The Review of Black Political Economy

The labor force participation rate of black women has not increased as fast as that of white women in spite of the fact that black females have the characteristics economists have found most encourage participation. Also black women at all socioeconomic levels have more positive attitudes towards labor market activity. The explanation for the failure for their work rates to grow as fast as those of white women appears to be inadequate employment opportunities for black women from lower socioeconomic groups. Education in or of itself, however, is not the solution to the problem because education yields lower returns to black women with limited schooling than is true for comparable whites. Any strategy devised to solve these employment inequities must address the low relative demand for these workers.

This article reports on interviews conducted with 25 middle- and senior-level black female managers in private-sector employment. Three hypotheses were examined: (1) the processes that sociologists and psychologists assume influence the nontraditional career choices of white women are not the same as those that influence black women; (2) contrary to popular belief, black women are not being promoted more rapidly than other, better qualified workers as a result of affirmative action; and (3) black female managers are likely to encounter the same limits to their mobility that anyone, regardless of race or gender, might encounter, and they are likely to encounter limits to their mobility on account of their race and sex. Each of these hypotheses received some support from this admittedly narrow database.

Comparable worth is a subset of affirmative action strategies that deal with all of the terms and conditions of employment including hiring, recruitment, promotion, transfer, and wages. This article describes the comparable worth strategy and its potential impact on black women, black men, and the black community. By viewing the representation of black women in municipal clerical jobs, the author concludes that black women will gain from comparable worth. Because black men are overrepresented in “typically female” jobs, it is further concluded that black males will gain from implementation of comparable worth. Finally, because comparable worth will examine the basis for pay scales, the author concludes that both gender and racial bias may be revealed when job evaluations are examined. This article also views limitations to the comparable worth strategy and distributional concerns of comparable worth.

By most statistical indicators, the educational gains made by black women during the past decade are rapidly being eroded: high school completion rates and college enrollment figures are declining, and dropout rates are increasing. The increase in black women earning bachelors and graduate degrees is due almost entirely to their higher participation rates in college. A higher proportion of blacks than whites are below 24 years of age; declining enrollments at a time when the black population is expanding reflects a significant loss. Important areas for policy initiatives include increases in financial aid, a critical factor in college attendance by black women—particularly at the graduate and professional degree levels—improvement in quality of primary and secondary education and counseling, and continuing education programs for teenage mothers.

This article examines the past experience of women—with a focus on black women—in employment and training programs. In spite of the fact that women have been underrepresented in these programs and often steered toward training in “traditionally female” occupations, they exhibit higher postprogram earnings gains than males. Overall, however, the training provided has at best shifted women into low-wage clerical fields with average annual earnings barely above the poverty level. Therefore, these programs—taken alone—can not be expected to have a major impact on an important problem facing blacks: welfare dependency.

Available data show that JTPA has provided some economically disadvantaged black women with employment and training services. Many black women who had suffered employment setbacks or entry problems during the recession that ended in 1982 need assistance in gaining access to the labor market. This is particularly true of young black women. At the same time, it is not clear from available evidence whether single black women who are supporting families alone and who are considered the core group of impoverishment in the black community have been—or, under the present configuration, can be—served adequately by JTPA.

Black families headed by women have much lower incomes and higher poverty rates than almost any other type of family. They are disproportionately dependent on welfare and are less likely to receive support from absent fathers. This is a very serious problem for the black community because of the increasing proportion of black families headed by women alone. This article outlines the dimensions of the economic problem and reviews the likely impact of recent policy changes on these families.

In a recent study, coping strategies used by 318 black single mothers faced with conflicting role demands and stress were assessed. The women experienced intense stress, but stress levels were lower for women who were living with their extended kin. Conflicts existed between the role of mother and employee and between the women's work and childrearing. For conflicts, women selected the least healthy of the three possible coping strategies. They attempted to meet the demands of their work and family, without trying to change the expectations of either. Stress was highest for women who met demands by restricting their own career or personal choices.

In the last 30 years the health status of black women has improved. However, the likelihood of health problems from complications of pregnancy and childbirth or prolonged illness from combined effects of diabetes, hypertension, and obesity remains. The need for continuity of care for these conditions and the low economic status of black women suggest that current policy shifts away from emphasis on increased access to medical care will adversely affect the health status of black women. Policies to contain health-care costs should therefore be designed to assure appropriate access to needed care for black women and other low-income groups.

The American health-care system has undergone rapid growth and structural change over the past 20 years. Because of the increase in expenditures flowing into the system, total employment in the industry has increased significantly. Along with total employment, the employment of black women has also grown. Unfortunately, however, black women continue to be concentrated in the lowest paying of the health occupations. Efforts to improve the occupational distribution of blacks in general and black women in particular are going to be more difficult in the future because of the dominance of cost containment as the nation's primary health policy goal.

Primary health care for inner-city residents is generally provided in institutional settings. This article describes a successful alternate model for health-care delivery: privately owned, for-profit, fee-for-service ambulatory care facilities. The Paul Robeson Health Organization in Harlem is described as an example of such a facility. Most of PRHO's patients are black; 55% are adult females. Some of the special health needs of inner-city women and the range of services available to them at PRHO are described. A conclusion of this article is that the economic and social benefits derived from a health delivery center like PRHO make this model one worth consideration for replication in other communities.

This study examines the employment and earnings of self-employed women in urban Tanzania. Most of the empirical evidence comes from a household survey that interviewed 5,543 adults in seven mainland towns during 1971. Although women represent almost 28% of all urban self-employed, they are clustered into a few low-income activities. Women's involvement in household and subsistence production leads them to work fewer hours in market activities, but their lower earnings are mostly due to their restricted access to education and capital.

Jamaica's economy is underdeveloped, creating and maintaining relatively few income-generating opportunities for its population. To survive, working-class women who assume primary economic and social responsibilities for their children must be economically active, whether in the retrenching formal sector or in the growing informal sector. The following article examines how their culture and economy merge to define Jamaican women and their roles.