The Review of Black Political Economy

This article explores the relationship between civil rights legislation and the housing status of black Americans. An economic and judicial history of the pursuit of fair housing (or equal opportunity in access to housing) is provided for two major periods—from the late 1800s to the 1950s, and from the years of the civil rights movement to the present. An exploration of the housing status of black Americans throughout these periods follows, in which measures such as crowdedness and tenure—attributable partly to inequality in access to housing—are examined, and comparisons of black and whites are made.

The Fair Housing Act of 1968 made discrimination against minorities in the sale or rental of housing illegal. Twenty years later the Act's coverage was expanded and its enforcement mechanisms strengthened in response to pressure from fair housing advocates and evidence of continued segregation and discrimination. Segregation indices and fair housing audits provide measures of the extent and nature of residential segregation and housing discrimination. High levels of residential segregation suggest that housing discrimination exists, and audits give a direct measure of the incidence of discrimination. To date, housing audits consistently show that black auditors encounter discriminatory treatment in the housing search process. Whether the strengthened enforcement mechanisms of the Act will have a substantial impact on housing market discrimination and, in turn, residential segregation, remains to be seen.

This article examines housing data for a set of metropolitan areas and their central cities, and explores the major issues that arise when considering the impacts by race of federal housing assistance programs. Housing market conditions and characteristics vary widely by race across the areas covered—Birmingham, AL; Buffalo, NY; Cleveland, OH; Indianapolis, IN; Memphis, TN; Milwaukee, WI; Newport News, VA; Oklahoma City, OK; Providence, RI; Salt Lake City, UT; and San Jose, CA. Issues related to racial impacts of federal housing assistance emanate from two major policy goals—to help low-income households and to provide equal housing opportunity.

This study examines factors affecting the housing consumption of households headed by black women. The investigation focuses particular attention on the extent to which marital status and household composition, especially extended family configurations, influence the quality of housing consumed. The specific measure of housing quality used in the study is crowdedness, proxied by the number of persons per room.

Analysis of data taken from the 1980 U.S. Census Public Use Sample reveals that female-headed extended households experience crowding disproportionately in comparison to other female-headed households. Marital status, age and location also significantly affect housing consumption. Young black female household heads who are separated and live in the South are particularly likely to reside in crowded conditions.

Improved labor market outcomes for household heads are found to be more effective in generating improvements in housing quality than increased transfer payments.

Atlanta has the reputation of being a city of opportunity for blacks. However, in Atlanta, as well as in other cities across the nation, the nexus of racism and economic discrimination has resulted in disparities between the housing status of blacks and whites. This article examines racial disparities in the Atlanta housing market. It begins by tracing recent trends in the Atlanta-area economy and by providing background information on the local housing market. It then discusses the roles of the federal Home Mortgage Disclosure Act of 1975 and Community Reinvestment Act of 1977 in the efforts of local groups to reduce racial disparities in the housing market. The final section discusses recent local developments that might lead to improvements in the housing status of black Atlantans.

In Baltimore City, the relative well-being of black and white families using Section 8 housing vouchers versus Section 8 housing certificates is compared. Logistic regression is used to examine whether the social and economic characteristics of a regional planning district play a significantly different role in the likelihood that a district will have voucher or certificate recipients. A second analysis examines the average monthly rent paid by blacks and whites for housing in the certificate and voucher programs. The results suggest that whites receive greater economic benefits in the voucher program than in the certificate program while blacks do not.

Scholars of urbanism have long been critical of America's post-World War II efforts at urban renewal. What is generally less well understood is the theoretical context out of which urban renewal policy arose.

This analysis sets forth the key precepts of modernist thinking in city planning as the explanation for urban renewal's policy miscalculations. Data for Buffalo document the case, with emphasis upon the exclusion of blacks in the redevelopment process.

Following three decades of failure, 1950 to 1980, a neighborhood-based renewal project is now showing promise in meeting the housing needs of inner-city black households.

The history and public policies related to the public housing program are presented within the context of a small southern city, Charlottesville, Virginia. Consistent with the stormy beginnings of public housing nationally, the article reveals that the early days of the program in Charlottesville also were troubled. City policies to affect the residential mix of housing are shown to have limited the quality of affordable housing available to the poor and especially to low-income blacks. Programs designed by the city to overcome some of these disadvantages through both home ownership and renting also are discussed.

Houston was considered the premier Sunbelt city in the 1970s. Much of the growth during this boom period was fueled by the oil industry. The city led the nation in new jobs created and housing starts. The economic growth, however, was not uniformly distributed to all segments of the population—specifically, a large segment of the black community was passed over during the city's housing boom.

Many of the housing problems facing black Houstonians can be traced to the city's anti-public housing sentiment, policies that create and perpetuate racial segregation, and the dismantling of the fair housing enforcement mechanism. Housing discrimination, residential segregation, and other institutional barriers all limit the mobility options for a sizable segment of the black Houston community.

City planners, neighborhood groups and financial institutions, and other business partners need to develop a comprehensive plan to increase affordable housing for minorities and to integrate neighborhoods. Kansas City, Missouri is a city with a high potential for good housing for all of its citizens, but adequate housing continues to elude many of its black residents. Compared to other U.S. cities of similar size, Kansas City has good housing stock, but a large number of black people are suffering from a shortage of low rent housing. In addition, among Kansas Citians, blacks have the lowest quality housing stock. Two reasons for the deficit in housing for black Americans in Kansas City are demolitions among the low-rent housing stock and discrimination in housing rentals.

In the aftermath of reductions in federal housing assistance programs during the 1980s, many cities are experiencing severe shortages of affordable housing. It is particularly difficult for low income and minority households to find and maintain adequate, low-cost housing.

This article describes how Los Angeles has responded to this need through implementation of a particular housing policy and financing strategy. It specifically examines what impacts this program has had in producing affordable housing in the city's low-income, minority neighborhoods. Recommendations for further public action on housing needs in Los Angeles are also offered.