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An airport security worker searching a suitcase for a weapon is engaging in an especially difficult search task: the target is not well-specified, it is not salient, and it is not predicted by its context. Under these conditions, search may proceed item-by-item. In the experiment reported here we tested whether the items for this form of search are whole familiar objects. Our displays were composed of color photographs of ordinary objects, that were either uniform in color and texture (simple), or had two or more parts with different colors or textures (compound). The observer's task was to detect the presence of a target belonging to a broad category (food). We found that when the objects were presented in a sparse array, search times to find the target were similar for displays composed of simple and compound objects. But when the same objects were presented as dense clutter, search functions were steeper for displays composed of compound objects. We attribute this difference to the difficulty of segmenting compound objects in clutter: compared with simple objects, compound objects are less likely to be organized into a single object by bottom-up grouping processes. Our results indicate that while search rates in a sparse display may be determined by the number of objects, search rates in clutter are also affected by the number of object parts.
Kennedy and Bai (2000
Theoretical considerations and earlier experimental findings indicate that traveling over slanted terrain can lead to an enrichment of the perceived spatial cues relevant for navigation. We investigated the proposed facilitation of a uniformly slanted environment on navigation and orientation performance with a virtual environment presented on a large 180° screen, using as material a virtual town with eight places and twenty-four landmarks. In the control condition, this town was placed on a flat surface; in the two experimental conditions, the town was placed on a slope with a uniform angle of 4°. Pedaling on a bicycle simulator, participants first explored the environment, then solved navigation tasks, pointed from various positions to distant landmarks, judged the relative elevation of pairs of distant landmarks from memory, and finally drew a sketch map of the environment. In comparison to the control condition, the number of navigation errors was significantly lower in the slanted conditions, and the deviations in the pointings to distant landmarks were massively reduced. Participants from the slant conditions also showed good knowledge of the relative elevations of pairs of distant locations. However, no differences in map-drawing quality were found. The results lend additional support to the proposition that our spatial knowledge, which is used in navigation and orientation, contains vertical information.
How do people walk to a moving target, and what visual information do they use to do so? Under a pursuit strategy, one would head toward the target's current position, whereas under an interception strategy, one would lead the target, ideally by maintaining a constant target-heading angle (or constant bearing angle). Either strategy may be guided by the egocentric direction of the target, local optic flow from the target, or global optic flow from the background. In four experiments, participants walked through a virtual environment to reach a target moving at a constant velocity. Regardless of the initial conditions, they walked ahead of the target for most of a trial at a fairly constant speed, consistent with an interception strategy (experiment 1). This behavior can be explained by trying to maintain a constant target-heading angle while trying to walk a straight path, with transient steering dynamics. In contrast to previous results for stationary targets, manipulation of the local optic flow from the target (experiment 2) and the global optic flow of the background (experiments 3 and 4) failed to influence interception behavior. Relative motion between the target and the background did affect the path slightly, presumably owing to its effect on perceived target motion. We conclude that humans use an interception strategy based on the egocentric direction of a moving target.
Research on emotion recognition has been dominated by studies of photographs of facial expressions. A full understanding of emotion perception and its neural substrate will require investigations that employ dynamic displays and means of expression other than the face. Our aims were: (i) to develop a set of dynamic and static whole-body expressions of basic emotions for systematic investigations of clinical populations, and for use in functional-imaging studies; (ii) to assess forced-choice emotion-classification performance with these stimuli relative to the results of previous studies; and (iii) to test the hypotheses that more exaggerated whole-body movements would produce (a) more accurate emotion classification and (b) higher ratings of emotional intensity. Ten actors portrayed 5 emotions (anger, disgust, fear, happiness, and sadness) at 3 levels of exaggeration, with their faces covered. Two identical sets of 150 emotion portrayals (full-light and point-light) were created from the same digital footage, along with corresponding static images of the ‘peak’ of each emotion portrayal. Recognition tasks confirmed previous findings that basic emotions are readily identifiable from body movements, even when static form information is minimised by use of point-light displays, and that full-light and even point-light displays can convey identifiable emotions, though rather less efficiently than dynamic displays. Recognition success differed for individual emotions, corroborating earlier results about the importance of distinguishing differences in movement characteristics for different emotional expressions. The patterns of misclassifications were in keeping with earlier findings on emotional clustering. Exaggeration of body movement (a) enhanced recognition accuracy, especially for the dynamic point-light displays, but notably not for sadness, and (b) produced higher emotional-intensity ratings, regardless of lighting condition, for movies but to a lesser extent for stills, indicating that intensity judgments of body gestures rely more on movement (or form-from-movement) than static form information.
Two experiments are reported in which subjects made judgments about the sex or the familiarity of a voice. In experiment 1, subjects were fans of the BBC-radio soap opera,

