policies and practice are compared with those of Canada and New Zealand. In the post World War II period, both the United States and Canada have been significant as receiving countries for intercountry adoptees, while New Zealand has proportionately been one of the least significant receiving countries in the West. Intercountry adoptions were addressed in legislation and incorporated into immigration criteria and procedures in the immediate post war period in response to the displaced children of Europe. The early immigration legislation for the migration of children for adoption tended to be reactive and temporary. By the 1970s, there was an increased demand for intercountry adoption, and permanent provisions were established in immigration legislation and criteria. Despite the endorsement of this practice through immigration policy, no national policy corollary that addressed the welfare of these children emerged in the United States or Canada. In contrast, in New Zealand, immigration policy and criteria has been shaped by a national policy on intercountry adoption as a practice since the 1960s. This article traces the development of immigration policy and intercountry adoption policy and practice in all three countries. It is argued that ultimately, with respect to policy priorities and practice, all three countries have prioritized national needs and well being over the ‘needs and welfare’ of child migrants for adoption.