The Review of Black Political Economy

Ability to raise sufficient revenue to satisfy expenditure needs is the most important concern in local government financing. Local governments under fiscal stress often need to dig deep into their tax base to generate enough financing because of inflexible revenue resources. This paper examines the factors that determine the level of tax effort, particularly the influences of fiscal stress on the tax effort of three adjacent small cities in Virginia. An ordinary least squared model was formulated for this purpose. Our findings indicate that, together with fiscal stress, retail sales, state aid, the joint effect of unemployment and welfare expenditures are important factors in predicting the tax effort. The difference in response among the cities in question is also established as a result of the analysis.

This paper assesses the relative impact of the major design components of the Urban Development Action Grant (UDAG) targeted partnership development initiative on minority employment in the Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania Primary Metropolitan Statistical Area (PMSA). Data are drawn from records obtained from the Department of Housing and Urban Development of completed UDAG projects between 1978 and 1988 for the Pittsburgh PMSA. The results suggest that targeting geographic projects by leveraging private investment in a central city does not yield a significant increase in minority employment. Moreover, the geographic emphasis of UDAG projects do not exhibit an ability to increase minority employment. These findings support the benefit capitalization and ecological fallacy arguments, which propose that the benefits of targeted partnerships (i.e., employment) is shifted away from the original beneficiaries. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of these findings and directions for future research.

The reduction in defense expenditures, due to the end of the cold war, is estimated to have a disproportionately heavy impact on black gross job losses. Several solutions are discussed with the hope that if they are successful, the negative social behavior that is often associated with increased joblessness can be ameliorated.

Previous research reveals that economic dislocation generates racial inequality because minorities suffer greater consequences from job displacement—longer unemployment duration and greater downward mobility. These outcomes, however, are conditional on being permanently laid off. This article examines the factors, including race, that influence whether or not a worker becomes displaced. More specifically, the article analyzes the probability of being rehired after an initial layoff using administrative data collected on workers laid off after the severe 1985 sectoral recession in Silicon Valley's semiconductor industry. The results from logit regressions show that, after controlling for observable worker and firm characteristics, black workers are less likely to be rehired than other workers.

This article analyzes the effects of changes in flows into and out of unemployment on the growing gap between black and white unemployment rates in the 1970s and 1980s. Current Population Survey data show that black workers’ unemployment inflows increased, suggesting that job instability increased. Declining employment opportunities were also implicated, as black workers left unemployment for a job less often in 1987 than in 1971. White women's situation improved considerably, with lower inflows and higher employment probabilities. Although the effects of declining federal equal employment opportunity (EEO) pressure cannot be detected, these findings are consistent with increasing racial discrimination.

This article investigates the existence and sources of earnings differentials between black Americans and black immigrants, and between black and nonblack immigrants. Employing the Public Use Sample of the 1980 census, the gross earnings differentials between black immigrants and black Americans are estimated to be 8.7 percent in favor of Americans (i.e., Americans earn 8.7 percent more than immigrants). About 2 percentage points and 6.7 percentage points of the gross differential are, respectively, due to differences in average characteristics and in returns to the characteristics. The gross differential between black and nonblack immigrants is 22.1 percent in favor of nonblack, of which 13.8 percentage points are due to differences in average characteristics and 8.3 are due to differences in returns to characteristics.