
Editorial
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Using vision, humans can accurately judge distances to locations on the ground surface up to distances of at least 20 m. Most theories of depth perception assume that this ability is associated with the fact that we live in a terrestrial world in which locations of interest often appear on the ground and for which feedback about distance is often available from nonvisual sources such as walking. Much less is known about the ability of humans to judge absolute distances to locations other than on or supported by the ground plane beyond a few meters, at which point binocular stereo provides at best limited information about distance scaling. We show that one commonly used action measure for probing absolute distance perception exhibits accurate performance, even for targets located on the ceiling of a large room. We follow this with evidence that distance to ceiling locations is recovered with a mechanism that depends, at least in part, on the angle from the line of sight to the target location and a gravity-based frame of reference.
This is the first study to test the extent to which reflections help locate objects in space and perceive their size. For planar mirrors, the relative size of a target and its reflection is informative about the absolute distance of the target in units of the distance between target and mirror surface. When the target is near the mirror, target and reflection are similar in size; as the target moves away from the mirror, the difference in size increases. Observers saw a pair of objects in front of a mirror and judged relative size and distance (separately). Other visual cues to size and distance were eliminated, except lateral offset, which was tested in experiment 3. Experiment 2 controlled for the presence of directional feedback. Results showed orderly psychophysical functions for both size and distance with steeper slopes for distance judgments. In experiments 4 and 5 stereograms were used. Even when binocular information was present, the additional cue provided by reflections increased the accuracy of size and distance judgments. The same pattern of results was observed in the absence of feedback.
Human observers are sensitive to the ‘(physical) light field’ in the sense that they have expectations of how a given object would appear if it were introduced in the scene in front of them at some arbitrary location. Thus the ‘visual light field’ is defined even in the ‘empty space’ between objects. In that sense the light field is akin to visual space considered as a ‘container’. The visual light field at any given point can be measured in psychophysical experiments through the introduction of a suitable ‘gauge object’ at that position and letting the observer adjust the appearance of that gauge object (eg through suitable computer rendering) so as to produce a ‘visual fit’ into the scene. The parameters of the rendering will then be considered as the measurement result. We introduced white spheres as gauge objects at various locations in stereoscopically presented photographic scenes. We measured the direction (‘direction of the light’), diffuseness (‘quality of the light’ as used by photographers and interior decorators), and intensity of the light field. We used three very different scenes, with very different physical light fields. The images were geometrically and photometrically calibrated, so we were in a position to correlate the observations with the physical ‘ground truth’. We report that human observers are quite sensitive to various parameters of the physical light field and generally arrive at close to veridical settings, although a number of comparatively minor systematic deviations from veridicality can be noted. We conclude that the visual light field is an entity whose existence is at least as well defined as that of visual space, despite the fact that the visual light field hardly appears as prominently in vision science as it does in the visual arts.
Charles Wheatstone, in his classic paper on the invention of the stereoscope, concluded “… objects whose pictures do not fall on corresponding points of the two retinæ may still appear single” (1838
Can we search for items based on their type of motion? We consider here visual search based on three types of motion: (i) ballistic motion, in which objects move in a straight line until they encounter a display boundary; (ii) random-walk motion, in which objects change direction randomly; (iii) composite motion, in which objects move with random fluctuations around a generally ballistic trajectory. The asymmetric pattern of search efficiency can be explained by assuming that visual attention is guided by processes sensitive to the presence of linear motion and change in motion. The results do not reveal a more sophisticated ability to segregate items based on the nature of their motion.
Congenital prosopagnosia (cPA) is a severe disorder in recognising familiar faces, a human characteristic that is presumably innate, without any macro-spatial brain anomalies. Following the idea that cPA is based on deficits of configural face processing, we used a speeded grotesqueness decision task with thatcherised faces, since the Thatcher illusion can serve as a test of configural disruption (Lewis and Johnston, 1997
Previous studies of face recognition and of face matching have shown a general improvement for the processing of internal features as a face becomes more familiar to the participant. In this study, we used a psychophysical two-alternative forced-choice paradigm to investigate thresholds for the detection of a displacement of the eyes, nose, mouth, or ears for familiar and unfamiliar faces. No clear division between internal and external features was observed. Rather, for familiar (compared to unfamiliar) faces participants were more sensitive to displacements of internal features such as the eyes or the nose; yet, for our third internal feature—the mouth—no such difference was observed. Despite large displacements, many subjects were unable to perform above chance when stimuli involved shifts in the position of the ears. These results are consistent with the proposal that familiarity effects may be mediated by the construction of a robust representation of a face, although the involvement of attention in the encoding of face stimuli cannot be ruled out. Furthermore, these effects are mediated by information from a spatial configuration of features, rather than by purely feature-based information.
It has been suggested that, as a result of expertise, configural information plays a predominant role in face processing. We investigated this idea using novel and learned faces. In experiment 1, sixteen participants matched two subsequently presented blurred or scrambled faces, which could be either upright or inverted, in a sequential same—different matching task. By means of blurring, featural information is hampered, whilst scrambling disrupts configural information. Each face was unfamiliar to the participants and was presented for 1000 ms. An ANOVA on the
Scientific research on facial attractiveness has focused primarily on elucidating universal factors to which all raters respond consistently. However, recent work has shown that there is also substantial disagreement between raters, highlighting the importance of determining how attractiveness preferences vary among different individuals. We conducted a typical attractiveness ratings study, but took the unusual step of recruiting pairs of subjects who were spouses, siblings, or close friends. The agreement between pairs of affiliated friends, siblings, and spouses was significantly greater than between pairs of strangers drawn from the same race and culture, providing evidence that facial-attractiveness preferences are socially organized.
In this research, we set out to investigate haptically perceived space. Large deviations with respect to physical space have already been shown to exist. Here, research on haptic space is continued by investigating straight lines constructed by touch. In four experiments, subjects were asked to produce straight lines between two reference markers that were in the horizontal plane at a fixed distance from each other. Each experiment corresponded to a different task: two different interpolation tasks, an intersection task, and a pointing task. Straight lines had an orientation that was approximately frontoparallel. Subjects used both hands; manipulation was unrestricted. Although we found considerable differences between observers, the overall pattern of results showed that haptically straight lines were generally curved away from the observer. However, in one of the interpolation tasks they corresponded to physically straight lines. In addition, the pointing task generally produced larger deviations than the other three tasks. Taken together, the results show that there is no unique definition of the straight line, a conclusion that questions the viability of the concept of haptic space.
Prior exposure to either a pleasant or unpleasant context may affect later hedonic judgments of a common target stimulus. We explored whether this effect translates into behaviour in the chemical senses. In experiment 1 participants experienced either a pleasant or unpleasant set of odours or pictures, followed by an unfamiliar odour. After self-report hedonic evaluations of the odour, participants were allowed to drink it in solution, followed by a further evaluation of its flavour. Participants reported liking the odour less after smelling pleasant odours and drank less of it too, relative to the unpleasant context. There was no differential context effect for emotive pictures. Experiment 2 replicated these effects, but also included a no-context control. This revealed that the consumption effect was localised to the pleasant olfactory context, whilst contextual effects for liking ratings were primarily localised to the unpleasant olfactory context. In conclusion, hedonic context affects both self-report and behaviour, but not in the same way.
“Which weighs more—a pound of lead or a pound of feathers?” The seemingly naive answer to the familiar riddle is the pound of lead. The correct answer, of course, is that they weigh the same amount. We investigated whether the naive answer to the riddle might have a basis in perception. When blindfolded participants hefted a pound of lead and a pound of feathers each contained in boxes of identical size, shape, and mass, they reported that the box containing the pound of lead felt heavier at a level above chance. Like the size—weight illusion, the naive answer to the riddle may reflect differences in how easily the objects can be controlled by muscular forces and not a perceptual or cognitive error.
On page 1368 the first sentence of the abstract reads:
“The face recognition task we performed most often in everyday experience is the identification of people with whom we are familiar.”
It should read:
“The face recognition task we perform most often in everyday experience is the identification of people with whom we are familiar.”
Also on page 1368 the final sentence in the first paragraph of the introduction reads:
“Recent studies using computer graphics (O'Toole et al 1999b; Russell et al 2006, 2007)
and facial transplants conducted on cadavers (Siemionow and Agaoglu 2006) the relative
utility of shape and surface reflectance information for recognizing
It should read:
“Recent studies using computer graphics (O'Toole et al 1999b; Russell et al 2006, 2007)
and facial transplants conducted on cadavers (Siemionow and Agaoglu 2006) investigated the
relative utility of shape and surface reflectance information for recognizing
These errors have been corrected in the online version.